The much-anticipated atzaros tefillah that were to take place this Thursday in the streets of cities throughout Eretz Yisroel, as a cry against the gezeiras hagiyus and the ongoing imprisonment of bnei yeshiva, have now been officially canceled.
The cancellation comes in the wake of sharp disagreements over the wording of the public call and the decision of Degel HaTorah to abstain in today’s Knesset vote on the defense budget.
As reported earlier by Matzav.com, the underlying dispute centered on the language of the letter that was to announce the atzaros. Certain askanim and rabbonim felt the draft was overly soft and did not adequately reflect the gravity of the situation facing the olam haTorah.
Voices within Agudas Yisroel argued that with Degel HaTorah abstaining on the vote for the defense budget and the supplemental security funding—a move that could enable its passage—the most potent form of protest is not in the street but in the Knesset chamber. “Stopping the automatic support for a government that does not stand by its commitments to the chareidi parties is the real hafganah,” they said. In that light, they maintained, there was little point in staging an atzeres tefillah.
Throughout the day, there were heated deliberations whether to move forward regardless, particularly with pressure from the faction who had spearheaded the initiative and sought to issue a sharper, more uncompromising statement. Ultimately, however, the psak of the gedolei Torah instructing Degel HaTorah MKs to abstain on the defense budget brought negotiations with Gerrer representatives to a halt and sealed the fate of the gatherings.
Degel HaTorah had earlier clarified that, due to the government’s failure to honor its agreements, the gedolim directed the party to abstain in the first reading of the defense budget. The party noted that this amendment dealt exclusively with defense expenditures and did not touch civilian allocations. They added that guidance for the second and third readings would be issued directly by the gedolei Torah at the proper time.
Senior figures in Agudas Yisroel lashed out at the decision, declaring: “It is a strange and painful choice to continue propping up a government and giving it oxygen while it has been persecuting the chareidi tzibbur for over a year. There will be no joint atzaros tefillah with Degel HaTorah tomorrow. The chareidi tzibbur views with outrage the continued, inexplicable support that certain representatives of chareidi Jewry give to a government bent on suppressing lomdei Torah.”
{Matzav.com Israel}
Doubts are increasingly being raised about the true outcome of Operation “Summit of Fire,” the mission intended to eliminate Hamas leaders in Doha. In a Hebrew-language column for Arutz Sheva, Israeli writer and journalist Haggai Huberman examined reports suggesting that the plan collapsed because the United States allegedly tipped off Qatar mere minutes before Israeli warplanes were about to launch their strike. According to the claim, Qatari officials passed the warning along to Hamas commanders, who scattered and avoided what could have been a decisive Israeli success.
Huberman stresses that if this account proves correct, it would mark a shameful American betrayal—though not the first of its kind. He recalls earlier moments when leaks from Washington undermined Israeli operations. One particularly telling example, he writes, was Operation Karameh, carried out on March 21, 1968, which became the IDF’s first full-scale counterterror raid after the Six-Day War. That mission ended with considerable Israeli losses and a murky political outcome.
The Karameh operation came after a horrifying terror attack only days before, when a school bus from the Herzliya Hebrew Gymnasium hit a mine near Be’er Ora in the Arava. Two parents accompanying the students were killed, and many children were wounded. The tragedy deeply shocked Israeli society, fueling enormous public pressure on the government to hit back against the Palestinian terrorist bases across the Jordanian frontier.
At the time, Prime Minister Levi Eshkol was caught between competing forces. The Israeli public and senior military officials were demanding a decisive strike, but the administration of President Lyndon B. Johnson explicitly opposed an Israeli attack on Jordan, then a close U.S. partner. Eshkol feared endangering the crucial alliance with Washington, so he twice convened his cabinet before finally approving the raid. Most ministers supported it, though figures such as Moshe Haim Shapira of the National Religious Party voiced dissent.
Once the green light was given, the IDF prepared an extensive campaign. The target was the town of Karameh in the Jordan Valley, where Fatah, led by Yasser Arafat, maintained its headquarters and staging ground for attacks into Israel. The assault involved tanks, paratroopers, and the Air Force in what became the first major IDF operation following the Six-Day War. Beyond punishing Fatah, the attack was meant to demonstrate to the region that Israel retained the ability to strike deep into hostile territory.
However, later revelations showed that the element of surprise had been compromised. American intelligence reportedly provided advance notice of the plan to Jordanian authorities. Jordanian officials then relayed the warning to senior Fatah leaders, including Arafat’s deputy, Abu Iyad. With this information, both the terrorists and the Jordanian army were able to prepare for Israel’s assault.
Abu Iyad later recounted in his memoirs that several days before the clash, a Jordanian intelligence officer passed along details said to come from the CIA. This officer even urged Fatah’s leadership to evacuate in order to avoid a devastating confrontation. Though Fatah did not completely withdraw, they secured their commanders and organized defensive positions. Huberman emphasizes that the premature disclosure stripped Israel of its crucial advantage—surprise—and tilted the balance toward the defenders.
The battle’s toll was heavy for Israel. By day’s end, the IDF had lost 33 soldiers, with 161 others wounded, alongside the destruction or abandonment of dozens of tanks and armored vehicles. A Jordanian anti-aircraft battery brought down an Israeli Air Force jet. Disabled Israeli armor left on the battlefield became prized Jordanian trophies. Meanwhile, Arafat managed to escape on a motorcycle, narrowly avoiding capture. His survival and subsequent claim of victory dramatically elevated the status of the PLO and laid the foundation for its growing influence in the years ahead.
In the aftermath, the consequences of Karameh were stark. Rather than discouraging terrorism, the mission boosted Arafat’s stature and energized Palestinian groups. Attacks from Jordan became more frequent and severe, and in later decades, Arafat expanded his campaign from Lebanon and, eventually, after the Oslo Accords, from Judea and Samaria itself. Huberman draws a straight line from 1968 to the waves of violence that followed in the ensuing decades.
He highlights how the same pattern seems to be repeating itself today. Just as American leaks in 1968 saved the lives of Israel’s enemies and robbed the IDF of victory, Huberman argues that U.S. actions also undermined Operation “Summit of Fire.” In both cases, moments when Israel could have struck decisive blows against terrorist leadership slipped away, and in both, America’s reliability as an ally was called into doubt.
Huberman ends by warning that while Israel has long relied on U.S. support, the recurring issue of American intelligence leaks and political interference poses a grave danger. He cautions that history appears to be repeating itself, with Washington once again shielding those responsible for terror against the Jewish people.
{Matzav.com}
Lt. Gen. Herzi Halevi, who served as IDF Chief of Staff at the time of the October 7 massacre, has given his version of the events to residents of the Gaza border communities. His remarks, captured in recordings broadcast Wednesday evening on Kan News, shed light on the IDF’s perception and actions in the days leading up to the attack and during its harrowing first hours.
Reflecting on intelligence assessments before the assault, Halevi admitted: “In hindsight, we know that they were preparing for this several times before October 7, and coming very close to carrying it out. There were internal disagreements, and it didn’t happen in the end. Even then, in retrospect, we didn’t see the signs. These are things we only learned once the war began and we extracted intelligence from inside the Gaza Strip.”
On the morning of the massacre itself, Halevi described a catastrophic collapse: “For five or six hours, the Gaza Division, which had done so much to protect this area, collapses. It’s very difficult for me to say this, but the defense collapses in those first hours. We prepared for six to eight infiltration points and received 40, with around 6,000 terrorists. We knew—but the sheer number of vehicles entering and fighting reinforcements made it overwhelming.”
Halevi added that no one within the IDF leadership that night raised the possibility of imminent war. “Even on that night, unfortunately, not one person in the discussion says a war is about to break out. More than that—no one raises an alert,” he said. “There were signs, and in hindsight we could have done better and acted more correctly. But we did not have the privilege of debating whether it was war or just an exercise, as happened before the Yom Kippur War.”
{Matzav.com}
Just a day after Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu publicly urged Qatar to “expel the terrorists,” Qatari Prime Minister Mohammed Al-Thani responded sharply, accusing Netanyahu of driving the region toward instability and threatening to reconsider Qatar’s role as mediator.
Speaking to CNN following Israel’s strike in Doha under “Operation Summit of Fire,” Al-Thani charged: “Netanyahu is leading the Middle East into chaos.” He added that Qatar is now “reassessing everything regarding our role as mediators – and the future of Hamas in Qatar.” According to him, several Qatari officers were wounded in the Israeli strike and are currently in critical condition.
The Qatari leader also addressed ongoing negotiations for a potential hostage deal. “I think what Netanyahu did yesterday killed any hope for the hostages,” he said. “The opportunities are gone.” He noted that he had met with families of the captives just hours before the strike. “They are relying on this mediation and they have no other hope.”
Earlier in the day, Netanyahu released a video statement framing the attack in Qatar as a continuation of Israel’s pursuit of justice for the atrocities of October 7. Drawing a parallel to America’s response after September 11, he said: “On that day, Islamist terrorists carried out the worst act of barbarism on American soil since the founding of the United States. We too have our September 11. We remember October 7, when Islamist terrorists carried out the worst act of barbarism against the Jewish people since the Holocaust.”
Netanyahu continued: “What did America do after September 11? It committed itself to hunting down the terrorists who carried out that heinous act, wherever they were. And it passed a U.N. Security Council resolution stating that governments cannot give sanctuary to terrorists. Yesterday we acted in the same spirit. We went after the terrorist masterminds of October 7. And we did so in Qatar – which shelters terrorists, hosts them, funds Hamas, and provides its leaders with lavish villas and every comfort.”
He compared Israel’s strike in Doha to the U.S. campaign against al-Qaeda: “We did exactly what America did when it pursued the al-Qaeda terrorists in Afghanistan and when it eliminated Osama bin Laden in Pakistan.”
Netanyahu dismissed international criticism of the strike, insisting the same nations had applauded America’s operations against al-Qaeda. “Now some countries condemn Israel. They should be ashamed of themselves. What did they say when America killed Osama bin Laden? Did they cry out for Afghanistan or Pakistan? No, they applauded. They should applaud Israel too, for standing on those same principles.”
He ended with a direct warning: “And I say to Qatar and to all nations that harbor terrorists – either expel them or put them on trial. Because if you don’t, we will.”
{Matzav.com}
Local leaders in Croton-on-Hudson, a small town in Westchester County, have dropped a zoning case against a resident who has long displayed a “Trump Is My President” flag. The reversal came after weeks of mounting criticism, warnings of possible federal action, and concerns about safety following threats directed at village staff.
The controversy quickly drew nationwide attention, amplified by Newsmax and local media outlets, turning what began as a zoning matter into a broader debate over free expression and the scope of local authority.
On Tuesday evening, officials confirmed they were withdrawing both the violation notice and the court summons issued over the flag, which had been cited under the village’s rules against certain banners. The village attorney explained that enforcement would remain on hold until the zoning code itself could be reassessed.
In a statement issued Tuesday afternoon, the village explained that the enforcement was “part of routine, village-wide code enforcement that identified 17 non-compliant locations,” and stressed that “voluntary compliance” had resolved nearly all of the other cases. Officials insisted there was no political motive, declaring: “Village staff have been falsely accused of engaging in a politically motivated enforcement action… categorically false.”
Senior administrators acknowledged that what began as a local zoning matter had “become a national spectacle” and had triggered “abusive messages and threats of violence” directed toward village employees. Those threats are now being investigated by authorities.
The issue escalated further when the U.S. Department of Justice sent a letter reminding the village that it had the power to pursue civil enforcement if constitutional rights were at stake, and urged officials to “review its ordinance and enforcement practices promptly” to ensure they complied with federal law.
After considering the situation, local leaders concluded they could not manage both the harassment of staff and the possibility of federal involvement. They stated: “Our village government is not in a position to contend with continuous anonymous abuse… and a federal intervention regarding a minor civil citation.”
The dispute centered around Leonard “Lenny” Amicola, a disabled Vietnam veteran who has lived in the village for nearly seven decades. Amicola, who began flying pro-Trump banners in 2021, said the current flag, strung between two trees, had not only drawn neighbors’ support but also prompted hostility, including “rocks being thrown at the flag” and personal threats.
Mayor Brian Pugh maintained that the action had nothing to do with politics, describing it as “a straightforward code enforcement matter, not a free speech issue.” He explained that the village discourages banners unless they are on flagpoles.
Amicola and his attorney, Roseann Schuyler, rejected the mayor’s explanation and said they were prepared to challenge the case in federal court if necessary.
Newsmax played a central role in pushing the story to a national audience, highlighting Schuyler’s position that the village wrongly classified Amicola’s display as though it were a commercial advertisement. She told the outlet: “Mr. Amicola is not advertising anything. He’s making a political statement on his own private property.” She further argued that the village was trying “to shoehorn their enforcement action” into an ordinance that did not apply to her client’s flag.
Schuyler added: “I think that if Lenny had a Joe Biden flag or a Black Lives Matter flag, or a pride flag, that he would be allowed to fly his flag and would not be harassed by the village administration at all.”
{Matzav.com}
An unusual scene unfolded last night at the home of the senior posek, Rav Moshe Shternbuch, when a siren suddenly pierced the air in the middle of a visit. The Rebbe of Strikov was paying a call to receive brachos ahead of the Yomim Noraim when the alarm was triggered, following the launch of a single missile from Yemen by the Houthis.
In recent days, a steady stream of rabbonim have been arriving at Rav Shternbuch’s home to seek his brocha in advance of Rosh Hashanah. Within the past 24 hours alone, the visitors included the Rebbes of Sanz, Toldos Aharon Yitzchak, Strikov, and Parysov, as well as Rav Mordechai Shmuel Edelstein.
It was during the Strikover Rebbe’s visit that the air raid siren sounded. Seizing the moment with a touch of wit, the Rebbe remarked to the posek that there is significance in hearing the sound of a shofar at night. He referenced the words of the Rema, who records that in certain communities the custom was to blow shofar throughout Elul not only by day but also after nightfall. “Therefore,” the Rebbe said, “in our times, when we no longer have the practice of blowing shofar in Elul at night, the Ribbono Shel Olam has arranged that we should hear a ‘shofar’ in the form of a siren on one of the nights of Elul.”
Rav Shternbuch responded by delving into the halachic discussion surrounding the Rema’s words, engaging the Rebbe in learning. He then blessed him warmly, saying: “Brachah v’hatzlachah v’si’yata d’Shmaya that you should have great influence, that all should follow the path of Torah. And Hashem will help you have the strength to wage the battle of Hashem with force against the breach of the internet, regarding which the Torah says ‘v’lo savi to’eivah el beisecha’—do not bring abomination into your home.”
הרבי מסטריקוב בביקור אצל הגר”מ שטרנבוךצילום: רפאל שוורץ הרבי מסטריקוב בביקור אצל הגר”מ שטרנבוךצילום: רפאל שוורץ הרבי מסטריקוב בביקור אצל הגר”מ שטרנבוךצילום: רפאל שוורץ הרבי מסטריקוב בביקור אצל הגר”מ שטרנבוךצילום: רפאל שוורץ הרבי מסטריקוב בביקור אצל הגר”מ שטרנבוךצילום: רפאל שוורץ הרבי מסטריקוב בביקור אצל הגר”מ שטרנבוךצילום: רפאל שוורץ הרבי מסטריקוב בביקור אצל הגר”מ שטרנבוךצילום: רפאל שוורץ הרבי מסטריקוב בביקור אצל הגר”מ שטרנבוךצילום: רפאל שוורץ הרבי מסטריקוב בביקור אצל הגר”מ שטרנבוךצילום: רפאל שוורץ הרבי מסטריקוב בביקור אצל הגר”מ שטרנבוךצילום: רפאל שוורץ הרבי מסטריקוב בביקור אצל הגר”מ שטרנבוךצילום: רפאל שוורץ הרבי מסטריקוב בביקור אצל הגר”מ שטרנבוךצילום: רפאל שוורץ