Israeli Prime Minister Binyomin Netanyahu has ordered a comprehensive review of Israel’s security system for foreign civilian flights after the attempted attack aboard Flydubai Flight FZ1073 exposed what reports describe as years of ignored warnings, unclear lines of responsibility, intelligence gaps and inadequate screening of foreign air crews.
Netanyahu instructed National Security Council Director Shmuel Ben Ezra to appoint an examiner to investigate the entire foreign-aviation security framework, including how an Omani co-pilot who had previously raised extremism concerns abroad was able to repeatedly fly the Dubai-Tel Aviv route before allegedly trying to crash a plane carrying more than 170 passengers and crew.
The growing controversy extends far beyond the events aboard the aircraft. Reports published since the attack describe a security structure in which government ministries and intelligence agencies had warned one another for years about weaknesses in the system, yet key decisions remained unimplemented and responsibility for screening foreign crews was never clearly resolved.
The alleged attacker, identified in multiple reports as Omani national Hammam al-Hammami, had reportedly been prohibited from flying in Oman because of concerns about radicalization. He nevertheless later joined Flydubai and was assigned to flights serving Israel, despite Oman having no diplomatic relations with the Jewish state. Israeli authorities were reportedly unaware of his earlier history.
The questions surrounding his background have widened further. Australian counterterrorism authorities are now examining al-Hammami’s ties to Australia, where he studied roughly a decade ago. Australian intelligence services had reportedly maintained a file on him, and he had allegedly visited radical mosques and accessed extremist websites while living there.
He also trained with Royal Air Maroc before the Moroccan carrier declined to employ him. The combination of warnings and concerns emerging from several countries has intensified scrutiny of how he passed through Flydubai’s hiring and vetting process and, separately, how Israeli authorities failed to identify him as a potential threat before he flew repeatedly to Ben Gurion Airport.
An internal National Security Council document reported by Galei Tzahal showed that concerns over foreign-flight security long predated the Flydubai incident. According to the report, responsibility had been placed on the Transportation Ministry even though professionals inside the ministry warned that they did not possess the capabilities, authority or resources needed to perform the task properly.
The NSC itself reportedly warned in March 2025 that the Transportation Ministry was not carrying out the responsibilities assigned to it under an earlier government decision. Despite those warnings, the underlying arrangement remained in place.
A central part of the controversy concerns Israel’s National Passenger Data Analysis Center, which receives information about passengers and crews arriving aboard foreign airlines. The system can help authorities identify individuals whose citizenship, background or other information may require additional examination.
According to reports, the Transportation Ministry was entitled to make use of information from the system as part of its aviation-security responsibilities but never put such access into operation. The ministry, however, disputes the suggestion that it is responsible for conducting intelligence checks on individual foreign pilots.
The timing of crew information has also come under scrutiny. Channel 13 reported that airlines sometimes transmit crew details only shortly before departure and, in some instances, as late as 15 minutes after takeoff. That could leave Israeli security bodies learning about a potentially problematic crew member only after the aircraft is already airborne and heading toward Israel.
A government source said the timing is consistent with common international aviation practices and noted that no Israeli government agency had previously demanded a different procedure. Those practices are now being reconsidered in the wake of the Flydubai attack.
Recordings of a discussion between senior Transportation and Interior Ministry officials, aired by Channel 12, further illustrated the confusion. A Transportation Ministry representative reportedly asked how Israel would know that a crew member traveling on an Emirati passport also held Omani citizenship. An Interior Ministry official responded that crews were not screened to that degree and acknowledged that passenger and crew information could arrive only after a flight had taken off.
The Interior Ministry official later said that the information it received was passed along to the appropriate security agencies, including the Shin Bet and Mossad.
Adding another layer to the dispute, regional officials have said that the UAE had in fact provided Israel with the Flydubai crew and passenger details, including names and nationalities, before the flight. The Transportation Ministry maintains that the crew list was not given directly to it, while reports indicate that other Israeli government and security bodies had access to the information.
The case has therefore become as much a dispute over responsibility as one over missing information: who received the crew data, which agencies were expected to examine it, who was supposed to flag a problematic nationality or background, and whether anyone had access to the intelligence necessary to recognize the threat.
Al-Hammami may not have been the first foreign crew member from a country without diplomatic relations with Israel to reach Ben Gurion Airport. Reports indicate that pilots or air crew holding Iranian, Lebanese, Pakistani, Syrian and other citizenships have arrived in Israel in previous years, despite regulations intended to restrict such cases.
Channel 13 reported official figures showing that 10 Omani citizens entered Israel in 2022, 29 in 2023, nine in 2024 and 11 in 2025, with additional entries recorded during 2026. Oman is not formally classified by Israel as an enemy state, but the countries do not maintain diplomatic relations, and authorities believe that at least some of those entries may have involved airline personnel.
Israel has now tightened its rules. Under new instructions issued to foreign carriers, crew members who hold citizenship or dual citizenship in countries that do not maintain diplomatic relations with Israel are barred from serving aboard Israel-bound flights. The new directive reportedly covers citizens of 27 countries.
The unanswered questions reach back several years. In June 2023, the NSC convened a meeting with representatives of the Shin Bet and Mossad to discuss how intelligence should be transferred to civilian bodies responsible for aviation security.
Transportation Ministry representatives reportedly said at the meeting that although the ministry bore responsibility for securing foreign flights, it was not receiving sufficient intelligence to carry out that mission effectively. The meeting concluded with a decision that Mossad would increase the intelligence information passed to the ministry.
According to the reports, that decision was never implemented.
The Shin Bet had separately warned over the years about weaknesses in the tracking of foreign flight crews and the verification of passenger identities. Sources cited in Israeli media said the agency had recommended transferring responsibility for oversight of foreign flights and crew lists to the Israel Airports Authority.
The emerging picture is therefore one of warnings coming from multiple directions without producing a lasting solution. Transportation Ministry professionals complained that they lacked intelligence. Security agencies identified weaknesses in the screening system. Senior government officials were aware that responsibility remained disputed. Yet the structural problems were allowed to remain unresolved.
Questions have also emerged over the staffing of the Transportation Ministry’s Aviation Security, Emergency and Cyber Division, whose broad portfolio includes security responsibilities for multiple forms of transportation.
According to figures reported by Ynet, eight employees left the division between 2022 and 2025. The number of official positions reportedly declined from 21 to 19, six of them designated as part-time positions for students and senior citizens, while at least two senior positions remained vacant without budget allocations.
Despite responsibility for security and emergency systems involving air, maritime and land transportation, the unit reportedly operates with only about 10 permanent full-time employees.
Former ministry officials have said that efforts were made for years to strengthen the aviation-security operations center or transfer some of its responsibilities to the Shin Bet or Mossad. Those initiatives were never carried through.
Dani Shneer, a former senior director of the Security Division and former Transportation Ministry chief security officer, has said that the division was assigned responsibility for examining foreign flight crews under a government decision dating to 2003. Airlines were required to provide crew information in connection with permission to land in Israel.
Shneer has argued that the system functioned effectively in earlier years but that its responsibilities have since become too extensive for a relatively small government unit. He believes the function should be transferred to a national security organization.
The employment arrangements of officials involved in the system have also drawn attention. Channel 12 reported that Dvir Rubinstein, identified as the manager of the Transportation Ministry’s aviation-security operations center, works through an outsourced arrangement rather than as a government employee and also holds other jobs.
The Transportation Ministry confirmed that arrangement, saying Rubinstein’s additional employment had received legal approval and was conducted outside his government working hours.
Channel 12 later reported that Rubinstein had also performed paid private consulting and training work for foreign airlines, including Flydubai and Emirates, adding another issue now drawing scrutiny as officials examine the security structure surrounding foreign carriers.
Haaretz separately reported that Aviation Security Division chief Avi Cohen also works as a standby security officer in an overseas aviation-security system and receives separate compensation for that position. The Transportation Ministry said the outside role had been authorized when Cohen assumed his post in 2018.
The dispute over who should be responsible for foreign-flight security has been continuing for years. A cabinet decision in July 2021 addressed the allocation of responsibilities, and the matter subsequently appeared in a confidential State Comptroller report in May 2024.
A working group was later formed with representatives of the National Security Council, Transportation Ministry, Israel Airports Authority, Shin Bet, Mossad and Finance Ministry in an effort to resolve the matter.
According to Galei Tzahal, professional officials in the Transportation Ministry’s Security Division resisted assuming the responsibility because they believed they lacked the necessary tools. Nevertheless, Netanyahu decided in mid-2025 that the responsibility would remain with the Transportation Ministry.
The report said that even after that decision, the ministry’s Security Division did not approach the Shin Bet or Mossad to request assistance in carrying out security screening or the vetting of foreign passengers and crew members.
The Transportation Ministry has pushed back strongly against much of the criticism, arguing that some of the reports blur important distinctions between regularly scheduled foreign flights and charter operations.
The ministry also rejects the premise that assigning it responsibility for aviation security makes it responsible for intelligence investigations of every foreign pilot or crew member.
“The Transportation Ministry is not an intelligence body, and it does not have the tools to conduct intelligence background checks for crew members and passengers,” the ministry said.
According to the ministry, its procedures were approved by the NSC and Israel’s security organizations and are built around security measures undertaken in the country from which the flight originates, commitments made by the airline itself, and inspections performed by the ministry’s security division.
In the case of Flydubai, the ministry said the airline had been given explicit instructions requiring background checks on its personnel and had provided written confirmation that nationality restrictions were incorporated into its crew-assignment system. The ministry maintains that it never received the specific crew list for Flight FZ1073.
Those claims are now being tested against evidence from other agencies and foreign governments as investigators reconstruct what information existed, when Israel received it and who was responsible for acting on it.
The attack itself demonstrated the potential cost of those failures. During the September 30 flight from Dubai to Tel Aviv, al-Hammami allegedly attacked Captain Smit Machchhar with an emergency crash axe and attempted to seize control of the aircraft. The Boeing 737 MAX plunged more than 16,000 feet in just over 30 seconds during its most severe descent.
Despite being seriously wounded, Machchhar managed to open the cockpit door, allowing passengers and crew to overpower the co-pilot. A reserve Flydubai pilot traveling aboard the plane then helped regain control, and the aircraft eventually landed safely in Tabuk, Saudi Arabia.
UAE prosecutors have officially characterized the incident as a terrorist attack. Al-Hammami remains under investigation in the UAE, while authorities seek to determine his motive, whether he acted alone and whether anyone else helped plan or direct the attack.
The National Security Council examiner appointed under Netanyahu’s directive will now be expected to trace the failures across the entire chain: old warnings, unimplemented decisions, intelligence-sharing shortcomings, delayed crew information, manpower deficiencies and the longstanding argument over which agency was ultimately supposed to protect foreign flights entering Israel.
At the center of the review will be one overriding question: how a co-pilot who had reportedly already drawn the attention of authorities overseas, had been barred from flying over extremism concerns and was a citizen of a country without diplomatic relations with Israel was able to repeatedly enter the cockpit of aircraft bound for Tel Aviv — until one of those flights nearly ended in catastrophe.