SHAS IN TURMOIL: Party Founder Blasts Deri’s Leadership After Historic Election Collapse, Says “Shas Is Not Deri”
Former Shas MK Nissim Ze’ev, one of the party’s founders, has delivered a sharp rebuke of chairman Aryeh Deri following Shas’s disastrous showing in Tuesday’s Knesset elections, accusing him of running the movement as a one-man operation and mishandling the military draft controversy in a manner that alienated voters across the political spectrum.
Speaking to Arutz Sheva after Shas suffered one of the worst electoral setbacks in its history, Ze’ev said the outcome had been foreseeable for some time. He blamed the party’s campaign strategy, its confused messaging on the draft issue, and Deri’s concentration of power for driving longtime supporters toward United Torah Judaism and other parties.
“It was expected,” Ze’ev said. “The atmosphere was already very tense before the elections. There was an aggressive campaign and brainwashing against draft evaders, and Aryeh [Deri] did not demonstrate much wisdom. It is written, ‘Therefore, the prudent shall keep silent in that time,’ but that did not happen. Perhaps he even added a little fuel to the fire.”
Ze’ev argued that Shas had failed to make clear its distinction between full-time yeshiva bochurim, whose Torah learning it seeks to protect, and those who are not learning and could serve in the military.
“Instead of saying that Shas supporters serve in the army and that anyone who is not studying should enlist – which should have been his motto – we ended up losing on both sides. It looked as though Shas was against the army, and that is not true. This is a party whose members serve in the army. It is both a haredi and a Zionist party.”
According to Ze’ev, the party’s position created confusion among its traditional supporters. Some rabbonim and roshei yeshiva who had previously backed Shas began encouraging their followers to vote for United Torah Judaism, while other voters concluded that Shas had become too closely identified with opposition to military service.
Ze’ev estimated that approximately 20 percent of the party’s previous electorate had shifted to United Torah Judaism, with additional voters moving to Likud, Otzma Yehudit and Religious Zionism.
“On the other hand, communities that had been part of Shas thought the party opposed the army, and so, unfortunately, we lost both segments of the public,” the former MK said.
He suggested that Deri had allowed political pressure to dictate his public statements, particularly when defending the right of yeshiva students to continue learning without being drafted.
“It could be that pressure from Agudat Yisrael left him no choice but to say, ‘If you think we will not work to keep Torah scholars in the yeshivas, you are mistaken. Look, I am proud of my grandchildren who are studying in yeshivas rather than serving in the army.’ That statement conveyed the impression that the party was against the army, but that is not the case. Sages, be careful with your words.”
Ze’ev reserved some of his harshest criticism for Deri’s management of Shas, rejecting the notion that the party’s identity is inseparable from its longtime chairman.
“That is not how things are. Shas is not Deri, and Deri is not Shas. He did not even establish the Shas movement. But many people see him as the one and only central figure who controls Shas, and they say that if he is the man in charge, they are backing away. People need to understand that a party does not belong to one person who dictates every political move, including in dealings with the rabbis. It saddens and pains me that the party has fallen to seven seats, but the right conclusions must be drawn,” Ze’ev said.
He recalled that Shas had also fallen to seven seats after his own departure from the party, arguing that its leadership must reconsider how it relates to the broader Israeli electorate.
“The general public feels a very strong connection to Shas,” he insisted. “When we consistently held 11 to 13 seats, we reached out to many different segments of the population. When I was in Shas, I would visit all the communities that saw me as a right-wing figure, someone who cared about the Land of Israel. I was part of them.”
Ze’ev contrasted that approach with the party’s current campaign efforts, arguing that Shas had neglected communities that once formed an important part of its electoral base.
“What Ben Gvir does with a lot of noise, I used to do in a pleasant manner. The same was true of Eli Yishai, who would go with me from community to community, and we would hold rallies there,” he said. “Shas is not doing that now. Shas is also absent from the Negev because it had a competitor there in the form of Rabbi Abergil. Aryeh Deri should have come to his senses, brought him into the fold, and given him a representative in the party.”
“One person cannot make every decision. That is not how a movement should be run.”
On the contentious draft legislation, Ze’ev acknowledged the resentment felt by many chareidi voters but argued that Deri could not be held solely responsible for the failure to enact a law protecting yeshiva students. He cited the anti-government demonstrations on Kaplan Street and the outbreak of war, with its heavy military casualties, as circumstances that made advancing such legislation politically difficult.
Ze’ev said Deri should instead have given Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu approximately one year to resolve the issue, while taking the country’s security situation into consideration.
He also described growing dissatisfaction in traditionally loyal Shas communities, including the Musayof shul, where a Torah lecturer reportedly declared that the party no longer represented the path of Rav Ovadia Yosef zt”l. Ze’ev said he personally knew families with longstanding ties to Shas whose roshei yeshiva had instructed them to vote for United Torah Judaism.
“There was no proper public messaging. What kind of campaign did Shas run? We should have countered the incitement against us as a community of draft evaders. We should have said that we are not draft evaders; we are a community devoted to Torah study, and solutions must be found for those who are not studying.”
Ze’ev maintained that the draft controversy could have been addressed through practical administrative arrangements rather than legislation that would provoke additional hostility.
“I remember Rabbi Yehuda Tzadka, the head of the Porat Yosef Yeshiva, saying that someone who does not study Torah will have to answer for it, because the blood of a soldier fighting on the front lines is worth no less than the blood of a young man who goes out to work instead of studying. Already 25 years ago, I said that we did not need legislation that would provoke antagonism, but rather administrative measures. Someone who has completed his studies and is over the age of 21 should be allowed to serve for three months and then perform reserve duty. Tens of thousands would have enlisted and would now be serving in the reserves.”
His criticism comes as Deri faces mounting pressure from within Shas following the election. Former Shas minister Shlomo Benizri has also faulted the party’s handling of the draft issue, while reports indicate that senior figures are considering changes to its leadership.
Asked whether Deri should step down, Ze’ev declined to explicitly demand his resignation, instead insisting that the chairman must relinquish some of his control and allow other party figures to participate meaningfully in decision-making.
“I am not going to tell him what to do. Aryeh Deri is smart enough. He knows how to operate and how to bring the rabbis to the point where they will beg him and say, ‘Our esteemed friend, our beloved, have mercy on us and stay.’ I am not saying he needs to leave, but he needs partners alongside him. Today, Knesset members cannot express themselves without his approval. What kind of leadership is that? I remember being summoned to Rabbi Chacham Shalom Cohen because I had spoken to the media. It was a complete dictatorship. You were not allowed to speak, and the rabbi would reprimand me.”
Ze’ev described Deri’s centralized leadership style as “a method that is working against him.”
“He needs to correct his character traits. In 2011, he established a movement called ‘HaTikun’ [The Correction]. Let him make that correction now, in 2026.”
