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A new Israeli election poll focusing exclusively on young first-time voters has produced a striking political picture, with Shas failing to cross the electoral threshold, United Torah Judaism winning eight seats, and a newly established chareidi party securing five seats despite having failed to qualify for Knesset representation in surveys of the general electorate.

The survey, conducted for Ynet and Yedioth Achronoth among 543 Israelis ages 18 to 22, suggests that the country’s youngest voters have markedly different political preferences from the broader voting population, with support scattered among numerous parties and no single faction receiving even 10 percent of the vote.

Perhaps the most surprising result concerns the chareidi parties. United Torah Judaism would receive eight Knesset seats if the election were decided solely by these young voters, while the new Hatzibur Hachareidi party would capture five seats. Shas, meanwhile, would fall below the minimum vote share required to enter the Knesset.

The findings are especially notable because Hatzibur Hachareidi has not crossed the electoral threshold in previous polls surveying the general Israeli public. Among the younger respondents, however, the party attracted slightly more than 3 percent of the vote, enough to give it five seats under the survey’s projected distribution.

The result could indicate that the new party has begun attracting younger voters dissatisfied with the established chareidi political leadership, although the survey does not establish the reasons behind their support.

The poll was conducted October 5 by the Dialogue research institute of the Amanat Pro Group and found relatively strong intentions to participate in the upcoming election.

Among respondents, 67 percent said they were certain they would vote, while another 19 percent indicated that they probably would. At the same time, 14 percent had not yet decided which party they would support.

The projected Knesset lineup also differs substantially from conventional national surveys, with three parties effectively tied at the top.

Naftali Bennett’s Beyachad party emerged with a narrow lead, receiving approximately 9 percent of the vote and a projected 16 Knesset seats.

Itamar Ben-Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit and the Yashar! party each received a similar share of support, translating into 15 seats apiece.

The Religious Zionism–Zehut alliance and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party followed, each attracting approximately 8 percent of respondents and securing 14 projected seats.

Yisrael Beiteinu, the Democrats, United Torah Judaism and the Joint List each drew support from approximately 5 percent of the respondents. That translated into nine seats for each of those parties except United Torah Judaism, which was projected to receive eight.

A combined list representing reservists and the Economic Party received approximately 4 percent of the vote, giving it six seats.

Hatzibur Hachareidi rounded out the parties projected to enter the Knesset, receiving five seats on the strength of its support among first-time voters.

Several established and emerging political parties failed to meet the electoral threshold in the survey.

In addition to Shas, the United Arab List, commonly known as Ra’am, did not qualify for representation. Neither did Amcha Yisrael, the new party headed by Ofer Winter, or Benny Gantz’s Blue and White party.

A joint electoral list formed by Sharren Haskel and the Green Leaf party attracted approximately 1 percent of respondents, also falling well short of the threshold.

The poll further revealed significant differences between Jewish and Arab young adults in their likelihood of participating in the election.

Among Jewish respondents, 71 percent said they were certain they would vote, compared with 53 percent of Arab respondents.

Meanwhile, 19 percent of young Arab respondents were uncertain whether they would participate at all, compared with just 3 percent of Jewish respondents.

Political preferences also varied considerably according to religious identification.

Among secular young Israelis, Bennett’s Beyachad party received 20 percent support, followed by Yashar! at 18 percent and the Democrats at 17 percent.

Among religious respondents, the Religious Zionism–Zehut alliance dominated with 36 percent support, while Otzma Yehudit followed with 22 percent.

The survey also examined the extent to which young voters are influenced by the political preferences of their parents.

Overall, 46 percent said their intended vote would resemble that of at least one parent, while 28 percent indicated that they planned to vote differently from both parents.

That connection was particularly pronounced among young Likud supporters, 71 percent of whom said their choice aligned with at least one parent’s political preference.

By comparison, only 33 percent of Beyachad supporters and 39 percent of Otzma Yehudit supporters reported a similar connection to their parents’ voting preferences.

The findings suggest that family political loyalties remain especially influential among younger Likud voters, while supporters of some other parties appear more inclined to make different electoral choices.

The issues shaping these voting decisions provide another indication of the differences among Israel’s younger voters.

National security policy was the most frequently cited consideration, selected by 27 percent of respondents, followed closely by the cost of living at 25 percent.

Among religious young adults, security policy was particularly important, with 50 percent identifying it as a leading factor in their electoral decision. Among secular respondents, the corresponding figure was just 19 percent.

Secular voters were considerably more likely to identify military enlistment of chareidim and equality in the burden of national service as major concerns, with 26 percent selecting the issue, compared with only 6 percent of religious respondents.

The failures surrounding the October 7 massacre and the question of investigating those failures were also more prominent among secular respondents, with 22 percent citing the subject, compared with 5 percent of religious young adults.

The survey further examined whether young Israelis believe the government’s policies reflect their own views.

On national security, 48 percent of all respondents said the government’s actions represented their positions to a large or very large extent.

That figure rose to 54 percent among Jewish respondents but fell to 25 percent among Arab respondents.

On the issue of chareidi military enlistment and equality in national service, nearly half of those surveyed expressed dissatisfaction with the government’s approach.

A total of 48 percent said the government’s policies on the issue reflected their views only to a limited extent or not at all, while 27 percent said they felt strongly represented and another 15 percent reported a moderate degree of agreement.

The survey was conducted online on October 5 and 6 among 543 Jewish and Arab respondents between the ages of 18 and 22, with results weighted by the polling institute.

{Matyzav.com}

Rav Moshe Hillel Hirsch has launched a forceful campaign against the growing practice of chareidi educational institutions joining Israel’s state-run mamlachti-chareidi school system without the explicit approval of leading gedolei Yisroel. The rosh yeshiva is warning that such moves pose a serious danger to the future of traditional Torah education and has personally intervened to support the establishment of a new girls’ school in Yerushalayim following the transfer of an established institution to the state system.

According to sources, Rav Hirsch is particularly concerned about school administrators who independently decide to place their institutions under the state chareidi educational framework, commonly known as Mamach, without first obtaining authorization from their rabbinic authorities.

The rosh yeshiva, who carries a central responsibility for the welfare of the Torah community, views these developments as a significant threat to the independence and character of chareidi chinuch, especially when schools enter the government system without a recognized rabbinical committee overseeing their operations.

Rav Hirsch has warned that transferring schools to the state framework without proper rabbinic guidance could undermine the educational traditions maintained by the chareidi community for generations. He has expressed particular concern about the absence of a structured body of rabbonim empowered to supervise the institutions and ensure that their religious standards and educational direction remain unchanged.

The issue recently came to a head in Yerushalayim, where an established girls’ school entered the state chareidi system, prompting more than 150 parents to organize an alternative institution that would remain committed to the traditional independent model of Torah education.

The parents established a new girls’ school called Bnos Chayil, seeking to provide their daughters with an education conducted entirely according to the longstanding standards and guidance of gedolei Yisroel.

In a significant demonstration of support for the initiative, Rav Hirsch personally traveled on the night of Hoshana Rabbah to the Yerushalayim home of Rav Yehuda Deutsch, a prominent mashpia, to encourage the group of respected avreichim responsible for establishing the new school.

The visit was intended to strengthen the organizers in their efforts to preserve the traditional educational framework and to help ensure that the new institution would have the support necessary to succeed.

During the meeting, Rav Hirsch urged Rav Deutsch to encourage the avreichim who attend his shiurim and seek his guidance to become involved in developing and strengthening Bnos Chayil.

He also encouraged efforts to broaden the school’s enrollment by reaching additional parents interested in transferring their daughters to an institution that would maintain the established traditions of independent chareidi chinuch.

The gathering at Rav Deutsch’s home lasted approximately half an hour and included a discussion of divrei Torah relating to the Yom Tov, together with words of encouragement concerning the importance of preserving traditional Torah education.

Several talmidim and family members were present as Rav Hirsch spoke about the educational challenges facing the community and the importance of maintaining institutions under the guidance of gedolei Yisroel.

Following the discussion, Rav Hirsch and Rav Deutsch met privately for approximately fifteen minutes to discuss the matter further.

Rav Hirsch’s involvement extended beyond offering encouragement to the school’s founders. Recognizing the financial challenges involved in opening and sustaining a new educational institution, he personally visited prominent supporters of Torah institutions from overseas who were spending Yom Tov in Eretz Yisroel.

During those visits, the rosh yeshiva appealed to the philanthropists to help finance the establishment and continued operation of Bnos Chayil, seeking to provide the new school with the resources necessary to develop into a stable institution.

A group of Israeli students participating in an educational trip to Poland has been ordered to return to Israel after footage emerged showing them firing an air gun inside their hotel, prompting intervention by Israeli security authorities and the temporary suspension of their delegation’s activities.

The unusual incident occurred Thursday night at the hotel where the students were staying, according to a report by Israel’s Channel 13 News.

A video documenting the students’ actions was subsequently brought to the attention of security officials, raising concerns about the serious breach of conduct during an overseas school trip.

Following a review of the footage, the Shin Bet, Israel’s internal security agency, decided that the students involved would be sent back to Israel. Activities involving their delegation were also temporarily halted pending an examination of the circumstances and a determination of what measures should be taken to prevent similar incidents.

The decision reflected the seriousness with which Israeli authorities viewed the students’ behavior, particularly during an organized overseas visit conducted under established security and disciplinary arrangements.

The head of the delegation was also given an explicit warning that any further disciplinary incident during the trip could result in the entire group being ordered to return to Israel.

Israel’s Education Ministry confirmed that the incident was being treated as a serious disciplinary matter and that the students involved would face further educational and disciplinary proceedings upon their return.

“Following an isolated and serious incident during a student trip to Poland, it was decided to return the students involved to Israel for further educational and disciplinary action, and to suspend the delegation’s activities while the incident is investigated. The other delegations are continuing their trips as planned,” the ministry said in a statement translated from Hebrew.

Additional reporting identified the weapon as an airsoft pistol, which fires small projectiles and can resemble an actual firearm. Security officials were concerned that the students’ actions could have been mistaken for a genuine shooting incident, potentially triggering an armed security response.

The incident is particularly significant because Israeli school delegations visiting Poland operate under strict security procedures. The trips generally include visits to Holocaust memorial sites and former Nazi concentration and extermination camps, with accompanying educators, guides and security personnel.

Israeli Education Ministry security guidelines specifically warn students against purchasing imitation firearms or deactivated weapons in Poland because of the possibility that local police officers or security guards could mistake them for genuine weapons.

The guidelines also place responsibility for the delegation’s conduct and security arrangements on its leader, who must coordinate with security personnel throughout the visit.

The ministry stressed that the disciplinary action was limited to the delegation involved in the incident and that other Israeli student groups currently visiting Poland would continue their scheduled activities without interruption.

The number of students involved, the precise location of the hotel and whether Polish police took any action were not disclosed in the initial reports.

{Matzav.com}

Sen. Rand Paul is raising concerns that Russia may be conducting biological weapons research involving the plague following the mysterious death of a young laboratory employee in Siberia, warning that the circumstances surrounding the incident and Moscow’s limited disclosures warrant closer examination by American intelligence and health officials.

The Kentucky Republican, who chairs the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, said Russia’s history of developing biological weapons has heightened suspicions surrounding the death of a 28-year-old woman employed at an anti-plague research facility in the Irkutsk region.

The employee, identified as Daria Shipilova, reportedly died Friday after developing a severe respiratory illness following an accident at the laboratory. Russian authorities have not publicly established a definitive cause of death, and the World Health Organization has requested additional information about the incident and reports of a possible second case.

During an interview with Fox News host Will Cain, Paul pointed to information provided decades ago by Soviet defectors about the country’s biological warfare activities.

“We do know from defectors in the 1970s and ‘80s that they were weaponizing the plague,” the senator told Fox News’s Will Cain. “So, this is concerning.”

Paul did not present evidence that the woman’s death resulted from weapons-related research or that Russia is currently operating a biological weapons program involving the plague. However, he argued that the unusual circumstances justify a more thorough investigation.

He suggested that American intelligence agencies examine satellite photographs and Russian military movements near the facility to determine whether the response to the incident was consistent with an isolated laboratory accident or indicated a more serious development.

“It looks like some people are insinuating there is more activity than you would normally get from one case of the plague,” the Kentucky Republican continued, “which makes us concerned, could it be weaponized?”

According to reports from Russia, Shipilova was working at an anti-plague research institution when she accidentally broke a test tube containing live bacteria on September 25.

She subsequently became seriously ill and was hospitalized with pneumonia before dying several days later.

Irkutsk Governor Igor Kobzev described the cause of death as “pneumonia of unknown etiology,” indicating that health authorities had not determined the precise organism responsible for the illness.

The incident prompted Russian officials to investigate possible exposure at the facility and place nearly 200 people under isolation or medical observation as a precaution.

The circumstances have attracted international attention because of the laboratory’s work with dangerous pathogens and the possibility that the employee’s illness involved pneumonic plague, a severe form of the disease that affects the lungs.

Unlike bubonic plague, which typically develops following the bite of an infected flea, pneumonic plague can spread directly between people through infectious respiratory droplets during close contact.

The disease can progress rapidly and become fatal without prompt antibiotic treatment, making early diagnosis and identification of potentially exposed individuals particularly important.

Paul described the lack of detailed information from Russian authorities as “alarming,” questioning why officials had not been able to promptly establish whether the laboratory employee had contracted plague.

His remarks came as international health authorities sought clarification from Moscow concerning the circumstances of the woman’s death, the nature of the suspected laboratory exposure and whether additional individuals had developed symptoms.

The World Health Organization has requested further details from Russian officials as it evaluates the potential public health implications of the incident.

The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has also acknowledged the reports, saying it is “closely monitoring reports of a suspected case of pneumonic plague,” while emphasizing that there is currently no indication of a broader threat to the United States.

“Pneumonic plague can spread person-to-person through respiratory droplets during close contact, which is why rapid identification and treatment of infected individuals, and monitoring of potentially exposed individuals, are important public health measures,” the agency said in a statement.

Russian authorities, meanwhile, have denied that a plague outbreak occurred and disputed reports linking Shipilova’s illness to a laboratory accident. Officials said the cause of her pneumonia remained undetermined and maintained that testing had not identified dangerous pathogens associated with her research.

In an update Thursday, Russian health authorities announced that monitoring of the deceased employee’s contacts had been completed. They reported that nearly 5,000 laboratory samples had been examined without detecting dangerous pathogens and said the people who had been under observation remained healthy.

The findings offered some reassurance that the incident had not resulted in a wider outbreak, although questions persisted about the cause of Shipilova’s death and the circumstances of her illness.

The World Health Organization has assessed the risk of a wider plague outbreak as low, with the risk to Europe considered very low. Nevertheless, international health officials have continued seeking additional details from Russia to independently evaluate the incident.

President Donald Trump has also said his administration is closely examining the reports and expressed willingness to assist Russia if necessary, while Secretary of State Marco Rubio has called for greater transparency from Moscow.

The Irkutsk research institute, established during the Soviet era, specializes in the study of plague and other dangerous infectious diseases, including cholera and anthrax. Its work has attracted heightened scrutiny because of the Soviet Union’s documented history of developing biological weapons.

{Matzav.com}

President Donald Trump on Thursday called on Minnesota residents to “fight back” against what he described as growing violence and disorder involving Somali immigrants, accusing Democratic Gov. Tim Walz of failing to protect the state and offering to deploy federal assistance if Minnesota officials request it.

The president delivered his remarks in a strongly worded Truth Social post, renewing his criticism of Minnesota’s Somali immigrant community amid continuing controversy over major fraud investigations involving government-funded programs in the state.

“The once Great State of Minnesota is being taken over by Somali Immigrants. There is Violence, Murder, and Mayhem all over the State,” Trump wrote on Truth Social. “The people of Minnesota must fight back.”

Trump went on to accuse Minnesota’s Democratic leadership of abandoning residents and singled out Walz for particularly harsh criticism, portraying the governor as unwilling to confront the problems the president described.

In the same message, Trump said Minnesotans had been “abandoned” by their state government and called Walz “an incompetent thief who doesn’t want to get involved.”

“[Walz] just wants to get out of town with as much as he can steal, and then, lead a quiet life,” Trump continued. “The Somalians should not be allowed to get away with what they are doing. They view you as weak and stupid people. Fight back Minnesota, fight back! If you need, the Federal Government will come to your rescue.”

The president concluded by urging Walz and Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey to formally seek federal intervention, suggesting that his administration was prepared to assume a greater role in addressing the situation.

“Governor Tim Walz, and Mayor of Minneapolis, Jacob Frey, must immediately ask for Federal help — and leave the rest to us,” he concluded.

Trump’s latest remarks follow a series of investigations into extensive fraud involving public assistance programs in Minnesota, including a pandemic-era scheme in which hundreds of millions of dollars intended to provide meals to children were allegedly diverted through fraudulent claims.

The Feeding Our Future scandal, one of the largest pandemic-related fraud cases prosecuted in the United States, involved a federally funded nutrition program administered through Minnesota. Numerous defendants were charged in connection with the scheme, which became a major political controversy over the state’s oversight of taxpayer-funded assistance.

Investigators have also examined other suspected fraud involving public programs, with reports suggesting that losses across multiple schemes could reach as much as $1 billion. Many defendants in the cases have been of Somali descent, although the allegations concern specific individuals and organizations rather than Minnesota’s Somali population as a whole.

The fraud cases have become a recurring subject of Trump’s criticism of Minnesota’s leadership and the state’s Somali community, which is the largest in the United States.

The president previously attacked the community in 2025, including remarks directed at Democratic Rep. Ilhan Omar, a Somali-born congresswoman representing a Minneapolis-area district.

During those earlier comments, Trump referred to Omar as “garbage” and said Somalia “stinks,” prompting criticism from Democratic officials and immigrant advocacy organizations.

The administration has also pursued immigration policy changes affecting Somali nationals. In January, it terminated Temporary Protected Status, or TPS, for eligible Somali immigrants, ending a designation that had allowed qualifying individuals to remain and work in the United States because of dangerous conditions in their country of origin.

Kristi Noem, who was serving as secretary of homeland security at the time, defended the decision by saying that continuing the protections was “contrary to our national interests.”

The administration’s approach has drawn opposition from Walz, who has accused Trump of unfairly portraying an entire immigrant community through the actions of individuals accused of wrongdoing.

In 2025, Walz publicly challenged the president’s rhetoric and argued that Somali immigrants have made significant contributions to Minnesota’s economy and civic life.

“As far as demonizing our Somali community, maybe, he could help us on some things,” Walz said at the time. “Demonizing an entire community, folks who are in the professions, educators, artists, doctors, lawyers, entrepreneurs, they bring the diversity and the energy to a place like Minnesota.”

Minnesota has the nation’s largest Somali population, with residents of Somali ancestry accounting for approximately 1.07 percent of the state’s population, according to World Population Review.

Most are concentrated in the Minneapolis–St. Paul metropolitan area, where a substantial Somali-American community developed following the arrival of refugees fleeing Somalia’s civil war during the 1990s.

The controversy has also coincided with renewed law enforcement concerns in the Minneapolis suburbs. Officials have been discussing a regional response to gang-related shootings involving Somali suspects, while federal prosecutors recently announced the arrest of an 18-year-old Minnesota man of Somali descent accused of planning an ISIS-inspired attack at the Mall of America.

The suspect, Sheikhdoon Abdullahi Mohamud, was arrested after allegedly attempting to purchase a firearm and ammunition from undercover federal agents. Authorities said the investigation prevented a potential mass-casualty attack at the shopping center.

Walz, meanwhile, responded to Trump’s Thursday message through a political fundraising appeal, describing the president’s comments as an “unhinged social media tirade” and accusing him of attempting to divert attention from other national issues.

{Matzav.com}

New York Attorney General Letitia James faced a barrage of criticism from Republican challenger Saritha Komatireddy during a contentious televised debate Thursday night, as the two candidates clashed over rising antisemitism, the state’s controversial bail laws, Medicaid fraud, subway crime and James’ legal pursuit of President Donald Trump.

Komatireddy repeatedly challenged the Democratic incumbent’s record, accusing her of failing to protect New Yorkers while devoting considerable attention to politically charged investigations. James countered by portraying her opponent as closely aligned with President Trump and arguing that the Republican’s proposals would undermine efforts to address crime and mental illness through treatment and social services.

The confrontation, hosted by NY1/Spectrum News, highlighted sharp disagreements over the responsibilities of New York’s top law enforcement official, with Komatireddy advocating more aggressive enforcement and James defending her administration’s priorities.

Komatireddy accused James of being a “political hack” over her prosecution of Trump, while James repeatedly characterized the Republican candidate as a “Trump puppet.”

One of the most heated exchanges centered on New York’s bail reform laws, which restrict judges from imposing cash bail for many offenses.

“The laws are broken and Letitia James broke them. She was the largest champion for having this catch-and-release system,” Komatireddy charged, blaming the incumbent for supporting legislation that she argued has made it easier for dangerous defendants to return to the streets.

To illustrate her concerns, the Republican pointed to a recent incident in which an NYPD officer was stabbed ten times in the chest, allegedly by two undocumented immigrants with previous criminal records involving weapons and burglary offenses.

Komatireddy proposed allowing judges to consider a defendant’s potential danger to the public when determining whether that individual should remain in custody pending trial.

She argued that the change could strengthen public safety without requiring lawmakers to dismantle the entire bail reform framework.

“It doesn’t make sense. This is a way forward without repealing the entire bail law. It’s just about having a common sense solution. It has bipartisan support,” she said.

James responded by shifting attention to Komatireddy’s relationship with Trump and accusing the president of cutting funding for mental health services in New York.

“My opponent unfortunately is supported by the president of these United States, which has cut funding to New York State mental health crisis [services]. Has my opponent said anything? No,” James said.

“All she wants to do is prosecute individuals and institutionalize [them]. No compassion. No understanding of the issues,” James said, before Komatireddy interjected with a pointed observation about the incumbent’s position.

“Just to be clear, she won’t change the bail laws,” Komatireddy interjected.

The Republican also questioned James’ handling of a high-profile alleged assault case involving Cornell University, arguing that the attorney general had compromised her ability to oversee the prosecution impartially by publicly expressing support for the alleged victim before Gov. Kathy Hochul appointed her as special prosecutor.

“She’s certainly never prosecuted a(n) … assault case and she’s already screwed this one up,” Komatireddy said.

James rejected that characterization and maintained that expressing concern for an alleged victim did not undermine her professional obligations.

“Those comments demonstrate empathy and what we need now more than ever in our body politics is empathy,” James said.

“Politics stops at the door in my office,” she added.

The candidates also sparred over James’ investigations involving President Trump and his businesses, an issue that has remained a major point of contention throughout her tenure.

The exchange came amid fresh allegations from former Assistant Attorney General Daniel Wiesenfeld, who claims he was dismissed after raising concerns about an investigation involving Trump. Wiesenfeld has alleged that he was pressured to continue pursuing a case despite investigators having found insufficient evidence of wrongdoing.

James defended her office’s handling of the matter and criticized an email Wiesenfeld had distributed to colleagues.

“It undermined the work that we were doing,” James said.

Another major confrontation involved the attorney general’s Medicaid Fraud Control Unit, which Komatireddy accused of delivering sharply diminished enforcement results under James’ leadership.

The Republican claimed the unit was recovering approximately $19 million annually in penalties and securing only eight convictions, compared with previous figures of approximately $250 million and 100 prosecutions.

James disputed the implication that her office had neglected Medicaid fraud, explaining that her administration has concentrated on larger institutional targets, including nursing home operators, rather than focusing primarily on individual healthcare providers.

The debate came just days after James’ office announced the arrest and indictment of a Queens pharmacy owner accused of stealing more than $31 million through an alleged Medicaid fraud scheme.

Komatireddy also challenged James’ public safety record, taking aim at the attorney general’s claim that her office had helped remove 10,000 illegal firearms from New York streets during her eight years in office.

“10,000 guns is pathetic. New Jersey seized 16,000 guns in one year,” Komatireddy claimed.

The discussion then turned to crime in New York City’s subway system and the treatment of homeless individuals suffering from serious mental illness.

James criticized her opponent’s proposal to expand the use of involuntary treatment, arguing that it would reverse progress in mental health policy.

“My opponent believes that we can go down to the subways of MTA and remove individuals who are struggling with mental illness. She wants to turn back the clock of progress and institutionalize people who are suffering from mental illness,” James charged, saying that Komatireddy doesn’t understand Kendra’s law, which allows judges to order someone into outpatient mental health treatment.

James said the state should instead invest in treatment facilities and community-based services.

“What we need is to provide resources to outpatient services and psychiatric beds,” James said, noting that she’s used some of the $3 billion her office helped secure as part of a settlement against opioid distributors on expanding psychiatric beds.

Komatireddy outlined a different approach, promising to create an “Office of Civil Commitment” that would focus on individuals whose severe mental illness makes them dangerous to themselves or the public.

She said the office would be established “to make sure that people who are a danger to themselves and others, like those pushing New Yorkers onto the train tracks, are brought inside.”

The Republican maintained that existing laws already provide authorities with significant powers to intervene, but argued that those powers are not being used effectively.

“We don’t have a lack of authority. We don’t have a lack of resources. We lack an attorney general who is willing to enforce the law. I will.”

The candidates’ disagreement over antisemitism was another particularly contentious portion of the debate, with Komatireddy accusing James of failing to use the attorney general’s legal authority aggressively enough to protect Jewish New Yorkers.

Komatireddy argued that James should be pursuing stronger enforcement of civil rights protections, including Title VI, against colleges and universities accused of allowing antisemitic harassment and discrimination.

“This is the problem. She just stands there. She doesn’t do anything,” she said, also arguing that she should use Title VI of civil rights law to go after colleges for allowing antisemitism on campuses.

Komatireddy specifically raised incidents in which Jewish students were allegedly trapped or barricaded inside university libraries during antisemitic disturbances, accusing the attorney general of failing to respond with sufficient force.

“She has used it for other students but not for Jewish students who have been barricaded in libraries because of their race got no help from Tish James,” she said.

James responded by pointing to her longstanding relationships with Orthodox Jewish communities, dating back to her years representing parts of Brooklyn, including Crown Heights and Williamsburg, on the New York City Council.

The attorney general emphasized her familiarity with those communities and defended her record of engagement with Jewish residents.

However, when asked whether she supported the adoption of a formal definition of antisemitism by Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s administration or other government entities, James stopped short of offering a definitive endorsement.

“We are looking at the definition of antisemitism,” James said.

The question has become a subject of growing controversy as Jewish organizations and other advocates argue over the standards government agencies should use to identify antisemitic conduct and determine when it constitutes unlawful discrimination.

Throughout the debate, James repeatedly sought to associate Komatireddy with President Trump, who has endorsed the Republican challenger.

Komatireddy pushed back against the suggestion that she would automatically support the president, emphasizing her previous service in federal government positions under administrations of both parties.

The former federal prosecutor noted that she had worked under President Barack Obama and served in the Biden administration, arguing that her professional record demonstrated an ability to carry out government responsibilities independently of partisan considerations.

James challenged her opponent’s willingness to confront Trump, suggesting that the president’s endorsement raised questions about her political independence.

Komatireddy maintained that she would fulfill the responsibilities of attorney general regardless of which party controlled the White House.

She specifically pledged to defend New York’s abortion laws, pursue legal action when federal authorities improperly withheld grant funding and oppose any attempt by Washington to take control of state election administration.

The Republican also said she would defend state laws even when she personally disagreed with them, including recently enacted legislation restricting cooperation with ICE.

The hourlong debate was the candidates’ first and only scheduled meeting onstage before the November 3 general election. Early voting in New York is scheduled to begin October 24.

Komatireddy, a longtime federal prosecutor making her first bid for elected office, has centered her campaign on public safety, fraud enforcement and criticism of James’ involvement in national political disputes.

James, who has served as attorney general since 2019, has emphasized her office’s civil litigation work, consumer protections, healthcare settlements and efforts to defend New York’s laws against federal challenges.

The debate concluded with an unusual exchange when moderators asked James to identify her favorite previous New York attorney general.

The incumbent initially answered “all” before quickly offering a specific name.

“Actually, I support and work closely with Bob Abrams,” she quickly interjected before moderators wrapped the program.

Israel’s Shas party issued a blistering statement Thursday evening accusing anti-government activists associated with the Kaplan protest movement of financing demonstrations by the Peleg Yerushalmi, while alleging that Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara is deliberately using the arrests of yeshiva bochurim to undermine the chareidi community and weaken the political right ahead of the elections.

The extraordinary accusations came amid widespread demonstrations and major highway closures in Bnei Brak and Yerushalayim following the arrest of a yeshiva bochur from Be’er Sheva, Eliyahu Davda, over military enlistment issues.

Shas alleged that the timing of the arrests and the resulting unrest were part of a calculated effort to damage the standing of the chareidi public, discourage religious voters from participating in the election and fracture the right-wing political bloc.

In its statement, the party declared, “The deliberate and painful arrests of yeshiva students during this period, and the chaos we are now witnessing on Israel’s roads, are the work of the attorney general.”

The party further alleged that the objective was “to dismantle the right-wing bloc, turn the public against the chareidi community, and cause segments of that community to refrain from voting.”

Shas characterized the developments as an unprecedented intrusion by legal authorities and elements within the military police into the electoral process, describing the situation as “blatant and unprecedented interference.”

The party did not stop at criticizing the attorney general. It also leveled a particularly striking allegation against the Kaplan protest movement, whose activists have been prominent in demonstrations against the Netanyahu government and its judicial policies.

According to Shas, information obtained by the party indicates that individuals associated with the Kaplan movement are providing financial support for the ongoing protests against the arrests of bnei yeshiva.

The party alleged that extremist elements have joined those demonstrations and are responsible for violent disturbances and roadblocks that place lives in danger.

The claims of financial involvement by Kaplan activists were presented by Shas as information in its possession. The statement did not publicly identify the alleged funders or provide documentary evidence establishing the purported financial connection.

At the same time, Shas sought to distance the broader chareidi community from the violent confrontations and disruptions that accompanied the demonstrations.

“The acts do not represent the chareidi community,” the party declared, warning that the disturbances were causing a “terrible chillul Hashem” and inflicting serious damage on efforts to secure a legislative arrangement protecting the status of full-time Torah learners.

The statement reflected growing concern within Shas that the confrontational tactics employed by Peleg Yerushalmi demonstrators could undermine public sympathy for the struggle over yeshiva military enlistment and complicate negotiations over a draft law.

Shas concluded its statement with a direct appeal to the chareidi public: “Do not allow the attorney general and Kaplan’s money to sabotage us from within. Do not let them win.”

The allegations prompted a response from the Committee for the Salvation of the Torah World, which rejected the suggestion that the demonstrations were being financed by anti-government activists.

The committee insisted that the protests were being organized and funded independently by members of the Torah community, without political considerations, and that their sole objective was to protect yeshiva bochurim and kollel yungeleit from military conscription.

The controversy also unfolded amid tensions between Shas and Peleg Yerushalmi activists following the disruption of a Shas election gathering in Modiin Illit attended by party chairman Aryeh Deri.

Protesters entered the area of the gathering and shouted against the Shas leadership, leading to a confrontation that ultimately brought the event to an early end.

Police were summoned and assisted Deri and other participants in leaving the building. Authorities reported that order was restored and that no injuries or property damage resulted from the incident.

Shas subsequently accused extremist Peleg activists of attempting to disrupt the gathering and again alleged that individuals associated with the Kaplan movement were providing financial backing.

The day’s unrest followed the arrest of Eliyahu Davda, a yeshiva bochur from Be’er Sheva, whose detention triggered widespread anger and demonstrations against the military draft enforcement campaign.

Protesters blocked major traffic arteries, including Highway 4 near Bnei Brak and roads at the entrance to Yerushalayim, leading to lengthy delays and confrontations with police.

The demonstrations eventually ended after organizers instructed participants to leave the protest locations and return to their learning, allowing authorities to reopen the affected roads.

{Matzav.com}

[Video below.] Disturbing footage obtained from a demonstration on Highway 4 in Israel shows a chareidi protester apparently losing consciousness while being restrained by police officers, with one officer appearing to apply sustained pressure around his neck. After receiving medical attention and regaining consciousness, the man was reportedly dragged away by police, who continued efforts to place him under arrest.

The incident occurred during a protest against the arrest of yeshiva bochurim over their failure to report for military service, amid escalating tensions surrounding the Israeli government’s enforcement of military enlistment requirements.

The footage shows numerous police officers attempting to restrain and arrest a demonstrator as one officer appears to hold him by the neck for an extended period.

The man eventually collapses and appears to lose consciousness, prompting efforts to revive him.

At one point, the officer is seen attempting to splash water onto the protester’s face, apparently hoping to bring him back to consciousness.

Medical personnel arrive shortly afterward and begin treating the man at the scene. Within seconds, according to the report, he regains consciousness.

Rather than releasing him following the medical episode, the officers are then seen forcibly pulling him away from the area, apparently continuing with his arrest.

The footage has raised serious questions about the level of force used against demonstrators and the conduct of officers when a person being restrained shows signs of medical distress.

The confrontation took place against the backdrop of large-scale demonstrations organized by the Peleg Yerushalmi on Thursday afternoon in Bnei Brak and Yerushalayim, following renewed arrests of bnei yeshiva classified by military authorities as draft evaders.

Hundreds of demonstrators gathered along Highway 4 near the Coca-Cola junction outside Bnei Brak, blocking traffic in both directions. The shutdown extended between the Aluf Sadeh and Em HaMoshavot interchanges, producing lengthy traffic delays on one of central Israel’s busiest roads.

Police declared the demonstration unlawful and ordered participants to clear the roadway. When the protesters remained in place, officers began forcibly dispersing the gathering.

Police said several demonstrators assaulted officers during the disturbances and reported arrests in connection with those incidents. Their public statements concerning the road closures did not specifically address the footage of the protester who reportedly lost consciousness.

The protests were not confined to Bnei Brak. In Yerushalayim, demonstrators blocked the entrance to the city near the Chords Bridge, while additional disturbances disrupted traffic along Bar-Ilan Street and interfered with light rail service.

Officers deployed crowd-control measures, including stun grenades, during some of the confrontations. In a separate incident in Yerushalayim, police intervened to rescue a chareidi soldier who had been surrounded by demonstrators.

Police Commissioner Danny Levy instructed commanders to act firmly against road blockages and disturbances, emphasizing that the right to demonstrate does not permit protesters to obstruct major transportation routes or endanger members of the public.

The main roadblocks were eventually cleared after approximately two hours, allowing traffic to resume on Highway 4 and at the entrance to Yerushalayim.

The newly obtained footage has added another dimension to the controversy surrounding Thursday’s demonstrations, shifting attention from the road closures themselves to the methods used by police to restrain and arrest participants.

{Matzav.com}

Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned Thursday that the war between Russia and Ukraine has reached a perilous deadlock, with continued military escalation threatening to draw neighboring NATO countries into a much larger conflict. He said the Trump administration remains committed to pursuing a diplomatic agreement but cautioned that Washington will not continue participating in negotiations that show no prospect of success.

Speaking to reporters during a visit to Portugal, Rubio said the United States is seeking a lasting agreement that would bring an end to the fighting while establishing conditions for a durable peace.

“We’d love to see a negotiated settlement to this war that is permanent, enduring, and fair. And that’s what we’re committed to continuing to do,” Rubio told reporters.

His comments came as President Donald Trump’s administration renewed efforts to bring Moscow and Kyiv back to the negotiating table after years of warfare that have inflicted enormous casualties and widespread destruction.

Ukrainian negotiators are scheduled to travel to the United States for discussions on Friday and Saturday, part of Washington’s latest attempt to revive diplomatic efforts to end the conflict, now in its fourth year.

The fighting has become Europe’s deadliest war since World War II, with both Russia and Ukraine continuing to launch attacks despite repeated international efforts to secure a ceasefire or broader peace agreement.

In recent months, the conflict has increasingly extended beyond conventional battlefield operations, with both countries carrying out drone strikes against economic and infrastructure targets.

Energy installations, oil refineries, ports and commercial vessels transporting petroleum and grain have been among the facilities affected. The expanding campaign has also reached e-commerce warehouses and, more recently, data centers, underscoring the growing economic consequences of the war.

Rubio warned that the widening range of targets raises the danger of incidents that could extend the conflict beyond Russian and Ukrainian territory.

“That escalation could ⁠wind up being a sabotage campaign in neighboring countries ⁠that are members of NATO,” Rubio said, adding that other things “could quickly ⁠turn ⁠what is a war between two countries into a much broader and far more dangerous regional conflict.”

Such a development would present a particularly serious challenge because NATO’s collective-defense commitments could bring additional countries into a confrontation that has so far remained primarily between Russia and Ukraine.

The secretary of state emphasized that the possibility of a broader regional war makes a negotiated resolution increasingly urgent.

“This war needs to end in a negotiated settlement. The sooner, the better. The United States stands ready to facilitate that,” he continued.

At the same time, Rubio indicated that the administration’s willingness to mediate should not be interpreted as a commitment to an indefinite diplomatic process without meaningful results.

“We have tried. We will continue to try. But we’re also not going to invest in pointless processes if we can’t make progress,” added Rubio.

The administration’s latest diplomatic initiative is expected to include meetings in Miami between Ukrainian representatives and U.S. envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner. Discussions are expected to address potential security guarantees for Ukraine, arrangements for the country’s postwar economic recovery and proposals aimed at establishing a framework for peace.

Russia has also acknowledged the deadlock. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov agreed with Rubio’s assessment that the conflict has reached a stalemate, while maintaining that any diplomatic solution must produce a comprehensive, long-term settlement rather than a temporary ceasefire.

However, significant disagreements remain. Moscow continues to demand control over the entirety of Ukraine’s Donetsk region, a condition Kyiv has rejected, leaving negotiators facing major obstacles even as Washington prepares another round of talks.

{Matzav.com}

A former senior military aide to Israeli Prime Minister Binyomin Netanyahu has disclosed a detailed account of the hours preceding the October 7 Hamas massacre, revealing that intelligence about suspicious activity in Gaza reached the Prime Minister’s military secretariat at 3:55 a.m., but was not considered urgent enough to wake him. He also alleged that a senior official in Netanyahu’s office subsequently attempted to change the recorded time of a critical telephone conversation held on the morning of the attack.

Maj. Gen. (res.) Avi Gil, who served as Netanyahu’s military secretary when Hamas launched its devastating assault on southern Israel, described the sequence of events in an interview with Channel 12 News. His account included the intelligence warnings received before dawn, his efforts to alert Netanyahu once the attack began, and allegations of improper handling of official government records in the months that followed.

According to Gil, an intelligence officer assigned to the military secretariat received a report at 3:55 a.m. on October 7, 2023, concerning developments in the Gaza Strip that had attracted the attention of Israeli security officials.

The information was circulated through the appropriate intelligence channels, including the military secretariat attached to the Prime Minister’s Office. However, Gil said the report did not convey a sense that an attack was imminent.

“The message used the words ‘routine’ or ‘not unusual’ multiple times,” he recalled, explaining that the communication also indicated that additional security evaluations were expected later that day.

Based on the wording of the intelligence report, the officer who received it concluded that there was no immediate reason to awaken Gil.

“He made a professional, considered decision not to wake me because, from his perspective, there was no urgency,” Gil explained.

Gil said he remained unaware of the developments until 6:12 a.m., when he received a call from the office head of Shin Bet director Ronen Bar.

The caller instructed him to move the conversation to a secure communications line, immediately raising questions about the seriousness of the situation.

“I asked him, ‘Can’t we talk here?’ He told me, ‘No.’ I remember asking him one more question: ‘What’s this about?’ And he answered with one word: ‘South.'”

Once the secure connection was established, Gil received a briefing about unusual intelligence indicators involving Hamas, including the activation of SIM cards and reports that senior figures in the terrorist organization had entered underground facilities.

Those developments were viewed as potentially significant, but Gil said the briefing also included information suggesting that the activity might be consistent with routine Hamas operations.

He was informed that Bar had ordered the deployment of a specialized tactical team known as “Tequila” to southern Israel as a precautionary measure. Nevertheless, the information conveyed to him did not include a definitive warning that Hamas was preparing an immediate, large-scale invasion.

Seeking further clarification, Gil contacted the office of the IDF chief of staff at 6:22 a.m. to obtain an updated assessment of the security situation.

While he was speaking with the military commander’s office, alerts began appearing on his telephone indicating that rocket warning sirens were sounding across southern Israel.

Gil said he immediately connected the widespread rocket launches to the intelligence briefing he had received minutes earlier and concluded that Hamas had initiated a major surprise offensive.

He then called Netanyahu and woke him, warning that the situation appeared to be far more serious than an ordinary round of rocket fire.

“I told him, ‘Prime Minister, Hamas has launched very extensive rocket fire. I’m connecting this to the intelligence I received over the phone ten minutes ago. My assessment is that Hamas has launched a large-scale surprise attack.'”

A second conversation took place at 6:40 a.m., this time using a secure telephone line. By that point, Gil said, it had become clear to him that Israel was confronting a major military assault.

“I told the Prime Minister, ‘We are at war,'” Gil recalled.

Netanyahu subsequently traveled to the Kirya military headquarters in Tel Aviv, arriving at approximately 8:45 a.m., more than two hours after the beginning of the Hamas attack.

Gil’s account also addressed accusations that senior members of Israel’s security establishment had intentionally kept Netanyahu uninformed about developments in Gaza during the hours preceding the massacre.

He rejected the suggestion that intelligence officials or military commanders had knowingly concealed information from the Prime Minister, while acknowledging that the security establishment had gravely misjudged the intelligence available to it.

“Was there a failure? Was the interpretation of the facts wrong? Unequivocally, yes. Do I believe, based on the information and facts I know, that anyone deliberately concealed or withheld information? That is a lie.”

Beyond the failures in assessing the intelligence, Gil raised allegations concerning the handling of official records documenting Netanyahu’s communications on the morning of October 7.

He said he first became aware of potentially improper activity in the Prime Minister’s Office in late October 2023, approximately two or three weeks after the massacre and the outbreak of the war.

At that time, Gil said, several individuals alerted him to unusual efforts to gather government records and transcripts relating to the events of the attack.

“Several people approached me and told me there was an unusual effort underway to collect official records,” he said.

Concerned about the handling of sensitive documentation, Gil contacted the Attorney General’s Office to seek guidance concerning the procedures and restrictions governing access to official government records.

The matter took a more serious turn in January 2024, when Gil said a stenographer approached him with information about an alleged instruction to change the timestamp on the transcript of his October 7 conversation with Netanyahu.

According to Gil, the stenographer told him that Netanyahu’s chief of staff, Tzachi Braverman, had directed her to alter the documented time of the telephone conversation from 6:40 a.m. to 6:29 a.m.

“She was instructed to retrieve the transcript of that 6:40 a.m. telephone conversation and change the time from 6:40 to 6:29,” Gil said.

When asked to identify the person who had issued the instruction, Gil answered: “The chief of staff.”

Gil explained that the stenographer had pointed out that the original conversation was recorded and that the electronic system retained the authentic timing information. Despite that, she was allegedly instructed to change the written documentation.

The former military secretary characterized the reported instruction as an effort to falsify an official account of the Prime Minister’s actions during the opening minutes of the Hamas attack.

“That is altering a transcript. That is altering the truth,” Gil said.

He stated that he reported the incident to the Attorney General in a handwritten communication and that the suspected attempt to modify the record was identified before the change could be completed.

“There was an attempt to change it, because we caught it. Factually, this is a serious incident.”

Gil stressed that any future commission investigating the failures surrounding October 7 should obtain and examine the original recordings of official conversations rather than relying exclusively on written transcripts that could have been modified.

“Don’t rely solely on the transcripts. Demand the original recordings. Listen to them.”

The allegations concerning the Prime Minister’s Office prompted angry responses from relatives of Israelis murdered during the Hamas assault, who questioned why the matter had not resulted in criminal proceedings.

Shelly Meshel-Yogev, whose daughter Libi Cohen Meguri was murdered at the Nova music festival, expressed outrage over Gil’s account and demanded an explanation from law enforcement authorities.

“How is it possible that law enforcement authorities have known for years about the alteration of official records in the Prime Minister’s Office, and no one has been arrested to this day? This is criminal!”

Shir Matias, whose parents Shahar and Shlomi were murdered at Kibbutz Holit on October 7, also criticized Netanyahu and his staff following the interview.

“The testimony tonight by former military secretary Avi Gil breaks my heart. If Netanyahu had listened to the security establishment and its recommendations to eliminate the Hamas leadership, my parents would still be alive today. Instead, Netanyahu and his team are busy rewriting history and altering official records. The fact that no one has been prosecuted to this day is criminal negligence.”

Netanyahu, meanwhile, rejected Gil’s account and accused his former military secretary of failing to act on the intelligence that had reached his office before the attack. The Prime Minister argued that Gil had been aware of the warning signs but had not awakened him in time, describing the interview as an attempt by the former aide to deflect responsibility for his own decisions.

Likud officials similarly challenged Gil’s explanation, pointing to the information received at 3:55 a.m. about Hamas communications activity and the movements of senior terrorist commanders. They argued that the intelligence should have prompted an immediate warning to the Prime Minister, rather than waiting until rocket fire began.

The conflicting accounts have added to demands for a comprehensive examination of the military and political decisions preceding October 7, including the handling of intelligence, the warnings conveyed to Netanyahu and the accuracy of official records documenting the government’s response during the opening hours of the massacre.

{Matzav.com}

By Rabbi Pinchos Lipschutz

The Torah begins by telling us the story of creation, Bereishis. The Torah introduces us to the creation of the universe, the formation of the world in which we live, and the emergence of mankind, the one creation entrusted with the ability to recognize its Creator and choose how to live.

Yet, as Rashi reminds us at the beginning of the parsha, the Torah is not a history book. It is not intended merely to tell us how the world came into existence or to provide us with an account of the earliest generations of mankind. The Torah is our guide to life, teaching us how to conduct ourselves, how to relate to Hashem and to one another, and how to fulfill the purpose for which we were created. Why, asks Rashi, does the Torah begin with the story of creation and devote the entire first parsha to creation and the lives of Adam and Chava, Kayin and Hevel, and the generations that preceded Avrohom Avinu? Why not begin with the mitzvos, with the commandments that define our obligations as Jews?

Rashi explains that the Torah begins with Bereishis to establish that the entire world belongs to Hashem. He created it, and He determines who will inhabit its lands. When the nations of the world accuse Klal Yisroel of stealing Eretz Yisroel, we can respond that the One Who created the world gave the land to us.

This is a fundamental lesson in our understanding of the world and our place in it. Hakadosh Boruch Hu created the world and placed us in it, entrusting us with the responsibility to live in accordance with His will. The land we inhabit, the resources we enjoy, the talents with which we were endowed, and the very lives we lead are gifts from Hashem. Everything we possess comes with an obligation to use it properly.

Before the Torah tells us what to do, it tells us why we are here. Before it presents the mitzvos that shape our lives, it establishes that the world was created deliberately, with purpose and with direction. The universe is not a random collection of events, and human life is not an accident without meaning. Everything begins with Hashem, and everything we do must be understood in the context of His creation and His will.

The Torah tells us that man was created b’tzelem Elokim, in the image of Hashem. This is perhaps the most profound statement about the human condition. Man is not simply another creature inhabiting the earth. The posuk tells us that Hashem created man from adomah and blew into him the spirit of life, nishmas chaim. He endowed us with a neshomah, the ability to speak, the capacity to think and understand, the ability to distinguish between right and wrong, to exercise bechirah, and to make choices that have eternal significance.

The greatness of a person does not lie in his physical strength, his wealth, intelligence, or accomplishments in the eyes of the world. His greatness lies in his ability to transcend the adomah from which he was created, from which flow his physical instincts and desires, and to give sustenance to his neshomah, as our lives are meant to be dedicated to fulfilling the spiritual purposes for which we were placed in this world.

That is the challenge of tzelem Elokim. We are given extraordinary abilities, but those abilities carry extraordinary responsibility. We can build and destroy, encourage and discourage, bring happiness and cause pain. We can use our intelligence to discover new ways to improve the world or to devise ways to harm others. We can use our words to comfort a person who is suffering or to inflict wounds that may never heal.

We are not passive observers in the world. We are active participants. The first human beings were placed in Gan Eden, a world of extraordinary beauty and abundance. They were given everything they needed, with one clear restriction.

Adam and Chava’s failure to heed that command introduced a fundamental reality of human existence. Having free will means that a person can choose incorrectly, even when the right path is clear. The challenge of life is not merely to know what Hashem wants from us, but to overcome the inclinations and temptations that lead us away from it.

And when Adam sinned, Hashem asked him, “Ayeka? Where are you?”

Hashem certainly knew where Adam was. The question was not about his physical location. It was an invitation to confront what had happened, to recognize his responsibility, and to consider where his choices had brought him.

That question echoes throughout the generations. Where are we? What are we doing with the lives Hashem has given us? Are we using our abilities to fulfill our purpose, or are we allowing ourselves to be distracted by pursuits that have little lasting value? Are we moving closer to Hashem, or are we allowing the pressures and attractions of the world to draw us away?

It is a question that each of us must ask ourselves, not only during the introspective days of Elul and the Yomim Noraim, but throughout the year. A person can be busy from morning until night, accomplishing one task after another, and still lose sight of where he is going. He can accumulate wealth and achieve recognition and relevance without addressing the most important question of whether he is living the life Hashem wants him to live.

On Shemini Atzeres, in the diaspora we lained Koheles. Various reasons are given for this minhag, but perhaps one of its messages is that Koheles helps seal in the gains we made during Elul and Tishrei. After spending these weeks examining our lives, our priorities, and our relationship with Hashem, we are reminded that so much of what occupies people in this world is ultimately hevel, fleeting and without lasting significance. The challenge is not to withdraw from the world, but to learn to distinguish between what is hevel and what is important, between what demands our attention and what deserves our attention, between what fills our days and what gives those days meaning.

Along with that comes the responsibility to recognize Hashem and see His hand in all aspects of our lives.

We are required to do hishtadlus. We work and seek to earn a living, but we recognize that whatever we have is because Hashem gave it to us. The work is a means, but the income comes from Hashem.

We build armies, establish security services, create sophisticated intelligence systems, check credentials, erect fences, and take every reasonable precaution to protect ourselves. But we must never confuse the means with the source. The systems are tools. The protection comes from Hashem.

This week, Israel and Jews throughout the world marked the third anniversary of the October 7th massacre, a day on which we were reminded of that truth in a most painful way.

Israel possesses one of the world’s most powerful armies and most sophisticated security establishments. It has intelligence agencies considered among the finest anywhere, advanced surveillance systems, layers of fences and barriers, and countless people whose responsibility is to identify threats and protect the country’s citizens.

And yet, on that morning, those systems failed simultaneously. Warnings were missed. Signals were ignored. Assumptions were wrong. The people whose job it was to prevent such an attack were unable to do so. It was a fulfillment of the posuk, “Einayim lohem velo yiru oznayim lohem velo yishma’u.” The eyes of the nation’s security apparatus were simply closed.

We were reminded that, ultimately, it is not the army that protects us, not the intelligence agencies, not the fences, and not the technology.

Hashem Hu Ha’Elokim.

The One Who created the world is the One Who runs it.

And just last week, we received another extraordinary reminder of that truth, this time in the skies.

The attempted terrorist attack aboard a flight bound for Tel Aviv could easily have ended with the deaths of everyone aboard and potentially many on the ground. The co-pilot, who had previously been identified by his former employer as a security risk, attacked the captain in the cockpit and attempted to take control of the aircraft. The plane plunged thousands of feet in a matter of seconds. Passengers were thrown from their seats. The cockpit became a scene of violence and chaos.

And yet, the plane did not crash. The passengers did not die.

The subsequent investigation revealed serious questions about the security procedures governing foreign airlines and their crews. Israel had systems in place, protocols, departments, and databases, but it emerged that foreign pilots were not being independently vetted in the manner one might have assumed. The responsibility was divided among different agencies, but the crucial information was not being acted upon. Had they been doing their jobs, the Jew-hating co-pilot never would have been allowed to board the plane and be seated in the cockpit.

If the flying public’s safety depended on human beings, people would have every reason to be terrified every time they get on a plane.

Instead, we are reminded that our safety rests with Hashem.

And the miracle of the FlyDubai flight went far beyond the failures of the security system.

The heroism of people aboard the plane is credited with saving the plane from crashing to the ground and killing everyone on board, but it was a series of miraculous occurrences that allowed that heroism to occur. The passengers have rightly been hailed as heroes. They saw what was happening and acted with extraordinary courage.

A woman who happened to be standing near the cockpit heard the commotion and began screaming. Several passengers rushed toward the cockpit, overpowered the attacker, and restrained him. Others cared for the wounded captain. They guarded the cockpit and helped ensure that the plane could be landed safely.

But even their heroism was possible only because of a remarkable chain of events that unfolded at precisely the right moments.

The captain, gravely wounded, losing much blood and under continued attack, miraculously retained the strength and presence of mind to open the cockpit door. Had that door remained closed, the passengers would have had no way to reach him or the attacker.

A plumber who happened to be sitting relatively close to the cockpit heard what was happening and rushed forward. He pulled the attacker away from the captain, and as others dealt with him, the plumber, with no previous flying experience, found himself in a cockpit with a plunging aircraft. He had once seen how a plane’s control stick raises and lowers the plane, and he lifted the controls with all his might to get the plane to fly upward.

He had no training that should have qualified him to fly a Boeing 737. Yet, at that moment, when 170 lives were in jeopardy, Hashem put the idea into his head of how to save them.

There were other seemingly unlikely occurrences as well.

Additional pilots happened to be aboard the flight as passengers. A dentist who happened to be on board was able to provide critical medical assistance to the wounded captain. Passengers found charging cables and other materials that could be improvised to restrain the attacker. Men and women who had been strangers only minutes earlier suddenly worked together as a team, each one doing whatever he or she could to save the lives of everyone aboard.

The world calls such things coincidence. It calls them luck. It speaks of fortunate circumstances and improbable happenstance.

We know better.

We know that there is no happenstance. There is only the Ribono Shel Olam, Who runs the world and Who can arrange a thousand details, many of them invisible to us, so that they converge at precisely the moment they are needed.

It is interesting that both of these events occurred during the days of Sukkos and Shemini Atzeres, when we celebrate how Hashem protected us from the elements in the midbar and as we were about to begin studying Bereishis.

We left our homes, the places that provide us with walls, roofs, locks, alarm systems, and the illusion of permanence, and we entered the sukkah. We sat beneath a roof that does not really protect us from the elements, as we experienced when it rained over Yom Tov. We left behind the physical structures in which we invest so much of our energy and reminded ourselves that our true protection does not come from them.

We sat in the sukkah, in the tzila demehemnusa, the shade of the Shechinah, and proclaimed that the walls around us are not what guarantee our safety. The roof over our heads is not what determines whether we will be protected. We have to take reasonable precautions. But after all the hishtadlus has been made, we recognize that the One above is the One Who protects us.

And then we return to Bereishis.

Why does the Torah begin by telling us that Hashem created the world?

Because we need to know that the world is not governed by chance, that history is not a series of random events, and that our lives are not determined solely by the decisions of men and the systems they construct.

The same Hashem Who created the heavens and the earth can cause the most powerful security establishment to overlook a threat. He can cause a warning to be missed. He can allow a plane to descend thousands of feet and then, through a series of seemingly random events, provide the precise people and abilities needed to save it.

He can place a plumber in a particular seat and turn him into a pilot. He can place a dentist on a particular flight and turn him into an emergency doctor. He can place additional pilots on a plane and give a dying captain the strength to open a door. And He can bring all of those seemingly unrelated details together at exactly the moment when they are needed.

That is not merely the lesson of last week’s FlyDubai flight, nor is it only the lesson of October 7th, when the army couldn’t prevent the rampage and was powerless to stop it.

It is the lesson of our daily lives, when every day is filled with miracles we take for granted.

Bereishis bara Elokim — Hashem created it all. He runs it. He guides it. He determines its course.

We do our hishtadlus. We are not permitted to sit back and rely on miracles. But after we have done what we can, we recognize the truth with which the Torah begins and upon which everything else rests — namely, that Hashem runs the world.

His ways are mysterious and not always understood. We cannot always see why one person is saved and another is not, why one warning is heard and another is missed, or why one seemingly insignificant event becomes the link that saves hundreds of lives.

We don’t know why one person becomes ill and another remains healthy, why one person becomes wealthy while another struggles financially, or why one person’s life seems to contain far more suffering and challenges than another’s. We cannot understand the ways of Hashem or the reasons for the individual tests He sends to each of us. But we know that nothing happens by itself and nothing happens without purpose. Hashem sends us the challenges we need to help us grow, to strengthen our emunah, and to bring us closer to Him.

We must never give up. We must never convince ourselves that our challenges are insurmountable or that we cannot overcome them. Those who recognize the Yad Hashem, place their trust in Him, and believe that He is with them through every challenge can face life with confidence, knowing that Hashem will give them the strength to persevere and overcome.

Bereishis bara Elokim. Chazal teach that the world was created for reishis, for Klal Yisroel and for Torah. Hashem created the world for us. He created it with the expectation that we would be able to accomplish our mission in it. The world was not created to defeat us. It was created to provide us with opportunities, challenges, and circumstances through which we can fulfill the purpose for which we were placed here.

We should therefore never allow anything or anyone to break our spirit, and we should never allow anyone to convince us that we cannot succeed. No matter what happens, no matter what challenges confront us, we must remember that we are living in Hashem’s world and that the One Who created the world is with us every step of the way. With emunah, bitachon, and the determination to continue moving forward, we can overcome the obstacles placed before us and accomplish what Hashem expects of us.

This week, as we return to the rhythm of life after Yom Tov, and as we begin studying Parshas Bereishis, we need to carry these lessons with us. The warmth and inspiration of Elul, the Yomim Noraim, Sukkos, Shemini Atzeres, and Simchas Torah should not remain behind with the Yom Tov.

The days ahead may be colder and darker, and the long winter may sometimes seem bleak. But we enter it with the light of Bereishis bara Elokim. Hashem created the world, He guides its every detail, and He placed us here because He knows that we are capable of fulfilling the purpose for which we were created.

We have every reason to move forward with emunah, with bitachon, and with confidence that, with Hashem’s help, we can succeed.

May we all be zoche to a gezunteh vinter and the geulah sheleimah bekarov.

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani on Thursday refused to retreat from his controversial remarks marking the third anniversary of the October 7 Hamas massacre, repeating accusations that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza and defending a statement that drew sharp condemnation from Israeli officials and Jewish leaders.

During a press conference, Mamdani invoked the genocide allegation six times while addressing criticism of his October 7 anniversary message, which acknowledged the Hamas terrorist attack and the murder of more than 1,100 Israelis but devoted considerable attention to accusations against Israel involving genocide, apartheid and war crimes.

The mayor also defended his appearance Wednesday evening at a memorial gathering for victims of the conflict, where anti-Zionist demonstrators confronted him and called him a “traitor.”

“I was proud to attend last night’s vigil, as I did last year, to listen to testimonies of family members of those who were killed,” Mamdani said Thursday.

“As for those protesting me, I am the mayor of New York City and this is what I signed up for,” he added.

Turning to the controversy over his anniversary statement, Mamdani described the October 7 massacre as “unthinkable devastation” before again accusing the Israeli government of using the terrorist attack to justify its military operations in Gaza.

He alleged that “the Israeli government used and continues to use that day, those war crimes as a justification for an ongoing genocide.”

Mamdani maintained that the suffering of Israelis murdered by Hamas and Palestinians killed during the subsequent war should both be recognized.

“There must be room to mourn the lives of the more than 1,100 Israelis that Hamas killed three years ago. There must be room to mourn the 74,000 Palestinians the Israeli government has killed since,” he stated.

The Palestinian casualty figure cited by Mamdani was presented without distinguishing between civilians and terrorists killed during the fighting.

The mayor insisted that his public statement and participation in the vigil reflected the continuing impact of the conflict on New Yorkers.

“The statement, the attendance, it all speaks to a reckoning with horror and a horror that devastated the lives of New Yorkers three years ago and it also continues to devastate New Yorkers today,” Mamdani added.

His refusal to withdraw the accusations came after a wave of criticism over his original October 7 message, with Israeli representatives and Jewish officials accusing him of exploiting the anniversary of the Hamas atrocities to advance allegations against Israel.

Among the most forceful responses came from Israel’s ambassador to the United States, Yechiel Leiter, whose son Neria is recovering in the hospital from critical injuries suffered in a terrorist vehicle-ramming attack.

“It’s actually hard to find a sentence in Mamdani’s post that isn’t a lie,” Leiter wrote in response to the mayor’s statement.

Leiter argued that Mamdani’s account distorted the circumstances of the war and failed to acknowledge the full extent of Hamas’s responsibility for the atrocities that began the conflict.

“Let’s be clear: the only attempted genocide in this conflict was perpetrated by the barbarians he supports, Hamas, who butchered, raped, and murdered in the most horrific ways imaginable,” Leiter stated.

The ambassador also rejected the mayor’s characterization of Israeli military operations and accused Hamas of deliberately placing Palestinian civilians in danger while diverting humanitarian supplies intended for Gaza residents.

“There is no genocide, ethnic cleansing, or famine in Gaza. Hamas embeds itself among, behind, and beneath the people of Gaza, knowing that the IDF will not, ever, intentionally target civilians. It robs its own people of the humanitarian aid that Israel has facilitated into Gaza since the war began.”

The dispute has renewed scrutiny of Mamdani’s longstanding positions on Israel, which became a central source of controversy during his campaign for mayor and have continued to generate criticism since he took office.

On October 8, 2023, just one day after Hamas terrorists invaded southern Israel, murdered civilians and abducted hostages, Mamdani issued remarks that drew criticism for focusing on Israeli policies rather than unequivocally condemning the massacre.

His refusal during the mayoral campaign to condemn the slogan “globalize the intifada” also provoked concern among Jewish organizations and elected officials, who argued that the phrase invokes violence against Jews and Israelis.

Mamdani has defended his positions as expressions of support for Palestinian rights, while critics have accused him of applying a double standard to Israel and failing to adequately address the fears of Jewish New Yorkers.

Those tensions intensified after he entered City Hall.

On his first day as mayor, Mamdani rescinded several executive orders issued by his predecessor, Eric Adams, including measures relating to Israel.

He subsequently became the first New York City mayor to boycott the annual Israel Day Parade, breaking with a longstanding tradition of mayoral participation in the major public celebration of support for Israel.

The mayor also drew criticism during his campaign when he pledged that the New York Police Department would arrest Israeli Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu if he visited New York, citing an arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court.

Following a legal examination conducted by his administration, however, Mamdani acknowledged that New York City lacks independent authority to enforce the international court’s warrant.

{Matzav.com}

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Rebbetzin Shoshana Cohen a”h, the mother of four distinguished rabbonim and a woman remembered for her extraordinary dedication to Torah, chinuch, and chessed, was niftar overnight at the age of 90.

The rebbetzin was the mother of Rav Zevadia Cohen, Chief Rabbi of Tel Aviv; Rav Zamir Cohen, Rosh Yeshiva of Yeshivas Avnei Nezer; Rav Avichai Cohen, a ram at Yeshivas Heichal Meir; and Rav Zohar Cohen, Rosh Yeshiva of Yeshivas Ateres Reuven in Beitar Illit.

Together with her husband, the late Rav Eliezer Cohen zt”l, she established a home devoted to Torah and yiras Shomayim, raising her children with tremendous personal sacrifice while supporting her husband’s extensive activities at the Musayof Shul and his work educating Jewish children for more than half a century.

The family lived under difficult financial circumstances in a rented apartment in Yerushalayim’s Bais Yisroel neighborhood. Despite their limited means, Rebbetzin Cohen was determined that her children would grow up in surroundings permeated with Torah values.

One incident from those years illustrated the strength of her convictions.

Because of the family’s financial difficulties and the number of children in the household, the government approved their application for an apartment in a newly constructed Yerushalayim neighborhood. The opportunity would have provided the family with a larger and more comfortable home.

However, during a Shabbos walk through the neighborhood, Rebbetzin Cohen noticed a woman hanging laundry outside.

The sight convinced her that the neighborhood was not the environment in which she wished to raise her children.

“My children will not grow up in a neighborhood like this!” she declared.

She subsequently relinquished the opportunity to move into the more spacious apartment, choosing instead to remain in their modest accommodations in Bais Yisroel, where she felt confident that her children would be surrounded by an atmosphere of Torah.

Her devotion to others was equally remarkable. Despite the family’s own financial struggles, she was constantly attentive to the needs of her neighbors, particularly those who were alone or experiencing hardship.

Whenever she prepared a meal and the aroma of the cooking drifted into the neighboring courtyard, she would send one of her children with a generous portion for a lonely woman who lived there by herself.

Rebbetzin Cohen was also known for offering emotional support to women facing personal difficulties. Women burdened by sadness or hardship would visit her home, where they found a sympathetic listener who offered understanding, encouragement, and reassurance.

Those who came to her distressed would often leave smiling, uplifted by her warmth and concern.

When she or a member of her family experienced illness, she would visit the home of the renowned mekubal Rav Yitzchak Kaduri zt”l, long before he became widely known.

She would return with almonds bearing inscribed letters or with a handwritten kameia, and she frequently recounted the yeshuos she believed had resulted from those visits.

Throughout her life, Rebbetzin Cohen was especially careful in matters of shemiras halashon. She avoided lashon hara and gossip and would firmly discourage improper conversation in her presence.

Her greatest investment, however, was in her family. She devoted her time and energy to raising her children, forgoing vacations and other personal comforts so that she could provide them with the attention, love, and guidance she believed they needed.

She was zocheh to see her sons, sons-in-law, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren following the path of Torah and mitzvos, continuing the legacy of the home she and her husband had built.

The levayah will take place this morning.

Yehi zichrah baruch.

{Matzav.com}

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani demanded an immediate end to Immigration and Customs Enforcement operations throughout the city Thursday after federal immigration agents opened fire on a vehicle carrying a man and a five-year-old child in northern Manhattan, leaving the man hospitalized with a gunshot wound to his neck.

The shooting occurred shortly after 4 p.m. in the Marble Hill neighborhood, where ICE agents reportedly surrounded a vehicle before discharging multiple rounds into it. The wounded man was transported to a hospital and remained conscious, with authorities reporting that he was in stable condition Thursday evening.

The Muslim socialist anti-Israel mayor condemned the incident, accusing federal immigration authorities of endangering New Yorkers and demanding that President Donald Trump withdraw ICE personnel from enforcement operations in the city.

“I have called the President; when we speak I will demand that he ends all ICE enforcement actions in our city,” Mamdani wrote on social media shortly after the shooting. “I will not stand by while ICE agents terrorize our communities.”

The mayor subsequently appeared at a news conference near the location of the shooting, where he sharply criticized the conduct of federal officers and questioned how firing into an occupied vehicle in a residential neighborhood could be justified as a public safety measure.

Mamdani delivered an extended denunciation of ICE’s methods, pointing to the presence of a young child in the vehicle and the fact that the shooting unfolded near homes and a subway station.

“There is no explanation for these tactics. There is no explanation for federal officers firing this many rounds into a car that has a five-year-old in the car. There is no explanation. We are standing here so close to the site of where this actually took place. And look at how many people live right here. This is a residential neighborhood. We are right here by a subway. And the pretext of ICE is, in their words, “to keep this country safe.” How is it keeping everyone safe to have, as you just heard from the police commissioner, individuals wearing construction vests in masks with long guns. Residents have no idea if these are law enforcement agents or if they are simply attacking someone on the street. And when it comes to ICE, it begs the question, what’s the difference? There is no explanation for this.”

The man wounded in the confrontation was identified as Oscar Belgal, 28, a Dominican national. According to NYPD Commissioner Jessica Tisch, plainclothes federal officers approached his vehicle as he was parking near Marble Hill Avenue and West 225th Street. When the vehicle moved forward, an ICE officer fired seven shots, striking Belgal below the ear.

The five-year-old boy, believed to be Belgal’s son, was seated in the back of the vehicle and was not physically injured. He was subsequently placed in the care of a family member.

The Department of Homeland Security offered a sharply different account of the circumstances leading up to the shooting, describing the incident as part of a targeted operation to arrest a man with a criminal history.

Federal officials said Belgal had a previous conviction for grand larceny and had been arrested on other charges, including assault, robbery, drug possession and weapons offenses. DHS also alleged that he had associations with the Trinitarios gang.

The department criticized New York’s sanctuary policies, arguing that they had allowed the suspect to return to the streets following an earlier arrest. Federal authorities did not initially provide a detailed public explanation of the precise circumstances that prompted the officer to open fire.

The NYPD said its officers had not participated in the federal enforcement operation and responded after the shooting. The FBI was also involved in investigating the incident.

Asked what he intended to tell President Trump, Mamdani reiterated his demand that federal immigration agents cease their activities in New York City.

“I made clear to the president, to the secretary, our request that ICE agents leave the scene entirely, as well as the demand that ICE stop its enforcement actions in New York City,” Mamdani replied. “These actions are making the city less safe. They are making New Yorkers terrified. You are hearing from New Yorkers right now anguish, pain, anger at the fact that here in this city, the world’s city, that immigrants have to wake up every morning and not know if they can live the lives that they should be able to live and help to build this city.

The mayor said he had spoken with President Trump and Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin and had unsuccessfully sought Belgal’s release from federal custody. As of late Thursday night, Belgal reportedly remained in ICE custody while receiving medical treatment.

New York Governor Kathy Hochul also called for a thorough and transparent investigation, saying the public deserved a full accounting of how the confrontation escalated into gunfire.

The shooting prompted demonstrations near the scene and outside NewYork-Presbyterian Allen Hospital, where Belgal was being treated. Hundreds of protesters gathered, denouncing ICE’s tactics and demanding accountability for the use of deadly force.

The incident comes amid heightened scrutiny of federal immigration enforcement under President Trump. According to figures cited in the original report, immigration agents have been involved in at least 43 shootings during his second administration, resulting in 11 deaths, including two American citizens. Separately, advocacy groups have reported 61 deaths among people held in ICE custody during that period.

{Matzav.com}

With Israel’s elections just three weeks away, MK Yitzchok Pindrus, the second-ranking representative of Degel HaTorah, is urging the chareidi community to turn out in force at the polls, arguing that a strong showing is essential to demonstrate that the community has not been broken by the ongoing campaign against bnei yeshiva. At the same time, he acknowledged that even after the election, the confrontation with the Supreme Court, government officials, and the legal establishment is unlikely to end.

In an extensive interview with journalist Avi Blum on Kol Chai Radio, Pindrus, who holds the third position on the United Torah Judaism list, defended his party’s record amid growing frustration over the arrests of yeshiva bochurim, the military draft crisis, and the difficulties confronting chareidi educational institutions.

Pindrus sought to frame the upcoming election as a struggle over the ability of chareidi Jews to maintain their way of life in Eretz Yisroel, rather than simply a referendum on the government’s accomplishments or the failure to pass legislation protecting bnei yeshiva.

He declared that there is no such thing as persecuting those who learn Torah and having it ultimately produce a positive outcome. According to Pindrus, the present confrontation extends far beyond government funding and coalition agreements, touching on the fundamental right of a chareidi Jew to live according to his beliefs.

When Blum challenged him with the argument that the chareidi community has managed to preserve its way of life despite the current coalition rather than because of it, Pindrus did not directly address the government’s responsibility. Instead, he argued that the very intensity of the campaign against the chareidi public reflects the community’s remarkable growth and success.

He maintained that outside forces are attempting to provoke unrest, portray chareidim as illegitimate, and create the impression that the community is beginning to fracture under pressure.

A decline in support for the chareidi parties, he warned, would be seized upon by their opponents as evidence that even within the chareidi community, support for lomdei Torah is weakening.

Asked what the chareidi parties could point to as concrete achievements, Pindrus cited the continued operation of an extensive network of Torah institutions and educational systems serving hundreds of thousands of students, with budgets totaling billions of shekels.

He argued that substantial funding had been preserved despite legal efforts to restrict or eliminate it. However, he also suggested that publicly detailing those accomplishments could backfire by generating headlines that would be used against the chareidi community.

The more difficult questions concerned what would happen after the election.

Pindrus argued that a strong electoral showing would send a message to those pursuing measures against the chareidi public and could reduce their motivation to continue the confrontation.

Nevertheless, he offered no specific plan for resolving the draft crisis or ending the legal challenges confronting the Torah world.

He acknowledged that the struggle with the Supreme Court, the Finance Ministry’s Budget Department, and the government bureaucracy would continue into the next Knesset, with periods of progress and setbacks.

The question of future coalition partnerships also produced no definitive answer.

Pindrus reiterated United Torah Judaism’s position that it would not enter any government without an arrangement protecting the status of bnei yeshiva.

When asked whether the party might consider joining forces with politicians on the opposite side of the political spectrum, he said it was difficult to envision cooperating with those who had made opposition to Yiddishkeit a central part of their political agenda.

Still, he stopped short of categorically ruling out every possible arrangement, emphasizing that such decisions would ultimately be made by the Gedolei Yisroel.

Blum also raised the possibility that United Torah Judaism could remain outside a coalition while supporting legislation that, although imperfect, would provide some measure of protection for yeshiva bochurim.

Pindrus again avoided making a firm commitment. He said he had difficulty imagining such an arrangement and maintained that the question was not presently relevant, returning instead to the party’s demand for a resolution of the draft issue.

The interview also addressed government involvement in chareidi education, particularly the controversy over English instruction in chareidi schools.

Although Pindrus himself speaks English, he said he does not teach the language to his own children.

He argued that the central issue is not whether English should be included in the curriculum, but who has the authority to make educational decisions for chareidi families.

According to Pindrus, those decisions belong to parents and their rabbonim, rather than government officials seeking to impose their own educational standards.

He sharply criticized attempts by state authorities to dictate what should be taught in seminaries, Chinuch Atzmai schools, and exempt educational institutions.

Pindrus said the government was entitled to offer financial incentives to institutions willing to expand their curricula, but should not threaten the continued existence of schools that choose to follow the educational guidance of their rabbonim.

Another sensitive issue arose when Blum questioned Pindrus about political cooperation with Otzma Yehudit, the party led by Itamar Ben Gvir, who openly encourages Jews to ascend Har Habayis despite the longstanding prohibition issued by Gedolei Yisroel.

Pindrus responded that political partnerships are generally formed with those whose positions are closer to one’s own and with whom practical cooperation is possible.

At the same time, he emphasized that cooperation on political matters does not eliminate the obligation to protest actions that violate halacha.

He said that ascending Har Habayis must be opposed publicly and on halachic grounds, stressing that anyone who follows Daas Torah recognizes that entering Har Habayis is strictly forbidden.

{Matzav.com}

A former prosecutor in New York Attorney General Letitia James’ office has accused her of pursuing a politically motivated investigation targeting President Donald Trump and his associates even after investigators concluded that no crime had been committed. The prosecutor, who was subsequently fired, claims he was instructed to continue searching for evidence against Trump despite determining that the investigation had no legitimate basis.

Daniel Wiesenfeld, who worked in the Attorney General’s Investor Protection Bureau, told the New York Post that his superiors refused to shut down the investigation because James personally wanted it to continue. He alleged that the directive came through his supervisor, Bureau Chief Shamiso Maswoswe, who privately acknowledged that the case should be closed but indicated that the final decision belonged to James.

“By June 2026, after several meetings, we had become exasperated,” Wiesenfeld told The NY Post in an exclusive interview. “Shamiso told us, in sum and substance, that she agreed with us and that if it were her call, she would close the case – but that it was Tish’s call.

“Tish was the boss and what Tish wanted, Tish got,” he said. “So we had to keep going.”

Wiesenfeld’s accusations have intensified a dispute that began in August, when he sent an explosive email to more than 2,000 employees in the Attorney General’s office, alleging that prosecutors were being pressured to pursue Trump and individuals connected to him for political reasons.

“If you believe Trump is using the [Department of Justice] attorneys to prosecute his enemies to further his political interests, you should find it equally troubling that Tish is doing exactly the same thing,” the email said.

Wiesenfeld urged his colleagues to resist what he described as the misuse of prosecutorial authority to advance James’ political objectives.

“I ask you that you not serve as Tish’s personal attorneys by targeting her political enemies,” he added. “Instead, I hope you choose to prosecute crimes and find the individuals accountable, rather than targeting individuals and then find the crimes.”

The internal message eventually became public after the Times Union obtained a copy, setting off controversy within the Attorney General’s office. Wiesenfeld was placed on administrative leave following the disclosure and was later dismissed from his position.

According to Wiesenfeld, the controversy originated with an assignment he received on July 25, 2025, involving allegations of insider trading connected to a company associated with the Trump family. The investigation reportedly stemmed from an anonymous tip suggesting that Donald Trump Jr. and several associates had been providing confidential information to private companies in exchange for millions of dollars.

The former prosecutor said the allegations were based on a mysterious text message from an unidentified phone number. Despite being assigned to investigate the claims, he maintained that he was never permitted to examine the underlying message or learn the circumstances surrounding its receipt.

“I asked for information about the cryptic text and any context that could be provided, but my boss, Shamiso Maswoswe, told me they could not provide me with more information.

Even without access to the original tip, Wiesenfeld said his team conducted an extensive investigation and ultimately determined that the available evidence did not support criminal charges.

Despite being kept in the dark, “we affirmatively conclude that no crime had taken place,” Wiesenfeld said.

Rather than closing the matter, however, Wiesenfeld alleged that his superiors instructed him to continue pursuing additional investigative avenues, including issuing subpoenas to financial institutions. He said he objected to the directive because he believed the investigation had reached a dead end.

When ordered to proceed, Wiesenfeld said he “pushed back.

“I said the investigation was a waste of time and that there was no way forward,” he told The Post. “Nevertheless, I was directed to send subpoenas to several banks, wasting taxpayer dollars and the banks’ resources on what I believed was a fruitless, politically motivated investigation.”

The New York Post reported that both the FBI and the Justice Department subsequently examined Wiesenfeld’s allegations. The report did not establish whether either agency had reached conclusions about the accusations or initiated formal proceedings against James or other officials.

The dispute has also expanded into a confrontation over documents Wiesenfeld retained after leaving the Attorney General’s office. Earlier this week, he accused James’ office of threatening legal action against him for refusing to destroy materials that he considers evidence of official misconduct.

Correspondence obtained through New York’s Freedom of Information Law showed that Wiesenfeld rejected the office’s contention that the records contained protected or privileged information. He insisted that preserving the documents was necessary to substantiate his allegations.

“These documents are simply evidence and your threats will not compel me to destroy such evidence,” he wrote. “If anything, carrying out your threats by bringing this to a legal forum will make this information public.”

Wiesenfeld also disputed the Attorney General’s explanation for his dismissal, arguing that criticism of his work emerged only after he challenged the investigation and publicly accused James of political interference.

“The negative feedback about my performance came only after I expressed that frustration,” he said. “Before then, I had received a very positive performance evaluation. So, the suggestion that I had simply been a problem employee all along is false.”

James’ office has firmly rejected the suggestion that Wiesenfeld was punished for exposing wrongdoing. A spokesperson maintained that his termination resulted from violations of legal and professional standards rather than retaliation for his allegations.

The spokesperson said the office is obligated to impose discipline “when one of its attorneys violates the law, the New York Rules of Professional Conduct, or agency policy.

“Mr. Wiesenfeld was terminated for cause after it was determined that he committed such violations,” the spokesperson said. “We remain committed to enforcing New York’s laws and defending the rights of all New Yorkers. Any suggestion otherwise is disingenuous.”

The allegations come against the backdrop of a longstanding and highly contentious relationship between James and President Trump. During her 2018 campaign for attorney general, James publicly pledged to “prosecute the president for crimes committed in New York” if voters elected her to the position.

After taking office, James brought a major civil fraud lawsuit against Trump, his two eldest sons, and the Trump Organization. Her office alleged that the defendants had systematically exaggerated the values of real estate holdings and other assets to obtain more favorable financing arrangements.

The case resulted in a ruling against Trump and a financial penalty initially set at approximately $350 million, before interest. An appeals court subsequently upheld the underlying liability findings while overturning the massive monetary penalty.

Trump and his allies have repeatedly characterized James’ legal efforts as politically driven, while James has maintained that her actions were based on evidence and her responsibility to enforce state law.

The Trump administration has also weighed in on Wiesenfeld’s accusations, describing the former prosecutor’s account as further evidence that James used her office to pursue political adversaries.

In a statement issued last month, the administration called Wiesenfeld’s claims “more proof of the weaponization of the justice system by Letitia James to target President Trump and her political opponents.”

Additional reporting has provided a more detailed account of the federal government’s interest in Wiesenfeld’s allegations. On September 1, he reportedly met for several hours with FBI agents and Justice Department attorneys to discuss his accusations. The extent of the federal inquiry, including whether a formal criminal investigation has been opened, remains unclear.

Separately, records obtained through a public information request have complicated the dispute over Wiesenfeld’s dismissal. The records reportedly show that supervisors had previously raised concerns about his attendance, responsiveness, and handling of assignments. They also document allegations that he transferred confidential government materials to his personal email account. Wiesenfeld maintains that the criticism was retaliatory and that the materials he retained are evidence of misconduct.

The confrontation has also unfolded during James’ reelection campaign. Her Republican challenger, Saritha Komatireddy, has made allegations of politically motivated prosecutions a campaign issue, accusing the attorney general of devoting excessive attention to Trump while neglecting other state responsibilities. James’ campaign has rejected those attacks and defended her office’s enforcement record.

{Matzav.com}

The Pentagon announced Thursday that the December 3 execution of convicted Fort Hood terrorist Nidal Malik Hasan will be livestreamed, allowing the public to witness the firing squad execution of the former Army psychiatrist who murdered 13 people and wounded 32 others in a 2009 shooting rampage at the Texas military installation.

Secretary of War Pete Hegseth confirmed that Hasan will be executed at Fort Hood, the same base where he carried out one of the deadliest attacks in American military history. The execution is scheduled for 1 p.m., matching the approximate time of the November 5, 2009, massacre.

Speaking to Real America’s Voice News aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln, Hegseth said the decision to make the execution publicly accessible was intended to demonstrate the consequences of committing such an attack against American servicemembers.

“We’re gonna make sure that people are able to watch it, that it’s public, because people need to understand that there’s serious consequences for these types of things,” Hegseth said.

“Army major betrays his country, radical Islamist kills a bunch of Americans at Fort Hood. Of course we’re doing it at Fort Hood,” he added.

The Pentagon separately confirmed Thursday that the execution would be broadcast live, although officials indicated that further information about the arrangements would be released at a later date.

Hegseth described the planned execution as a carefully scheduled military proceeding, with soldiers assigned to carry out the sentence using rifles.

“We’re going to do it on a Thursday. We’re going to do it at one o’clock, which is when he did it. And it’s going to be soldiers with rifles executing the firing squad.”

When asked whether Hasan had contacted the Trump administration or submitted any final requests, Hegseth dismissed the question.

“Don’t care. We’ll see him on December 3rd.”

The announcement follows confirmation earlier this week that President Donald Trump approved Hasan’s execution following a recommendation from Hegseth. Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell disclosed the president’s authorization Monday, clearing the way for military officials to proceed with preparations.

Hasan, a former Army major and psychiatrist, was convicted in 2013 of 13 counts of premeditated murder and 32 counts of attempted premeditated murder. He was sentenced to death by a military jury and has remained on military death row for more than a decade.

The massacre occurred on November 5, 2009, when Hasan entered the Soldier Readiness Processing Center at Fort Hood, where military personnel were gathering for medical examinations, vaccinations and other procedures required before deployment overseas.

Armed with a handgun equipped with a laser sight, Hasan began firing at soldiers and civilian personnel inside the crowded facility.

Witnesses testified that he shouted “Allahu akbar” — Arabic for “God is great!” — before opening fire.

The attack created scenes of panic as soldiers attempted to escape the building or help wounded colleagues. Hasan continued shooting as victims fled, including firing at servicemembers running toward a nearby parking lot.

Investigators subsequently recovered 146 spent cartridge casings inside the facility, along with additional casings outside, illustrating the extensive gunfire unleashed during the rampage.

Evidence presented during Hasan’s court-martial established that the attack had been carefully planned over several weeks.

Prosecutors showed that Hasan had practiced shooting at a gun range near Austin, Texas, where he worked on improving his accuracy and developing the ability to reload his weapon quickly.

Survivors later described how the speed with which Hasan reloaded allowed him to continue firing before anyone could effectively intervene.

The shooting ended when Hasan was wounded by responding civilian police officers. He survived the confrontation but was left paralyzed from the waist down.

During subsequent investigations and legal proceedings, Hasan acknowledged responsibility for the killings and claimed that his actions were intended to prevent American troops from deploying to Afghanistan, where he believed they would participate in operations against fellow Muslims.

A military judge rejected his attempt to present that justification as a legal defense.

Hasan represented himself during portions of his 2013 court-martial and made little effort to dispute the prosecution’s evidence. He told the jury that the testimony would establish that he was responsible for the shooting and described himself as an American soldier who had “switched sides.”

The jury convicted him on all 45 charges and imposed the death penalty.

The case has remained one of the most notorious incidents of terrorism committed at an American military installation, particularly because Hasan was a commissioned Army officer who had been entrusted with providing psychiatric care to fellow servicemembers.

The execution will also mark an extraordinary moment in American military justice.

According to Hegseth, the U.S. military has not carried out an execution by firing squad since World War II.

The last execution conducted under the American military justice system occurred on April 13, 1961, when Army Private John Bennett was executed by hanging following his conviction for serious crimes.

Hasan’s execution, if carried out as scheduled, would therefore be the first American military execution in more than 65 years and the first military firing squad execution in approximately eight decades.

The Pentagon has not yet disclosed the specific arrangements for the livestream, including which platforms will carry the broadcast or what restrictions, if any, will govern public access.

Military officials are expected to provide additional information as the December 3 date approaches.

The Pentagon’s decision to livestream the execution has also raised questions about the legal and ethical implications of broadcasting a military death sentence. Critics have warned against turning executions into public spectacles, while supporters of the decision argue that public access would reinforce accountability for the 2009 massacre.

It also remains unclear whether Hasan’s attorneys will pursue additional legal challenges that could delay the execution. The December 3 date has been announced, but the sentence could still be subject to further court proceedings.

The planned execution would be the first carried out by the American military since 1961, when Army Private John Bennett was hanged. The last military execution by firing squad occurred during World War II.

For now, the Pentagon has confirmed its intention to broadcast the proceeding but has not announced where the livestream will be available or whether any restrictions will apply to viewers.

A Palestinian-led educational initiative operating in Gaza is preparing to introduce Holocaust education through video games on Xbox and Nintendo platforms, part of a broader effort to remove anti-Israel incitement from classrooms and fundamentally change how Palestinian children are educated.

David Hasan, founder and president of Gaza Children Village, disclosed the plans Thursday during a conference organized by NGO Monitor and the Valop Group, describing an ambitious program intended to replace material promoting terrorism and hatred with lessons emphasizing cooperation, empathy and coexistence.

The initiative, which Hasan said already operates 21 educational academies serving approximately 22,000 children across Gaza, is also introducing extensive teacher screening, artificial intelligence classroom monitoring and revised textbooks that explicitly recognize Israel.

“We have games that we’re going to take for after school, and for Xbox, Nintendo, and the kids will play on it,” Hasan, who is of Palestinian descent, said during a question-and-answer portion of the discussion, which Valop Group co-hosted with NGO Monitor.

“The whole theme of it is, again, collaboration, empathy and, for the first time, we’re going to teach about Holocaust,” he said.

Hasan indicated that the initiative would involve the American embassy, although the precise nature of that involvement has not been established. No timetable has been announced for introducing the gaming component, and details of how the Holocaust lessons would be incorporated into the games remain unclear.

He warned that any attempt to transform Gaza’s educational environment must account for the determination of extremist organizations to maintain their influence over the next generation.

“You have to always be in the mentality that they are smarter than you are,” Hasan said. “Don’t get comfortable, because the minute you get comfortable, you will be defeated.”

Hasan presented the program during a discussion titled “Gaza: From Security to Strategy,” held as part of the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism’s World Summit at Reichman University. Participants examined possible approaches to Gaza’s postwar reconstruction, disarmament and the removal of extremist ideology from its institutions.

Education emerged as a central issue, with speakers arguing that Gaza’s long-term future cannot be separated from the messages children receive in their classrooms.

According to Hasan, Gaza Children Village established its first academy in July 2025 and has expanded considerably since then, reaching thousands of children through its network of educational centers.

Rather than discard the existing Palestinian Authority curriculum entirely, the organization has retained its basic academic framework while reviewing lessons and replacing examples that it considers supportive of violence or hostile toward Israel.

Hasan described several changes already implemented in classroom materials. Mathematics exercises that previously asked students to calculate the number of “martyrs” killed during the First and Second Intifadas have been rewritten to use examples involving soccer players and spectators.

In another case, a problem requiring students to calculate the trajectory of a weapon directed at an Israeli soldier was replaced with an exercise involving an Olympic athlete throwing a javelin.

The organization has also introduced geographic materials identifying Israel by name, a change Hasan highlighted as a significant departure from the educational content previously available to many Palestinian students.

“For the first time, we have the map that says ‘Israel,’” Hasan said.

Gerald Steinberg, founder and president of NGO Monitor, expressed qualified encouragement about the program, describing it as an unusual attempt to address what he considers one of the underlying causes of extremism in Gaza.

Steinberg told JNS that he is “cautiously optimistic” about its prospects and characterized Gaza Children Village as a “unique project.”

“Not just a lot of words and Band-Aids, but a serious attempt, with significant backing, to begin a process,” he told JNS. “I want to emphasize, to begin a process of changing the educational process in Gaza away from the incitement and support forinsta;;e terror, the hate, replacing the existing structure, which includes UNRWA and other frameworks.”

Steinberg argued that previous international humanitarian and educational programs operating in Gaza have failed to prevent Hamas from establishing influence within civilian institutions.

He maintained that Hamas has “manipulated” numerous nonprofit organizations, raising concerns about allowing aid groups to operate without security screening and oversight. Gaza Children Village, he said, has taken a different approach by cooperating with Israeli security requirements.

“They have not refused to work with security frameworks that are necessary to prevent a repetition of the infrastructure that the NGOs knowingly helped build, 500 kilometers of terrorist tunnels in hospitals and mosques and under residences, that allowed Oct. 7 to take place,” he said.

“That cannot. Israel is not going to allow Hamas and its network, including NGOs, U.N. agencies, to rebuild that,” he said. “It’s just not. It’s not.”

“Israel cannot allow that to happen, no matter how much the NGOs and their lobbyists continue to demand that,” he told JNS.

The discussion also addressed the future of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, or UNRWA, which has long played a major role in providing schooling and other services to Palestinian refugees.

Hasan said he supports dismantling UNRWA but cautioned that eliminating the organization without establishing replacement institutions could create a vacuum that extremist groups would exploit.

“You can’t create a gap and wait four or five years to find a viable alternative,” Hasan said at the event. “You have to do it simultaneously.”

His remarks came against the backdrop of investigations into alleged connections between UNRWA personnel and terrorist organizations.

In June, the U.S. Agency for International Development’s Office of Inspector General referred 101 current or former employees to the State Department for consideration of suspension or debarment because of alleged involvement in the October 7 attacks or affiliations with Hamas.

Those referred reportedly included educators and school administrators identified by investigators as having held positions within Hamas, including operational commanders and intelligence personnel. One individual was identified as a sniper. The referrals involved allegations and did not, by themselves, establish guilt in every case.

Steinberg went further than Hasan in his assessment of UNRWA’s future, arguing that the agency should be excluded entirely from any replacement educational system established in Gaza.

“There are different views,” he said. “My own personal view is that UNRWA needs to be taken away entirely from the structure and the process.”

“Not only is there nothing UNRWA contributes, but their history and their track record shows that whatever may be agreed upon in theory, UNRWA will go back to its current and long-standing history of being used by Palestinian leadership to reinforce and to continue what led to the catastrophes in Gaza and elsewhere,” he said.

Steinberg acknowledged that significant practical questions remain unanswered about how Gaza Children Village or similar organizations could replace the extensive educational infrastructure currently associated with UNRWA.

Nevertheless, he said that developing functioning alternatives is essential, even if the transition proves complicated.

“It’s very important to have initiatives and not simply talk about and focus on all of the existing failures in the system,” he told JNS. “I think one has to be very cautious, because it’s unique and it’s going to be difficult to implement. But at the same time, it does provide, potentially, an alternative where no other ones exist.”

Gaza Children Village has also established screening procedures for its teachers, including coordination with Israel’s Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories, the Israeli military body responsible for coordinating civilian affairs involving Palestinian territories.

Hasan said prospective educators undergo security vetting as well as a psychological assessment consisting of 50 questions, intended to identify potential concerns before individuals are permitted to teach.

The organization is also experimenting with artificial intelligence technology to monitor classroom instruction and identify statements that may promote antisemitism or other forms of hatred.

According to Hasan, cameras and microphones installed in classrooms record lessons, with the resulting material analyzed by automated systems designed to detect potentially inflammatory language.

Recordings are retained for 72 hours, while the monitoring system can generate an alert approximately 20 minutes after identifying language that has been flagged for review.

Hasan acknowledged that some teachers may arrive with deeply ingrained attitudes shaped by the society and educational institutions in which they grew up.

“Some are bad apples, trust me, but some are just—that’s the culture. Just that’s how they grow of it,” he told attendees.

He explained that the monitoring system is intended to serve an educational purpose as well, helping instructors recognize problematic language and adjust to teaching subjects and perspectives that may be unfamiliar to them.

Beyond curriculum changes, Gaza Children Village has developed a broader network of services designed to help children return to regular learning after years of war and displacement. Its Academies of Hope provide classroom instruction alongside meals, medical assistance, psychological support and recreational activities.

The organization says its educational philosophy emphasizes peaceful conflict resolution, mutual respect and responsible citizenship. Its schools are staffed by Palestinian educators, while its programs also provide employment and training opportunities for local residents.

The project’s expansion comes amid the enormous damage inflicted on Gaza’s educational infrastructure during the war. UNICEF estimates that approximately 98% of schools in the territory have been damaged or destroyed, leaving hundreds of thousands of children without regular classroom instruction for extended periods.

In addition to rebuilding educational facilities, Gaza Children Village is pursuing plans for expanded pediatric medical services, additional schools and community support programs.

Steinberg maintained that such humanitarian and educational work must be accompanied by fundamental changes in the messages delivered to Palestinian children, arguing that Hamas and other terrorist organizations have used schools and youth activities to cultivate support for violence.

“Every day, you can see, every day, videos of Palestinian children in Gaza who were used and exploited by Hamas and the other organizations as child soldiers, as child terrorists, for the incitement,” he said.

“The changing educational system is central to ‘deradicalizing,’ as the phrase is used, the Palestinian population and future generations,” he said.

“The only way that they’re going to be deradicalized is to change the education system completely,” he told JNS. “That’s also what the Children’s Village does.”

{Matzav.com}