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The detention of 42 Chabad yeshiva bochurim at Ben Gurion Airport this week has raised fresh concerns that additional yeshiva students returning to Israel from overseas could face arrest over unresolved military draft status, as Israeli authorities intensify enforcement at the country’s international border crossings.

The incident on Tuesday, October 20, revealed that military police had received advance information about the students’ arrival from New York and had positioned additional officers at the airport to intercept them. The operation was part of a broader enforcement effort targeting individuals classified by the IDF as draft avoiders.

The 42 bochurim were returning from their kevutzah year at 770 Eastern Parkway in Crown Heights, where they had spent the previous year immersed in Torah and Chassidus. Instead of being reunited with their families, they were detained by military police after passing through passport control.

The operation was coordinated in advance, with military authorities preparing transportation to transfer the students to an induction facility for disciplinary proceedings.

According to an IDF statement issued after the arrests, 27 of the 42 students were released after signing commitments before a military judge to enlist. They received suspended prison sentences and were expected to begin the military enlistment process.

Another 13 students initially refused to enlist and were sentenced to military imprisonment, while two others, whose absence from required military service reportedly exceeded 540 days, were transferred directly to military prison.

Subsequent reporting indicated that additional students were released following intervention by Chabad representatives and political officials, although the exact final disposition of all 42 cases was not independently established.

The arrests have drawn attention to a significant legal complication affecting Chabad bochurim who spend extended periods studying abroad.

For years, Chabad students followed an established educational arrangement under which they completed their studies in Israel, traveled to the United States for a year at the Lubavitcher Rebbe’s bais medrash, and subsequently returned to Israel, with military obligations addressed through an arrangement involving the IDF.

However, changes to the legal framework governing yeshiva students’ military deferments have undermined the basis for some of those arrangements.

As a result, bochurim who previously expected to resolve their military status after returning from their year abroad may now discover that they are subject to outstanding enlistment orders.

The situation has created uncertainty for other Israeli yeshiva students studying outside the country, particularly those who have not obtained formal confirmation of their military status.

The enforcement measures at Ben Gurion Airport also appear to extend beyond the Chabad students involved in Tuesday’s incident.

Israeli television reporting has described increased cooperation between military police, the Population and Immigration Authority, and airport personnel to identify individuals with outstanding military service obligations.

Authorities have reportedly strengthened checks at passport-control points and increased the presence of military police at border crossings.

Those measures were introduced following concerns among security officials that individuals wanted for military service violations were traveling internationally without being apprehended.

The IDF has maintained that its enforcement activities are conducted in accordance with Israeli law and apply to all individuals legally required to enlist.

In a statement addressing the Chabad detentions, the military said that individuals passing through Ben Gurion Airport who are subject to military service requirements must fulfill those obligations and may face disciplinary proceedings if they fail to comply.

The military also confirmed that it routinely works with civilian border authorities to enforce the Defense Service Law.

The controversy has prompted criticism from senior political figures, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who described the arrests as unacceptable and argued that coercive enforcement could undermine efforts to encourage chareidi enlistment.

Netanyahu emphasized the importance of preserving the Torah world while distinguishing between full-time yeshiva students and those who are not engaged in learning.

MK Meir Porush, who has previously worked on arrangements concerning the military status of Chabad students, said he was in contact with defense officials in an effort to assist those detained.

Chabad rabbonim also became involved, with the Chabad Rabbinical Court confirming that representatives had been working with the relevant authorities before the students arrived.

The rabbonim said their efforts were focused on ensuring humane treatment for the bochurim and securing their release after their military status was addressed.

The arrests have also become a political controversy ahead of Israel’s November 3 elections.

Shas and United Torah Judaism officials have accused authorities of deliberately escalating enforcement during the election period, although no evidence has been publicly established demonstrating that the timing was politically motivated.

For families with sons currently studying abroad, the incident has highlighted the importance of determining whether outstanding military orders could result in detention upon their return.

The IDF has not announced a blanket policy of arresting all returning yeshiva students, and the Chabad incident does not establish that every bochur studying overseas faces detention. Enforcement depends on an individual’s legal status and any outstanding military obligations.

Nevertheless, the coordinated operation at Ben Gurion Airport, together with the military’s stated intention to continue enforcing conscription requirements at border crossings, indicates that students whose status remains unresolved could encounter similar difficulties.

The immediate question for the yeshiva community is whether Tuesday’s mass detention was an isolated operation involving a known group of students or an indication of further enforcement actions against returning bochurim in the weeks ahead.

{Matzav.com}

Hamas has delivered an alarming warning to Israel through a senior United Nations official, threatening to carry out another large-scale attack resembling the October 7, 2023 massacre, with the terrorist organization declaring that it is prepared to strike inside Israel, in Yehuda and Shomron, and even overseas.

The unusually explicit threat was conveyed by senior Hamas figures in the Gaza Strip during a meeting with Dr. Ramiz Alakbarov, the United Nations’ senior humanitarian coordinator. Hamas leaders reportedly instructed him to deliver their warning directly to Israeli authorities.

Alakbarov subsequently met on Wednesday with Maj. Gen. Yoram Halevi, Israel’s Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories, and relayed the message.

Israeli officials considered the language sufficiently serious to prepare an urgent intelligence and security briefing, which was distributed to senior political and defense officials in Yerushalayim. According to the report, the warning was viewed as unprecedented in its bluntness.

Hamas leaders reportedly declared that they were prepared to launch another attack on the scale of October 7 wherever operational opportunities presented themselves, whether within Israel’s pre-1967 borders, in Yehuda and Shomron, or against Israeli targets abroad.

The threat comes amid growing military and financial pressure on Hamas, which has been struggling to preserve its authority in Gaza while confronting continued Israeli operations, severe financial difficulties and demands from international mediators that it surrender its weapons.

During their meeting with the UN representative, Hamas officials reportedly identified several developments that they claimed were pushing the organization toward renewed confrontation.

Among them were the expansion of Israeli military operations inside Gaza, adjustments to the so-called “yellow line” separating areas under Israeli military control from other parts of the territory, and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas’s decision to cancel elections that had been scheduled for November 28.

According to the account of the meeting, Hamas officials argued that these developments were steadily weakening their ability to exercise authority in Gaza and warned that they would not accept the continued erosion of their control.

The warning represents a significant escalation in the organization’s rhetoric, particularly because it explicitly invoked the October 7 massacre, when Hamas-led terrorists invaded southern Israel, murdered approximately 1,200 people and abducted 251 hostages into Gaza.

By threatening another attack of that nature, Hamas was signaling that its ambitions extend beyond maintaining control of Gaza and could include operations against Israeli targets elsewhere.

The reported message did not identify a specific date, location or operational plan for an attack. Israeli officials nevertheless treated the statements seriously because of their direct reference to October 7 and the possibility of attacks outside Gaza.

Israeli security assessments indicate that Hamas is experiencing increasingly severe financial difficulties, complicating its efforts to maintain its armed forces and administrative structure in Gaza.

According to Israeli defense estimates, the organization requires approximately 90 million shekels each month merely to meet its payroll obligations.

Hamas is believed to have approximately 30,000 personnel in Gaza, including members of its military wing, lower-ranking operatives and administrative employees. Each receives an estimated monthly salary of 3,000 shekels.

Maintaining those payments has become a significant challenge as Israeli military operations and other restrictions place additional pressure on the organization’s financial resources.

Israel has recently intensified targeted operations against Hamas commanders and members of the Nukhba force, the elite terrorist units that spearheaded the October 7 attacks.

The continued elimination of Hamas personnel has further complicated the organization’s efforts to rebuild its military capabilities and maintain control over territory and residents in Gaza.

The financial pressure extends beyond Gaza. Earlier this month, the United States Treasury Department announced sanctions targeting a Hamas military operative and a France-based fundraising network accused of using fraudulent charities and cryptocurrency transactions to raise nearly $2 million for the terrorist organization.

American authorities said the operation formed part of broader efforts to dismantle Hamas’s international financial infrastructure and prevent funds from reaching its military apparatus.

At the diplomatic level, Hamas faces mounting demands from the Board of Peace and countries involved in mediating arrangements for Gaza to surrender its weapons.

Israeli officials believe Hamas has no intention of voluntarily disarming and will instead attempt to prolong negotiations through procedural delays and other maneuvers.

The dispute over disarmament has become a central obstacle to implementing proposed arrangements for Gaza’s future administration.

Israel has so far refused to authorize the entry into Gaza of a proposed Palestinian technocratic committee that would assume administrative responsibilities in the territory. It has also withheld permission for a Palestinian policing force to deploy there.

These disagreements have left the future governing structure of Gaza unresolved, while Hamas continues attempting to preserve its remaining military and political influence.

The Palestinian Authority’s cancellation of the November 28 elections has added another source of friction. Hamas officials reportedly view the decision as another development undermining their political position and limiting their ability to influence Palestinian governance.

Against this backdrop, the organization’s warning to Israel appears to be an attempt to exert pressure on Israeli decision-makers and international mediators as its military, financial and political difficulties deepen.

The fact that Hamas chose to communicate the threat through a senior UN representative, rather than through a public statement alone, has added to its significance in the eyes of Israeli security officials.

The message was delivered directly to Israel’s military liaison responsible for coordination with the Palestinian territories and subsequently circulated among senior officials responsible for national security.

There has been no public confirmation that Hamas possesses the operational capability to carry out another attack on the scale of October 7. Nevertheless, the explicit threat to strike inside Israel, in Yehuda and Shomron, and overseas has raised renewed concerns about the organization’s intentions.

{Matzav.com}

New York City’s iconic horse-drawn carriages are facing extinction after more than 150 years, as Mayor Zohran Mamdani and City Council leaders move forward with legislation that would permanently eliminate the popular Central Park attraction by June 2028, following a fatal accident that claimed the life of an 18-year-old tourist earlier this year.

The proposal, scheduled for a City Council vote today, would bring an end to one of Manhattan’s oldest tourist traditions, potentially putting more than 150 carriage drivers out of work and forcing the retirement or relocation of the horses that have transported generations of visitors through Central Park.

The legislation, known as Romanch’s Law, is named in memory of Romanch Mahajan, an 18-year-old tourist from India who was killed in June when the horse pulling his family’s carriage suddenly bolted, causing the carriage to overturn.

Mahajan was visiting New York with his family when the accident occurred on June 17. According to authorities, the carriage driver had stepped away to take a photograph of the passengers when the horse unexpectedly took off.

The runaway horse raced through the park, and the carriage struck another vehicle before overturning. Mahajan suffered fatal injuries, while other family members escaped without serious injuries.

His death, believed to be the first human fatality involving a Central Park horse-drawn carriage in the industry’s history, reignited a longstanding campaign by animal welfare organizations and public safety advocates to outlaw the rides.

Mayor Mamdani announced his support for the ban last week, declaring that the city was preparing to bring the industry to an end.

“The horse carriage industry is coming to an end in New York City,” Mamdani wrote on social media. “Our administration will make sure workers and owners are protected and the horses are safe.”

City Council Speaker Julie Menin has also endorsed the legislation, which has attracted support from a majority of Council members.

Under the proposal, existing carriage licenses would expire on May 31, 2028, and the city would stop issuing new licenses beginning June 1 of that year.

The legislation would also prohibit the sale or transfer of carriage horses for slaughter or other inhumane purposes, requiring owners to make arrangements for the animals’ retirement or placement in suitable facilities.

The Mamdani administration would be required to develop a transition plan by April 1, 2027, outlining how the city intends to assist carriage drivers, stable workers and business owners who stand to lose their livelihoods.

That plan would include employment assistance, potential retraining opportunities and consideration of compensation for carriage owners whose businesses and licenses would become worthless under the ban.

The legislation has triggered fierce opposition from carriage drivers, many of whom have spent decades working in Central Park and invested substantial sums in licenses, horses, equipment and stables.

There are currently 68 carriage licenses in New York City, some of which have been passed down through generations and carry values reaching hundreds of thousands of dollars.

Industry representatives argue that eliminating the entire business because of a single fatal accident is an excessive response that unfairly punishes workers who have complied with city regulations.

The Transport Workers Union, which represents carriage drivers, has warned that the proposal could devastate families who depend on the industry for their income.

Drivers have also questioned whether the city’s promises of employment assistance and possible compensation will provide meaningful protection against the financial losses they face.

Some workers say their livelihoods are inseparable from the horses they own and care for, making the prospect of losing their businesses particularly painful.

At a protest outside Central Park last week, carriage drivers called on Mamdani and Council members to reconsider the legislation, accusing city officials of failing to adequately account for the economic consequences.

One driver questioned how Mamdani, who previously supported New York City taxi drivers during their battle over declining medallion values, could now endorse legislation that could similarly destroy the value of carriage licenses.

“How can you fight for one group of medallion owners while allowing another group to face financial devastation?” the driver asked.

The union has indicated that it intends to challenge the ban in court if the legislation is enacted.

Supporters of the prohibition maintain that the industry’s longstanding presence in Central Park does not justify continuing a practice they consider dangerous to both animals and people.

They point to several incidents involving carriage horses in recent years, including horses collapsing on city streets, runaway carriages and accidents involving pedestrians or passengers.

In June, just days before Mahajan’s death, a carriage horse named Deniz collapsed and died in Central Park, further intensifying criticism of the industry.

Animal welfare organizations have argued that horses should not be required to work amid Manhattan’s traffic, noise and crowded streets, where sudden disturbances can cause them to panic.

The Central Park Conservancy, which oversees the park, has also endorsed eliminating horse-drawn carriages, citing concerns about the growing number of pedestrians, cyclists, runners and other users sharing the park’s roads.

Conservancy officials contend that Central Park has changed dramatically since the carriage industry first emerged in the nineteenth century, making the continued operation of horse-drawn vehicles increasingly difficult to accommodate safely.

Mahajan’s family has become among the most prominent supporters of the proposed ban.

His father, Deepak Mahajan, addressed City Council members during a hearing earlier this year, describing the devastating impact of losing his son during what was supposed to be a family vacation.

“The pain does not go away,” he told lawmakers. “Every morning we wake up and think of nothing but the loss of our son.”

The family has also filed a $50 million claim against New York City in connection with the fatal accident.

Previous efforts to outlaw Central Park’s carriage industry have repeatedly failed, despite support from animal welfare groups and some elected officials.

Former Mayor Bill de Blasio promised to eliminate horse-drawn carriages during his administration but ultimately abandoned the effort amid opposition from labor unions, carriage operators and political leaders.

The latest proposal, however, appears to have significantly stronger political backing, with Mamdani and Menin united behind the legislation.

If approved, the ban would mark one of the most consequential changes to Central Park’s tourist landscape in generations, ending a tradition that dates to the 1850s and has become closely associated with New York City’s identity.

For the carriage drivers, the immediate concern is what happens to their families, businesses and horses once the final licenses expire.

For Mahajan’s family and supporters of the ban, the legislation represents an effort to prevent another fatal accident in a park visited by millions of people every year.

The City Council’s scheduled vote will determine whether the famous sight of horses pulling carriages through Central Park is about to become part of New York City’s history.

{Matzav.com}

Violent confrontations erupted overnight in the chareidi city of Elad after the arrest of a yeshiva bochur wanted by the Israeli military, with several bochurim reportedly injured when police deployed stun grenades inside yeshiva compounds. One of the injured students was taken to a hospital for treatment.

The disturbances began Wednesday evening and continued into the early hours of Thursday, October 22, as bochurim protested the arrest of a third-year talmid at Yeshivas Torah B’Tifartah. According to eyewitness accounts, police entered the grounds of three yeshivos and threw stun grenades in areas where students were present, including bochurim who had not participated in the demonstrations.

The allegations have prompted serious questions about the police response, particularly the reported use of crowd-control weapons inside yeshiva properties after the original street demonstration had already dispersed.

The protest began at approximately 7 p.m. Wednesday, when students from Torah B’Tifartah gathered near the entrance to Elad to demonstrate against their fellow talmid’s detention. The demonstration continued for several hours and resulted in the closure of Route 444, a major roadway serving the area.

Police initially permitted the gathering to continue before eventually moving to clear the demonstrators and reopen the road.

However, the situation deteriorated again after midnight, when large contingents of police officers, including members of the Yasam special patrol unit and Border Police, arrived near the yeshiva complexes at the city’s entrance.

According to students who witnessed the events, officers entered the grounds of Torah B’Tifartah, Rav Ettinger’s yeshiva, and Yeshivas Beis HaTalmud, where additional confrontations developed.

One bochur said that the initial demonstration had already concluded when the police entered the yeshiva properties. Officers reportedly declared the gathering unlawful and alleged that stones had been thrown in their direction.

The student maintained that police subsequently began deploying stun grenades within the yeshiva compounds, without adequately distinguishing between protesters and students who were simply standing nearby.

“They simply came in and threw the grenades indiscriminately,” the bochur said. “There were bochurim inside, and there were bochurim standing off to the side. It wasn’t one grenade, or two, or three, but many grenades, in three yeshivos.”

He said multiple students suffered injuries during the operation, including some who were inside the yeshiva grounds and had not taken part in blocking roads.

“Grenade after grenade. One bochur was covered in blood, another was injured, and one was taken to the hospital,” he recounted.

Another student disputed the justification offered for the police response. According to his account, officers claimed that a stone or bags of garbage had been thrown toward them from within the yeshiva grounds.

The bochur said that even if such an incident occurred, it could not justify the widespread use of stun grenades against students inside the yeshivos.

“I’ve seen demonstrations in my life. To enter a yeshiva compound and indiscriminately throw grenades in three different yeshivos, and you see injured bochurim, one bleeding here, another injured there, an ordinary bochur who was simply in the yeshiva courtyard,” he said. “There is absolutely no justification for this, even if the commander was hit with a garbage bag.”

He described stun grenades being thrown into areas where students were gathered, including near dormitory rooms and temporary structures used by the yeshivos.

“To throw grenades like that indiscriminately inside an inner yeshiva compound, at all the people who are inside. One is in this room, another in a caravan, another at the entrance to his room. It’s simply unbelievable to see something like this,” the student said.

The bochur stressed that the complaints concerned what allegedly occurred inside the yeshiva properties, rather than the police operation to clear the roadway.

“This was inside the yeshiva compound. It’s not as though they were demonstrating or blocking a road. They simply entered and threw the grenades indiscriminately,” he said.

The overnight violence followed the arrest of a third-year bochur at Torah B’Tifartah, who had reported to the Kfar Saba police station Wednesday in connection with a suspected traffic violation.

During a routine check of his identification, officers discovered that military records classified him as absent from required IDF service. He was subsequently transferred to military police custody and sentenced to ten days in military prison.

News of the arrest quickly spread among his fellow talmidim and prompted demonstrations earlier Wednesday in Kfar Saba and near the Ra’anana Junction.

By evening, the protests had reached Elad, where the bochur studies, leading to the road closures and the confrontations that continued into the night.

Separate accounts from the scene described officers using batons as well as stun grenades during the disturbances. There were also reports that protesters closed the entrance gate to Elad in response to the police operation.

The confrontation comes amid heightened tensions over the Israeli government’s enforcement of military service requirements for chareidi yeshiva students.

Just days earlier, demonstrations over the imprisonment of other yeshiva bochurim brought traffic to a standstill on Route 4 near Yavne, where police also deployed stun grenades to disperse protesters.

{Matzav.com}

Billionaire entrepreneur Elon Musk has issued a sharp warning to congressional Democrats considering investigations into his business empire and his work with President Donald Trump’s administration, declaring that he will retaliate against those who target him and seek to identify the individuals he believes are orchestrating the effort.

Musk delivered the warning on his social media platform X after reports emerged that Democratic lawmakers were preparing potential investigations into his companies, federal contracts and involvement with the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), should their party gain control of either chamber of Congress in the November 3 midterm elections.

“Live by the sword, die by the sword,” Musk wrote in response to a report detailing the Democrats’ plans.

“Those who pick fights with me should understand that I will find out who is really pulling the strings and come for them, not just their puppets.”

The remarks came after Politico reported that Democratic lawmakers have been discussing possible congressional inquiries into Musk’s activities, including his leadership of Tesla and SpaceX, his companies’ extensive financial relationships with the federal government, and his previous role in the Trump administration.

Democrats have raised questions about whether Musk’s simultaneous involvement in federal government operations and management of companies receiving government contracts created potential conflicts of interest.

Musk, who has donated substantial sums to Republican candidates and political organizations, has become a prominent figure in conservative politics since aligning himself with Trump.

His relationship with the administration included a central role in establishing DOGE, an initiative launched at the beginning of Trump’s second term to identify wasteful government spending, reduce bureaucracy and increase scrutiny of federal expenditures.

Musk was one of the initiative’s most visible advocates, frequently promoting its activities and arguing that dramatic changes were necessary to bring federal spending under control.

His involvement continued until late May 2025, when he left his government position after reaching the 130-day limit applicable to special government employees.

At the time, Musk said he intended to devote greater attention to his responsibilities at Tesla and SpaceX. His departure also followed disagreements with certain administration policies.

DOGE’s operations produced major changes throughout the federal bureaucracy, including deferred resignation programs, employee buyouts and other workforce reduction measures.

According to figures cited from the Government Accountability Office, the federal workforce contracted by approximately 250,000 employees during 2025.

Supporters of DOGE have argued that the reductions were necessary to eliminate unnecessary expenditures and make government operations more efficient. Critics have questioned the effects on federal services, agency operations and government employees.

Beyond the workforce reductions, DOGE has faced criticism over its access to sensitive government information, including Social Security records, as well as decisions affecting federal funding and agency operations.

Democratic lawmakers have argued that Musk’s access to government systems warrants closer examination, particularly given his private companies’ financial interests and relationships with federal agencies.

SpaceX holds substantial contracts with NASA and the Department of Defense, while other Musk-affiliated businesses have relationships with federal regulators and agencies responsible for transportation, communications and national security.

Lawmakers considering investigations have raised the possibility that Musk’s government responsibilities overlapped with decisions affecting industries in which he maintains significant commercial interests. Those concerns remain allegations and questions for potential oversight proceedings, rather than established findings of misconduct.

The proposed investigations could also extend to SpaceX’s Starlink satellite internet service and its role in providing communications to Ukrainian forces during the war with Russia.

Rep. Pramila Jayapal of Washington, a Democrat serving on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, questioned whether a private businessman holding major federal contracts should have the ability to influence communications during an international conflict.

“What happens when one guy gets a giant contract from the government and then uses it to do something that shuts down communication in a war that has been extremely important to the United States to support Ukraine?” Jayapal said.

“There’s a lot of different parts of the corruption around Musk.”

Rep. Gregory Meeks of New York, the senior Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, has also identified DOGE’s role in restructuring the U.S. Agency for International Development as a possible subject for investigation.

Meeks said congressional oversight should examine the consequences of the administration’s changes to foreign assistance programs and the role Musk played in those decisions.

Separately, the legal battle over access to DOGE’s internal records has reached the Supreme Court.

On October 13, the justices agreed to hear a dispute involving Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, a government watchdog organization seeking documents relating to DOGE’s operations during the early months of Trump’s second term.

The watchdog argues that DOGE should be treated as a federal agency whose records are subject to disclosure under the Freedom of Information Act.

The Trump administration maintains that DOGE functioned as a presidential advisory body and therefore is not subject to the same disclosure requirements.

The Supreme Court’s eventual ruling could determine how much information about DOGE’s activities must be made available to the public.

Meanwhile, Musk remains deeply involved in managing his business ventures. Earlier this week, he indicated that combining Tesla and SpaceX could be a “good idea,” as the companies established special committees to explore a possible merger.

The potential transaction has attracted attention because of the companies’ size, Musk’s leadership roles and their extensive involvement in industries subject to federal regulation.

Any congressional investigations into Musk would depend on the results of the November elections and which party controls the relevant committees when the new Congress convenes.

For now, Democrats are preparing possible lines of inquiry, while Musk has made clear that he intends to respond aggressively if lawmakers move forward with investigations targeting him or his companies.

{Matzav.com}

Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) has again rejected longstanding allegations that she married her brother to facilitate immigration to the United States, calling the accusations “insane” and saying she has no knowledge of any familial relationship with her former husband, Ahmed Nur Said Elmi.

Omar addressed the controversy during a Wednesday interview with Chris Hayes on MS NOW, her first televised interview since federal agents searched her Washington, D.C., residence on October 12 as part of an ongoing criminal investigation.

Asked by Hayes whether there was any “weird kernel of truth” to the claims concerning her former husband, Omar responded, “Not to my knowledge.”

The Minnesota Democrat maintained that the allegations originated on a Somali-language blog before spreading through conservative political circles, where they have circulated for years.

President Donald Trump has repeatedly raised the allegations in his public criticism of Omar, but the claim that she married a sibling has never been substantiated by publicly available evidence.

Omar’s latest remarks come amid renewed scrutiny of her personal history following the federal search of her residence, an event that has intensified questions about the nature and scope of the investigation.

The Justice Department previously confirmed that federal agents executed a judicially authorized search warrant at Omar’s Washington home. The department has not publicly established that the search concerned the allegations about her former marriage.

Omar has denied wrongdoing and has accused Trump of involvement in the investigation. No publicly disclosed finding establishes that the president directed the search.

The October 12 search was carried out by Homeland Security Investigations, the criminal investigative arm of the Department of Homeland Security. Agents arrived at Omar’s residence early in the morning and conducted a search that lasted nearly five hours, according to her account.

During Wednesday’s interview, Omar said investigators seized 17 items, including electronic devices, a camera and notebooks belonging to her husband. She disputed reports suggesting that agents had obtained her DNA.

The Washington Post reported that approximately 15 to 25 federal agents participated in the operation. Omar said the agents behaved respectfully during the search, even as she questioned the justification for the investigation.

Federal authorities have offered limited public details about the case. However, several news organizations have reported that investigators are examining possible irregularities in immigration documents connected to Omar and her family.

According to people familiar with the investigation, authorities are reviewing whether Omar or her late father provided inaccurate information on immigration and citizenship paperwork dating back several decades.

Omar was born in Somalia and fled the country’s civil war with her family. After spending several years in a refugee camp in Kenya, she arrived in the United States in 1995 and became a naturalized American citizen in 2000.

She was elected to Congress in 2018, becoming one of the first two Muslim women elected to the House of Representatives and the first Somali-American to serve in Congress.

Questions about her marital history have circulated for years. Omar legally married Ahmed Nur Said Elmi in 2009, and critics subsequently alleged that the marriage had been arranged to obtain immigration benefits.

Omar has consistently denied that Elmi is her brother. The allegations have been examined by journalists and fact-checking organizations, but no conclusive evidence establishing the claimed family relationship has emerged publicly.

The congresswoman has also faced questions in the past about the chronology of her marriages and tax filings. Those issues are separate from the unproven allegation that she married a sibling.

The federal investigation has nevertheless intensified in recent weeks.

Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin said in an October 16 interview that investigators had executed multiple search warrants as part of the inquiry, describing the matter as a “strong case.”

Mullin also suggested that prosecutors could consider racketeering statutes if investigators uncover evidence of coordinated immigration fraud. His comments did not establish that Omar had committed a crime, and no criminal charges against her have been publicly announced.

The Washington Post reported that Attorney General Todd Blanche approved the October 12 search after consultation with Justice Department officials concerning the timing of the operation.

The search occurred just three weeks before the November 3 midterm elections, raising questions about longstanding Justice Department practices intended to prevent investigative actions from influencing elections.

Omar and her attorneys have challenged the scope of the search, arguing that investigators seized materials beyond what the warrant authorized. The Justice Department has disputed that characterization.

The Minnesota congresswoman has accused the Trump administration of using federal law enforcement to intimidate political opponents.

Following the search, she declared, “I’m ok. Make no mistake: this is an attempt to target political enemies and weaponize federal law enforcement.”

She added, “For ten years, Trump has targeted me with baseless lies and smear campaigns. This is just the latest escalation in his campaign of political intimidation. I will not be silenced.”

President Trump, who has frequently criticized Omar over her immigration history and political positions, was asked whether he had advance knowledge of the search.

“I’ve always found her to be totally crooked personally, but that has nothing to do with me,” Trump responded.

The president has not publicly acknowledged directing the investigation.

During Wednesday’s interview, Omar also addressed scrutiny surrounding her personal finances, rejecting suggestions that she possesses substantial personal wealth and maintaining that she lives modestly.

She said the investigation and the attention surrounding it have created security concerns, including threats that have prompted her to consider relocating.

Omar maintains that she has committed no wrongdoing and has indicated that she intends to fight the allegations while continuing her congressional reelection campaign.

{Matzav.com}

With just 45 minutes remaining until shkiah, a Lakewood family preparing to celebrate a Shabbos sheva brachos suddenly found itself facing a seemingly impossible situation: The caterer had failed to arrive, the food for an entire Shabbos was missing, and guests were expected for a celebration that had been planned well in advance.

What happened next in Lakewood’s Hearthstone neighborhood became an extraordinary display of chesed, as neighbors, local families and bochurim mobilized in the final minutes before Shabbos to provide food, prepare the hall and transform what threatened to be a ruined celebration into a beautiful simcha.

A family member has since shared a detailed firsthand account of the incident, revealing the extent of the efforts that went into rescuing the event and the individuals who made it possible.

According to the family member, the situation became clear shortly before Shabbos when the expected delivery failed to materialize. Relatives hurried to other nearby halls, hoping the caterer had mistakenly delivered everything to the wrong location. Their search proved unsuccessful.

With the clock ticking toward shkiah, the family had no clear way to provide the meals needed for the weekend celebration.

There was one small advantage. The family had originally intended to prepare shalosh seudos independently, which meant they already had some challahs and dips available. They began gathering tablecloths and setting up the hall with whatever supplies they could find.

Meanwhile, word of the emergency began circulating through Hearthstone, and residents immediately responded.

Food began appearing at both the family’s home and the hall. Neighbors searched their refrigerators and freezers for anything they could contribute, bringing challahs, kugels and other prepared dishes. People who had been busy making their own final Shabbos preparations turned their attention to helping a family whose celebration was suddenly in jeopardy.

Among those who stepped forward was the Rietti family, which offered food originally prepared for their daughter’s bas mitzvah celebration.

The bochurim from Hearthstone shul also volunteered the cholent and kugel that had been prepared for their own Friday night program.

Another individual, without waiting to be asked or even informing the family, independently arranged for cholent to be provided for Shabbos day.

The spontaneous donations solved much of the immediate food shortage, but there was still an enormous amount of work to be done. An entire sheva brachos required coordinated meals, properly arranged tables, serving arrangements and the countless details that ordinarily take considerable planning.

That was when Mr. Waldman became involved.

Waldman immediately began organizing the various offers of assistance, bringing order to the rapidly developing rescue effort. Together with his family, he assumed responsibility for preparing the celebration itself, attending to details far beyond the basic need to provide food.

By the time the chosson and kallah arrived, the hall had been transformed.

The tables were beautifully arranged with centerpieces, four selections of whiskey, three varieties of wine and the finishing touches associated with a carefully planned simcha. The setting gave no indication of the crisis that had unfolded less than an hour before Shabbos.

For the newly married couple, the celebration appeared to have been prepared exactly as intended.

The effort continued well beyond the Friday night meal.

On Shabbos morning, the Waldman family again took charge of the arrangements, ensuring that the tables were properly set and that the first and second courses were ready to be served.

They also coordinated the arrival of the cholent that another family had volunteered to provide, allowing the celebration to proceed without the disorder that might have been expected under the circumstances.

Residents throughout the neighborhood contributed food from their own Shabbos meals and helped assemble enough for the entire Shabbos.

Green’s Catering also provided a substantial amount of food, while Rabbi Dovid Norman, a local rov, was consulted regarding various Hilchos Shabbos questions arising from the unusual circumstances.

After Shabbos, the family spoke with the caterer about the incident. According to the family member, the caterer himself expressed amazement that so many separate arrangements had been completed successfully with almost no preparation time.

The family member said what made the experience especially meaningful was the care that went into preserving the dignity and joy of the occasion. The neighbors had done far more than collect emergency food supplies. They had made certain that the chosson and kallah would enjoy a properly arranged sheva brachos, with the same attention to presentation and hospitality they would have received had everything proceeded according to plan.

The family expressed particular gratitude to the Waldman and Rietti families, the bochurim of Hearthstone shul, and the many other residents who contributed food, supplies and their time, including individuals whose identities remain unknown to the family.

{Matzav.com}

Vice President JD Vance declared Wednesday that he will no longer endorse candidates running for office in other countries, reaffirming his refusal to support Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu in next week’s Knesset election despite President Donald Trump’s public endorsement of the Israeli leader.

Speaking to reporters during an appearance in Ohio, Vance said his experience supporting former Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who lost his reelection bid earlier this year, had convinced him to stay out of foreign political contests. He emphasized that his immediate priority is helping Republicans win the November 3 congressional midterm elections.

“I’ve endorsed one foreign candidate for election in my entire life. First of all, it didn’t go particularly well. As much as I’m very much an admirer of [former] prime minister Orban… That was in April 2026,” Vance quipped.

Both Trump and Vance had publicly supported Orbán ahead of Hungary’s April election, which ended with opposition leader Péter Magyar defeating the longtime Hungarian prime minister.

The vice president explained that he is currently concentrating his political efforts on domestic races rather than involving himself in elections overseas.

“We’re in the middle of an American election cycle where I’m very focused on getting candidates elected in the United States of America,” he said.

Vance rejected suggestions that his decision to withhold an endorsement from Netanyahu reflected personal opposition to the Israeli prime minister or disagreement with Trump’s decision to support him.

“I’m not attacking Bibi Netanyahu. I’m not endorsing Bibi Netanyahu. I think the president’s endorsement is ultimately what matters, and the president is going to make the decision about how he doles out that endorsement according to his preferences,” he stated.

The vice president went further, indicating that he intends to maintain the same position in future elections outside the United States.

“I’m not endorsing any more foreign candidates now or in the future,” Vance asserted.

His latest comments came two days after an interview with journalist Mark Halperin in which Vance was asked why he had not joined Trump in endorsing Netanyahu ahead of Israel’s October 27 election.

During that interview, Vance praised the political influence of Trump’s endorsements while explaining that he had no intention of taking sides in the Israeli election.

“The President has the most effective endorsement in American or international political history. I endorse American candidates, and that’s what I’m focused on is the midterm. So I’m not getting involved in the Israeli election,” he said.

Halperin subsequently pressed Vance on whether his refusal to support Netanyahu indicated that he opposed the Israeli leader’s reelection.

Vance dismissed that suggestion, insisting that his decision reflected a broader policy of avoiding involvement in foreign electoral politics.

“I’m not anti-endorsing him. I’m not pro-endorsing him. I’m not getting involved in Israeli elections.”

Vance’s refusal to endorse Netanyahu comes amid broader questions about his relationship with the Israeli government, particularly following disagreements over the Trump administration’s handling of the war with Iran and efforts to reach a diplomatic settlement with Tehran.

During an appearance on Joe Rogan’s podcast over the summer, Vance alleged that elements within the Israeli government had financed efforts to influence American public opinion and undermine negotiations aimed at ending the conflict with Iran.

The allegations drew attention in Israel and reportedly became a subject of discussion between Vance and Netanyahu during the prime minister’s subsequent visit to Washington.

Axios reported that Netanyahu had challenged the vice president over his comments during a meeting at Blair House, the official guest residence of the White House.

Vance later disputed accounts suggesting that Netanyahu had confronted him aggressively or that their exchange had become contentious.

“He didn’t confront me. We had a nice and frank conversation,” he said in August.

The vice president acknowledged that disagreements sometimes arise between Washington and Yerushalayim, but maintained that such differences do not diminish the importance of the American-Israeli relationship.

“As I’ve said repeatedly, Israel has been a great partner. They’re an ally of the United States of America. But like France or Britain or any other ally of the United States of America, we sometimes have differences of opinion,” Vance explained.

He further described the exchange with Netanyahu as “a pleasant but direct conversation. I didn’t feel confronted.”

Vance’s decision has also attracted attention within Republican political circles, where his approach to Israel and foreign intervention has occasionally differed from that of other prominent conservatives.

The vice president has faced questions from some Jewish Republicans about his positions on Israel and his association with conservative commentator Tucker Carlson, whose public statements and interviews have generated controversy over antisemitism.

Last month, Vance addressed a gathering of the Republican Jewish Coalition in Las Vegas, where he sought to reassure attendees about his commitment to the American-Israeli alliance. His appearance was generally well received, although he did not publicly distance himself from Carlson.

The issue has gained additional prominence as speculation continues over Vance’s potential political ambitions beyond the Trump administration and the direction of Republican foreign policy in the coming years.

Trump, meanwhile, has made his support for Netanyahu unmistakable, praising the Israeli prime minister as a “Great Warrior Prime Minister” and an important partner in confronting regional security threats.

{Matzav.com}

The British government announced Wednesday that it will strengthen Holocaust education and require schools across England to specifically address antisemitism as a threat to student safety, following a major investigation that exposed alarming levels of anti-Jewish hostility in the country’s educational institutions.

The sweeping changes follow an independent review led by Sir David Bell, a former chief inspector of Britain’s education watchdog, Ofsted. The government has agreed to implement all 27 recommendations in the report, including additional training for teachers, stronger procedures for reporting antisemitic incidents, and new guidance on protecting Jewish students and staff.

Education Secretary Lucy Powell said the findings demonstrated the urgent need to confront antisemitism among young people and ensure that schools are equipped to recognize and respond to anti-Jewish prejudice.

Speaking to the BBC, Powell pledged to “update and strengthen” Holocaust education, pointing to what she described as the “shocking scale” of antisemitism in British society.

Under the new measures, schools and colleges will be expected to recognize antisemitism as a specific safeguarding concern, rather than treating incidents involving Jewish students exclusively under broader policies addressing discrimination, racism or bullying.

The designation is intended to place greater responsibility on educational institutions to identify antisemitic behavior, intervene when it occurs and take preventive action to protect Jewish children.

The review, which was formally presented to Parliament on Wednesday, examined how antisemitism has affected students, teachers and educational institutions, as well as shortcomings in the existing response.

Powell warned that the situation has deteriorated even during the period in which the investigation was being conducted.

“It’s definitely a crisis and I think it’s actually got worse since Sir David began this review. This has become a real challenge for Jewish people in our country, but also Jewish students and Jewish teachers working in our schools and colleges.”

The education secretary said the government’s response must extend beyond addressing individual incidents and include a broader effort to educate young people about the forms antisemitism takes in contemporary society.

“I do really feel it is a generational moment to educate this generation and the next – that is the job of education – to understand what antisemitism is in the modern world.”

As part of that effort, the government intends to revise the way the Holocaust is taught, strengthening the curriculum to help students understand both the historical persecution of Jews and the persistence of antisemitic attitudes today.

Powell said the revised educational material would “challenge” misconceptions among young people and provide a clearer understanding of how anti-Jewish hatred can manifest itself in modern political and social discourse.

The review also called for stronger guidance concerning political impartiality in classrooms, an issue that has attracted growing attention amid disputes over how the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is discussed in British schools.

Addressing members of Parliament, Powell emphasized that “teachers should not bring their own political views into the classroom”, while stressing that schools should continue to provide opportunities for students to examine major political developments and controversial international issues.

The government’s objective is to ensure that such discussions are conducted responsibly and without exposing Jewish students to hostility, intimidation or discriminatory treatment.

The investigation was commissioned amid growing alarm over antisemitic incidents in Britain, particularly following the October 2025 terrorist attack at Manchester’s Heaton Park synagogue during Yom Kippur, in which two Jewish men were murdered.

The attack intensified concerns about the safety of British Jews and prompted the government to examine antisemitism in several areas of public life, including education and healthcare, as well as the effectiveness of existing public order and hate crime legislation.

Among the measures endorsed by the government is a recommendation that schools and colleges adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s working definition of antisemitism.

Although ministers cannot compel every school to formally adopt the definition, Powell said she intends to write to educational institutions expressing the government’s expectation that they do so.

The IHRA definition, which has been adopted by 47 countries, including Britain, and by most British universities, provides guidance on identifying antisemitic conduct, including certain expressions of hostility toward Israel that may constitute anti-Jewish prejudice.

Major Jewish organizations have supported its adoption, arguing that a consistent definition will help educators distinguish legitimate political criticism from antisemitic rhetoric and behavior.

The Board of Deputies of British Jews welcomed the government’s announcement, saying the IHRA framework would help schools “to deepen understanding of contemporary antisemitism”.

A spokesperson for the organization also praised the decision to classify antisemitism as a specific safeguarding concern, saying it would create clearer obligations for schools to protect Jewish students.

“Treating antisemitism in schools as a safeguarding issue will have the benefit of creating an explicit duty on all schools to address this as they would any other threat to children’s safety, and will strengthen accountability.”

The review’s findings illustrate the extent of the problem. Nearly three in five Jewish students between the ages of 16 and 19 reported experiencing or witnessing antisemitism, while approximately half of Jewish teachers described similar experiences. Across the broader student population, roughly one in five reported encountering antisemitic behavior.

Investigators also found that Jewish students frequently hesitated to report incidents because they doubted that school authorities would respond effectively. Antisemitic behavior included derogatory remarks, offensive stereotypes, harassment and hostility encountered both in classrooms and online.

The Community Security Trust, which monitors antisemitism and provides security assistance to Britain’s Jewish community, reported that antisemitic incidents in educational settings reached a record level during the first half of 2026.

According to the organization, the number of incidents recorded between January and June exceeded the total documented during the same six-month period in any previous year.

The government’s response will also include improved educational resources, professional development for teachers and clearer procedures for recording and investigating antisemitic incidents.

Additional recommendations call for schools to recognize Holocaust Memorial Day, strengthen students’ ability to identify antisemitic conspiracy theories online, and provide a broader understanding of Jewish history, culture and contributions to British society.

Powell said Holocaust education would remain compulsory in the national curriculum, but stressed that students should learn about Jewish life beyond the Holocaust.

The review also revealed that educational visits to the Manchester Jewish Museum had fallen by half following the Heaton Park synagogue attack, reflecting the wider effect of security fears on Jewish educational and cultural activities.

The government has established an implementation group to oversee the changes and has asked Sir David Bell to conduct a follow-up review after one year to assess whether the recommendations are being carried out effectively.

Officials expect training materials, guidance and other resources to become available to schools and colleges over the coming year, as Britain seeks to confront a problem that its own investigation found has become increasingly widespread among young people.

{Matzav.com}

Malaysia has prohibited government employees from using Waze, the popular navigation application developed in Israel, claiming that the app’s Israeli origins present a potential threat to national security and the privacy of Malaysian citizens.

The decision, announced Wednesday by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s office, represents another escalation in Malaysia’s longstanding hostility toward Israel. The government also urged ordinary citizens to abandon Waze in favor of locally developed alternatives, although the restriction itself applies to public-sector employees.

According to the Associated Press, Malaysian authorities justified the ban by pointing to Waze Mobile Limited’s incorporation in Israel and its classification as a data controller subject to Israeli law. Officials expressed concern that information collected through the application could potentially be accessed or misused by Israeli authorities.

“Sensitive government information and the personal data of citizens must be protected from being exploited by the Israeli regime in a manner that could compromise national security and sovereignty,” the statement said.

The government did not present publicly documented evidence that Waze had actually transferred sensitive Malaysian government information to Israeli intelligence agencies or that the application had been used to compromise the country’s security.

In addition to restricting Waze’s use among government personnel, Anwar encouraged Malaysians throughout the country to switch to domestic navigation technology.

Officials specifically promoted TuJu, a Malaysian-developed navigation application that the government described as offering substantial protections for personal information and user privacy.

The Prime Minister’s Office portrayed the decision as part of a broader effort to prevent Israeli institutions from gaining access to information that Malaysian authorities consider sensitive.

The “government maintains a firm stance; we will close any avenues that the Israeli regime could exploit to threaten the security of the nation and its people,” the statement added.

Waze was established in Israel by entrepreneurs Ehud Shabtai, Amir Shinar and Uri Levine, who developed the application around a system of real-time, crowdsourced traffic reporting and route guidance.

The technology eventually attracted the attention of Google, which acquired Waze in 2013 for approximately $966 million. The application subsequently became one of the world’s most widely used navigation services, allowing drivers to exchange information about traffic congestion, accidents, road closures and other driving conditions.

Although Waze is owned by Google, Malaysian authorities cited its Israeli corporate origins and legal connections as grounds for restricting its use.

The restriction took effect immediately following a meeting of Malaysia’s National Cyber Security Committee chaired by Anwar. Chief Secretary to the Government Shamsul Azri Abu Bakar subsequently instructed ministry officials and department heads to communicate the directive throughout government agencies and ensure compliance.

Malaysian authorities later clarified that the prohibition applies to civil servants while carrying out official duties. Government employees are nevertheless being encouraged to uninstall Waze from their devices because of concerns that location information could continue to be collected outside working hours.

The government has not imposed a nationwide ban on Waze for private citizens, although Anwar has publicly urged the population to discontinue using the application.

The recommended replacement, TuJu, was developed by the Malaysian Highway Authority in cooperation with a private technology company and launched in November 2025. It offers driving directions, traffic information, estimated arrival times, toll details and other navigation services.

Malaysia’s National Cyber Security Agency has also sought to explain why Waze was singled out while Google Maps, another widely used navigation application owned by Google, remains permitted. Officials pointed to differences in the companies’ legal jurisdictions and data-control arrangements.

The decision comes against the backdrop of Malaysia’s refusal to establish diplomatic relations with Israel and its longstanding support for the Palestinian Arab cause.

Malaysia, a predominantly Muslim country, has repeatedly condemned Israeli military operations in Gaza and Israeli policies in Yehuda and Shomron, maintaining a consistently hostile diplomatic position toward the Jewish state.

That opposition has previously extended beyond official government statements to actions against Malaysian citizens who publicly advocated improved relations with Israel.

In December 2023, Malaysian authorities arrested a citizen after he posted a social media video urging peace between Malaysia and Israel.

Later that month, Kuala Lumpur announced that Israeli-flagged cargo ships would no longer be permitted to enter Malaysian ports, citing Israel’s military campaign in Gaza.

Malaysian officials justified the maritime restrictions by accusing Israel of violating “basic humanitarian principles”.

The Malaysian government has also previously alleged that Israeli intelligence operatives were active inside the country.

In 2022, authorities announced the arrests of several individuals suspected of working with Israel’s Mossad intelligence agency in connection with an attempted kidnapping in Kuala Lumpur.

According to Malaysian investigators, the intended victim was a Palestinian Arab allegedly involved in activities on behalf of Hamas.

By Rabbi Pinchos Lipschutz

There are moments in life when everything we have relied upon suddenly seems uncertain. The plans we carefully constructed no longer appear workable, the future we envisioned recedes beyond our reach, and the ground beneath our feet seems less secure than it did yesterday. We can find ourselves confronting circumstances we never anticipated, struggling with questions for which we have no answers, and wondering why the path ahead has become so difficult.

It is in such moments that we can begin to appreciate the greatness of Avrohom Avinu and the extraordinary significance of the first command Hashem gave him: “Lech lecha mei’artzecha umimoladetecha umibais avicha el ha’aretz asher areka,” to leave behind his land, birthplace, and father’s home, and head to an undisclosed place.

With these words, the Torah introduces us to the father of our nation, the man who would become the embodiment of emunah, whose life would illuminate the path for generations of his descendants.

We first learned the parsha when we were young, too young to appreciate the depth of its meaning. When we get older, we can better imagine what Hashem’s command meant to Avrohom and Sorah. A person builds a life in the place where he was born. He knows the people, understands the surroundings, and develops relationships and routines that provide him with a sense of belonging. Avrohom was asked to leave the world he knew and the foundation upon which he had built his identity. And for what? To go where? He didn’t know.

Hashem did not explain the plan to him. He didn’t provide Avrohom with an itinerary, describe the challenges he would encounter, or assure him that his journey would be entirely pleasant.

Avrohom was promised that if he left home, he would receive tremendous brocha, but he was not given an explanation of the road ahead or the destination.

But Avrohom understood that when Hashem calls upon a person to move forward, He does not always reveal where the road will lead. The obligation is to listen, to trust, and to take the next step.

Rashi, citing Chazal, explains that Hashem did not reveal the destination in order to make the journey more beloved to Avrohom and increase his reward for each step he took.

There are some people who enjoy traveling. I am not one of them. I tend to view a journey as a means to an end. I endure the discomfort of the journey because I want to reach a destination, and the sooner I get there, the better. I recently received an invitation to an out-of-town wedding, and it reminded me how much I dread plane travel, with the inevitable delays, the endless lines, the disappointments, and the hours strapped into a seat, waiting for the ordeal to end. If I want to reach a distant place, however, there is no choice but to endure the journey. The travel itself has little value. What matters is arriving.

The Torah teaches us that life does not work that way. In our journey through life, the road is not merely an obstacle standing between us and our destination. The journey itself is the destination. Every step taken in obedience to Hashem, every moment of trust when the outcome is uncertain, and every struggle through which we remain faithful rather than surrender to fear is itself an achievement. We may be focused on where we hope to arrive, but Hashem values the person we become along the way. We measure success by reaching our destination, but the Torah teaches us, through the story of Avrohom Avinu, that there is profound value in every step that brings us closer to Him.

We want to know where we are going. We want to understand what will happen next and how everything will work out. We seek reassurance that the difficulties we experience will lead to something better, that the sacrifices we make will produce the hoped-for results, and that the uncertainty we endure will ultimately be resolved.

But that’s not how life works.

We may spend years preparing for a particular future, only to discover that events have taken us somewhere else entirely. We may do everything we know to be right and still encounter disappointment. We may daven for a particular outcome, work hard to achieve it, and then find that things don’t work out as we expected.

Life is full of nisyonos. Sometimes, when we face a nisayon, we have no idea what to do or how to proceed. Sometimes, we know what to do, or think we do, but we are afraid to do it. But the toughest nisayon is when we find ourselves in a situation and try to figure out why Hashem put us in that situation.

We live in a world of nisyonos, tests that confront us throughout our lives and are woven into the fabric of existence. A nisayon can come in the form of an illness, a financial setback, a disappointment involving a child, a family difficulty, a failed undertaking, or a door that closes just when we thought it was about to open.

Sometimes a person is tested by a sudden crisis. At other times, the challenge is the slow accumulation of burdens that never seem to be lifted. There are tests of patience, tests of character, tests of faith, and tests of endurance. There are nisyonos that require courage, and there is the simple nisayon of getting out of bed each morning and doing what we know we must do.

Life is rarely simple, and oftentimes things happen that involve pain and hurt. Bitachon and emunah do not demand that we pretend suffering does not hurt. The Torah does not ask us to deny the reality of pain, suppress our tears, or greet every disappointment with a smile.

Emunah is not the absence of pain. It is the knowledge that even when we are in pain, we are not abandoned. It is the conviction that the world has a Master, that our lives are not governed by random forces, and that the circumstances we cannot control remain within the domain of the One who created and sustains us, and that everything He does is for a good purpose.

A nisayon places a demand upon us, and we retain the ability to decide how we respond. We can allow adversity to harden us or use it as an occasion to deepen our compassion. We can become embittered by disappointments, or we can learn from them to become more sensitive to the disappointments of others. We can allow uncertainty to distance us from Hashem, or we can use it as an opportunity to turn to Him with a sincerity we might never otherwise have discovered.

We don’t choose the nisayon. We don’t seek out challenges, but when we know they are presented by Hashem, we are better able to deal with them, confront them, and grow from them.

A person can endure hardship and emerge wounded, exhausted, and struggling. Emunah and bitachon guide us to continue seeking Hashem, to continue doing what is right, and to refuse to let circumstances rob us of the values by which we live.

There is another lesson in Avrohom’s journey that deserves our attention.

After Avrohom obeyed Hashem and arrived in Eretz Canaan, the Torah relates that a famine struck the land. Avrohom was forced to go down to Mitzrayim.

Consider the apparent contradiction. Hashem had told Avrohom to leave his homeland and travel to the land He would show him. Avrohom followed Hashem’s command, but upon reaching the destination, instead of finding the promised abundance, he encountered a famine so severe that he could not remain in the land.

The famine was a nisayon to see if Avrohom would question Hashem’s promise.

What happens when we do what is right and things go wrong? What happens when we make the responsible choice, follow the path we believe Hashem wants us to follow, and discover that the outcome is not what we expected?

We may have worked honestly, treated others fairly, and fulfilled our obligations, yet suffered financial losses. People devote themselves to raising their children with care and love, and then their children disappoint them, forcing them to face difficulties they never imagined. We may have invested our hearts in a worthy endeavor and watched it fail. We may have davened with all our strength for a certain outcome and then found ourselves confronting the reality we desperately sought to avoid.

We imagine that if we are on the right path, the road should be smooth. We expect that doing what is right will protect us from painful surprises and that fulfilling our responsibilities will produce the results we seek. The lives of our avos teach us otherwise.

Avrohom’s greatness lay in responding to each stage of his journey as it came, continuing to live with the knowledge that Hashem was directing his path even when the circumstances were difficult to understand.

This is a lesson we need when life does not conform to our expectations. A disappointment is not a verdict on our choices. A closed door does not mean that our efforts were wasted. And a difficult chapter does not tell us how the story will end.

We are responsible for making the best decisions we can following the Torah, making appropriate efforts, and doing our hishtadlus. We are not responsible for controlling the outcome. That distinction can spare us from a lifetime of unnecessary guilt and frustration.

We do our part. We strive to act properly. We daven for success. And when events unfold differently than we hoped, we continue forward.

As children we thought that every good story has a happy ending. The struggles are temporary, the obstacles are overcome, the right people find one another, and everyone eventually lives the life they dreamed of. We expect our own lives to follow a similar script. People imagine that they are entitled to the perfect job, the perfect family, financial security, a beautiful home, and a life in which everything falls neatly into place. When reality fails to deliver that picture, they feel cheated. They look at what they have and see what is missing, measure their lives against what they imagined they would be, and wonder why the happiness they expected remains so elusive.

Part of growing up is learning that life is not a fairy tale, and part of developing emunah is recognizing that we are not the authors of our own stories. Hashem determines the circumstances into which we are born, the blessings we receive, the challenges we confront, and the roads we travel. To the degree that we learn to live fully and faithfully within the reality Hashem has given us, we attain happiness.

The fairy-tale ending we seek is not necessarily the life in which every problem disappears and every wish is fulfilled. It is the life in which we learn to embrace our circumstances, find meaning in our struggles, appreciate our blessings, and recognize that even the challenges we would never have chosen can become part of our growth. When we stop demanding that life be perfect before we allow ourselves to be happy, we begin to discover a deeper kind of joy, one that does not depend upon everything going the way we imagined it would.

As long as we measure success by the standards peddled by a superficial culture—perfect children, effortless wealth, physical beauty, dazzling white teeth, a sprawling house on a generous lot, and an expensive car in the garage—we will always find someone who has more and something in our own lives that falls short. We will spend our days chasing an image of happiness that keeps receding just as we approach it.

We can spend a lifetime waiting for the perfect life, never realizing that the life Hashem gave us is the one in which we were meant to find our purpose, our growth, and our joy, and that this is the truly perfect life.

The perfect life portrayed in fairy tales does not exist. There is no life in which every dream comes true, every relationship unfolds as hoped, everything follows the path we envisioned, and every day brings only satisfaction and joy. That imaginary perfection distracts us from the perfection we are capable of achieving in the lives Hashem has actually given us.

For the truly perfect life is not one in which a person is spared nisyonos, but one in which he confronts them and triumphs. It is a life in which challenges, as unwelcome and painful as they may be, become opportunities for growth. It is a life in which disappointment deepens our understanding, adversity strengthens our emunah, and struggle brings out reserves of courage, patience, and compassion we might never otherwise have discovered. We may not choose the tests that confront us, and we need not pretend to welcome them. But we can choose to face them with emunah, to learn from them, and to refuse to let them defeat the person we are capable of becoming.

The perfect life is not the life in which nothing goes wrong. It is the life in which, when things go wrong, we grow stronger in emunah, greater in character, and closer to the person Hashem wants us to become.

This is the lesson we learn from Avrohom Avinu, whose life stands in stark contrast to the fairy tales that shape immature expectations of happiness. When Hashem told Avrohom, “Lech lecha,” He accompanied it with extraordinary promises. We could have imagined that Avrohom’s life from that point on would be an upward trajectory of luxurious glory. We would have thought that Avrohom would be spared the disappointments and hardships that ordinary people have to deal with.

Yet, almost immediately after arriving in Eretz Canaan, Avrohom encountered a famine and had to go down to Mitzrayim. He had no children and had to send away his relative who came with him. He had to fight a war with local kings. The journey that began with promises instead brought him deprivation. Though he did indeed live a blessed life, Avrohom’s life was marked by repeated nisyonos, each demanding new measures of emunah and bitachon.

But the first of our avos paved the way for us and showed us how to live, teaching us not to measure the truth of Hashem’s promises by the comfort of our present circumstances.

The fairy tale ends when the obstacles disappear and everyone lives happily ever after. The Torah’s version of a good life emerges through the obstacles themselves, when a person confronts a nisayon without surrendering or abandoning his emunah.

Avrohom did not become Avrohom Avinu because his life unfolded according to a comfortable script. He became the father of our nation because he remained loyal to Hashem’s truth through a series of challenges and difficulties.

We do not choose our nisyonos, but we do choose how we respond to them. Like Avrohom and Sorah, we can choose to live lives of purpose, goodness, and growth, even when circumstances are not what we had hoped or imagined. We learn to appreciate what we have rather than dwell on what we lack, to recognize the many brachos Hashem has bestowed upon us, and to take advantage of opportunities to deepen our emunah, strengthen our character, and become better people.

As bnei and bnos Torah, our mission is to live as Avrohom and Sorah did, bringing kedusha and goodness into the world and striving to become worthy of the continued brachos and protection that Hashem bestows upon us as we continue the chain of the mesorah in our families, preparing the world for Moshiach Tzidkeinu.

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), one of the most influential pro-Israel lobbying organizations in Washington, announced Wednesday that it will stop endorsing candidates for federal office and discontinue direct contributions through its political action committee, a significant shift in its approach to influencing American elections.

The decision follows months of internal discussions among AIPAC’s leadership and comes after three election cycles in which the organization formally backed congressional candidates and helped channel substantial financial support to their campaigns.

Despite abandoning endorsements and direct PAC donations, AIPAC is not withdrawing from electoral politics. Instead, the organization plans to concentrate on encouraging individual Americans to contribute directly to candidates who support a strong relationship between the United States and Israel.

Its affiliated super PAC, the United Democracy Project (UDP), will also continue operating, preserving a major avenue for independent political spending in congressional elections.

According to Jewish Insider, AIPAC’s board approved the change following an extensive strategic review aimed at determining how the organization could most effectively maintain its political influence amid an increasingly contentious national debate over Israel.

In a letter distributed to members, AIPAC’s leadership outlined the reasoning behind the new approach, emphasizing the need to adapt its political activities to changing circumstances.

“To win the fight for the future of the country and the US-Israel alliance, we must build a more strategic, consequential, and nimble political operation. We will prioritize increasing direct, organized contributions from individual Americans to candidates – expanding upon our current efforts – and maximizing the emerging political fundraising tools,” the letter stated.

The organization said its previous system of formal endorsements, PAC contributions and earmarked donations would be replaced by a model that places greater emphasis on coordinated individual fundraising.

“Endorsements, direct PAC contributions, and earmarking will no longer be part of our approach so we can expand individual giving and utilize new tools to help our friends win.”

Under AIPAC’s existing fundraising arrangement, supporters could donate to endorsed candidates through an online portal operated by the organization. Those contributions were ultimately recorded in federal campaign finance disclosures as donations from individuals facilitated through AIPAC’s political operation.

That system will now be phased out as AIPAC shifts toward other methods of organizing financial support for congressional candidates.

The organization nevertheless intends to maintain close relationships with lawmakers and candidates who share its policy priorities.

AIPAC staff members and local organizational leaders will continue working with supporters to coordinate fundraising initiatives and identify political figures “who are worthy of your support”.

The change is expected to alter how AIPAC publicly signals its preferences in congressional races, although the organization will retain considerable influence through its network of donors, activists and political relationships.

AIPAC established its political action committee in 2021, marking a departure from its longstanding practice of avoiding formal candidate endorsements while lobbying members of both major political parties on issues involving Israel.

Since then, the organization has endorsed hundreds of congressional candidates and developed an extensive fundraising operation supporting lawmakers who favor strong American-Israeli relations.

Its affiliated super PAC, UDP, has separately spent tens of millions of dollars on advertising and other independent political activities, becoming a major force in several closely watched Democratic congressional primaries.

Unlike traditional political action committees, super PACs may raise and spend unlimited amounts of money independently of candidates’ campaigns, subject to federal restrictions on coordination.

AIPAC’s decision to preserve UDP while discontinuing its formal endorsement program means that the organization’s political allies could continue benefiting from substantial outside spending even without receiving an official AIPAC endorsement.

The policy reversal comes as AIPAC faces growing political resistance from both ends of the ideological spectrum, with critics increasingly targeting candidates over their financial relationships with pro-Israel advocacy organizations.

Within the Democratic Party, opposition to AIPAC has become particularly pronounced among progressive activists and candidates critical of Israeli government policies. Some candidates have publicly rejected contributions associated with the organization, while others have faced pressure to distance themselves from its political activities.

Resistance has also emerged among certain Republican candidates, illustrating how controversy surrounding AIPAC has expanded beyond traditional partisan divisions.

In its communication to members, AIPAC acknowledged the difficult political environment, describing the 2026 election cycle as “one of the most challenging environments in recent memory.”

The organization also warned that the political challenges facing supporters of Israel are likely to continue, requiring a more extensive effort ahead of the 2028 elections.

AIPAC spokeswoman Deryn Sousa emphasized that the changes should not be interpreted as a retreat from the organization’s central mission.

“Our mission and strategy remain the same,” Sousa said, explaining that AIPAC remains committed to strengthening the relationship between the United States and Israel.

“Our goal is to build support for the U.S.-Israel relationship. AIPAC members gave more than $90 million directly to candidates this cycle, and that organized, direct giving from our members will continue and increase.”

Federal Election Commission records show that AIPAC contributed nearly $25 million to candidates and political committees during the current election cycle through September 30.

Its affiliated super PAC separately reported approximately $53.5 million in independent political expenditures during that period, in addition to contributions to political committees.

The United Democracy Project has remained active in several prominent congressional contests, including Michigan’s closely watched Senate race, where it has spent money opposing Democratic nominee Abdul El-Sayed.

Earlier in the election cycle, AIPAC also took action against Democratic lawmakers who supported legislation to reduce American assistance to Israel.

Following that vote, the organization suspended fundraising through its political portal for 18 House Democrats who had previously received its endorsement.

The move left active contribution links for 178 Republican lawmakers and 72 Democrats, underscoring the organization’s willingness to withdraw political support from candidates whose positions diverged from its priorities.

Under the new arrangement, AIPAC will no longer publicly maintain the same system of formal endorsements and candidate-specific donation links. Instead, its activists and donors will be encouraged to contribute directly to lawmakers and candidates identified through the organization’s political outreach.

The organization has indicated that its political action committee may continue supporting other political committees even as it ends direct contributions to individual candidates.

The shift returns AIPAC in some respects to its earlier model of political engagement, which relied heavily on relationships with lawmakers, grassroots organizing and fundraising by individual supporters rather than formal endorsements.

AIPAC’s leadership has made clear, however, that the change is intended to strengthen its electoral operation rather than reduce its involvement in congressional races.

The organization will continue supporting candidates from both major parties who favor strong American-Israeli relations, while UDP remains positioned to spend substantial sums independently in future elections.

The announcement represents a significant adjustment in how one of Washington’s most prominent lobbying organizations intends to exercise its political influence, as AIPAC prepares for an increasingly contentious debate over American policy toward Israel in the years ahead.

R’ Michoel Sorotzkin recounting Rav Chaim Shmulevitz’s tearful plea at Kever Rochel for Mamme Rochel to weep for her children, and revealing the profound power of her tears in safeguarding Klal Yisroel throughout the long exile, as foretold by Yirmiyahu Hanavi.

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{Matzav.com}

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Shas Knesset member Yinon Azoulay has issued a warning against voter abstention ahead of Israel’s upcoming elections, arguing that staying home would weaken chareidi political representation and strengthen parties he accuses of seeking to undermine Torah learning and Jewish religious life.

In an interview with Avi Mimran on Kol Chai radio, Azoulay, who serves on the Knesset’s Finance and Foreign Affairs and Defense Committees, also condemned attacks against Gedolei Yisroel, defended Shas’s record in government, and emphasized the party’s efforts to represent working chareidim alongside those learning in yeshivos and kollelim.

Azoulay described the upcoming election as particularly consequential for the chareidi community, claiming that its political opponents were pursuing an agenda extending well beyond ordinary disagreements over government policy.

“These elections are different from anything we have known, because our opponents are not content with a political struggle, but seek to uproot religion and Judaism from the public sphere and harm the soul of the Torah world—the Torah learners themselves,” Azoulay said.

“Anyone who chooses to stay home or refrain from voting is not merely wasting his vote, but is directly strengthening the weight of the left and granting legitimacy to continued persecution. Refraining from voting is a direct blow to the education of our children, whom we teach every day to obey the Gedolei Yisroel completely.”

The Shas lawmaker also addressed criticism directed at the party’s leadership, insisting that its representatives had consistently consulted with senior rabbonim before making major political decisions.

According to Azoulay, the party’s actions throughout the outgoing Knesset term were undertaken with direct guidance from the Moetzes Chachmei HaTorah, including Rav Yitzchak Yosef and Rav Moshe Maya.

“Every step and every decision we led was carried out under the direct guidance of our rabbonim, headed by Maran the Rishon Letzion Rav Yitzchak Yosef, Rav Moshe Maya, and the senior members of the Moetzes Chachmei HaTorah,” he said.

“We sat before them, were asked difficult questions, and acted according to everything they instructed us.”

Azoulay then sharply criticized individuals involved in recent incidents of hostility and violence directed at prominent rabbonim, accusing fringe elements of exploiting communal frustrations to encourage disrespect toward Torah leaders.

“On the other hand, the attempts by fringe elements to harm and belittle Gedolei Yisroel are a terrible chillul Hashem,” he declared. “These elements exploit hardships and incite young people while undermining the honor of the Torah and its leaders. Who are you to behave violently toward Gedolei Yisroel?”

Turning to Shas’s accomplishments during the outgoing government, Azoulay highlighted the party’s efforts to preserve the kosher cellular telephone system, which has been a longstanding priority for chareidi representatives concerned about maintaining communal standards.

“During the past term, we fought and succeeded in saving the kosher cellular network and preserving the spiritual well-being of our generation and our children,” he said.

Azoulay also sought to emphasize that Shas regards working chareidim as an integral part of its constituency, rejecting any distinction between those studying full-time in kollelim and those employed to support their families.

“The Shas movement is one home and one large family for every Torah-observant Jew, whether he sits in kollel or goes out to earn a living,” he said.

“The working chareidi community is an inseparable part of us, and we call on everyone not to be drawn into complacency, to remain on the path of emunah, and to unite around the instructions of Gedolei Yisroel.”

{Matzav.com}

In an unusual arrest operation that has sparked outrage in the chareidi community, Israeli military police allegedly tricked a yeshiva bochur into leaving his home in a chareidi neighborhood of Yerushalayim by pretending that a delivery was waiting for him downstairs, arresting him as soon as he emerged from the building.

The incident occurred Wednesday evening in the Gan neighborhood of Yerushalayim, where military police reportedly contacted the bochur by telephone and informed him that a package had arrived for him at the entrance to his building.

Unaware of the trap awaiting him, the bochur went downstairs to collect what he believed was a delivery. Instead, he was confronted by military police officers, who immediately placed him under arrest.

According to the report by Kikar HaShabbat, the operation represents an unprecedented development in the military’s enforcement campaign against yeshiva bochurim classified as draft avoiders.

The report described the arrest as the first documented case of its kind in which military police used such a tactic to apprehend a yeshiva bochur inside a chareidi residential neighborhood.

The incident comes amid a growing wave of arrests involving yeshiva bochurim whose military service status has become the subject of enforcement action.

On Tuesday, dozens of Chabad bochurim returning to Eretz Yisroel after spending a year studying at a Chabad yeshiva in Brooklyn were detained upon arriving at Ben Gurion Airport. Some were subsequently released that evening and transferred to an IDF induction center after expressing willingness to enlist.

In another incident, Elchonon Damati, a talmid at Yeshivas Torah B’Tifartah in Elad, was arrested after appearing at a police station in Kfar Saba in connection with a traffic matter.

During the police investigation, authorities discovered that Damati was classified as a military draft avoider and transferred him to military police custody. His detention prompted demonstrations outside the police station and along Highway 4 near Ra’anana.

Attorney Shlomo Haddad, acting on behalf of the Notnim Gav organization, subsequently intervened in Damati’s case, and the bochur received a sentence of ten days in military detention.

The latest arrests have also drawn sharp criticism from chareidi political leaders, who have accused authorities of escalating enforcement measures in the days immediately preceding Israel’s elections.

United Torah Judaism lawmaker Yaakov Asher, chairman of Degel HaTorah, claimed that the arrests were part of an effort to interfere with the electoral process.

“For some time now, I have been warning about attempts to disrupt the election process through an increase in unnecessary arrests that contribute nothing to the army or to enlistment,” Asher said.

Shas also issued a strongly worded condemnation of Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara, accusing her of “blatant and unprecedented political interference in the election campaign through issuing instructions for violent arrests of yeshiva students.”

At the direction of Shas chairman Aryeh Deri, MK Yinon Azoulay has been contacting senior IDF officials to demand the immediate release of the detained bochurim.

{Matzav.com}

Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir has sharply criticized Shas lawmakers for attacking him ahead of the upcoming elections, accusing them of turning against him for political reasons despite repeatedly seeking his assistance throughout the past four years, including telephone calls in the middle of the night.

In an extensive interview with Yishai Cohen of Kikar HaShabbat, conducted less than a week before the elections, the Otzma Yehudit chairman also addressed criticism from Rav Yitzchak Yosef, the arrests of yeshiva bochurim over military service, his increasingly strained relationship with Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, and concerns that Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu could exclude him from the next government.

Responding to Rav Yitzchak Yosef’s criticism of his visits to Har Habayis, which the Rishon Letzion maintains are prohibited under the severe Torah prohibition carrying the punishment of kareis, Ben-Gvir insisted that he would not speak against the Sephardic Torah leader.

“I will not say a single word, not one word, against Maran the Rishon Letzion,” Ben-Gvir declared. “I do want to say one thing: I believe that everyone has their own rabbonim. I have my rabbonim, and my rabbonim have very, very broad shoulders! Don’t belittle my rabbonim. They have enormous shoulders. My complaint, G-d forbid, is not with Maran the Rishon Letzion, but with the Knesset members and political activists.”

Ben-Gvir then directed his criticism toward Shas politicians, accusing them of forgetting the assistance he had provided when they needed his help.

“I have never exploited the chareidi community for political gain,” he said. “It was always with love, always with an embrace. Aryeh Deri told me countless times, ‘You’re not like Bezalel, you’re truly a friend.’ You knew whom to turn to during these four years! For every little problem, for every phone call at two in the morning, you really called me, you picked up the phone, and I was always there. Don’t change your colors because of the elections.”

The minister also addressed the controversy surrounding police arrests of yeshiva bochurim classified as military draft avoiders, an issue that has generated growing anger within the chareidi community.

Ben-Gvir said that although he supports military enlistment for those who are not studying Torah, he opposes attempts to achieve that objective through arrests and coercive measures.

“First of all, I’ll say it in the simplest terms: I support enlistment, but the way to enlist people—and those who aren’t learning Torah, yes, as the rabbonim say—is not through beatings, arrests, or actions of that kind, but through an embrace and love!”

Asked why police under his ministry continue arresting yeshiva bochurim, Ben-Gvir maintained that Israeli law does not permit him to interfere in individual police operations.

“You know very well that I have no authority!” he said. “Everyone knows that, Deri knows that, that I’m forbidden to call a police officer or tell the police commissioner, ‘Arrest him, don’t arrest him.’ What am I allowed to do? Set policy.”

Ben-Gvir then accused the chareidi parties of having blocked his earlier efforts to dismiss Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara, whom he blamed for restricting his authority.

“I was allowed to lead a move to fire Gali Baharav-Miara—and the ones who prevented that move at the beginning of the term were the chareidi partners! When I came in and told them, ‘Let’s fire her,’ they told me, ‘We can make deals with her.'”

On the subject of integrating chareidim into law enforcement, Ben-Gvir pointed to the establishment of a special chareidi Border Police unit as an example of his efforts to accommodate the community’s religious requirements.

“I opened a chareidi Border Police unit,” he said. “I took care of everything for them: strictly kosher food, all the conditions, bases, everything according to what they wanted. When you bring in these chareidi police officers, the level of violence decreases, the understanding of the community is different, and they know the sensitivities.”

Turning to the elections, Ben-Gvir addressed the emergence of smaller chareidi parties seeking to attract voters dissatisfied with Shas and United Torah Judaism.

He argued that these parties would fail to cross the electoral threshold and urged voters considering them to support his party instead.

“I say this in the clearest possible terms: It is not right, not appropriate, and not smart to give your vote to these parties! These parties ultimately will not cross the electoral threshold. Shas and United Torah Judaism are something entirely different, but whoever does not vote for Shas and United Torah Judaism should vote for Otzma Yehudit! Otherwise, whoever votes for them is giving a gift to Gali Baharav-Miara.”

Ben-Gvir emphasized that he was not seeking to persuade chareidim who follow the instructions of their rabbonim to vote for the established chareidi parties. Rather, he said, he was addressing those considering abstaining or supporting smaller factions.

“Whoever follows the rabbonim who say to vote for Shas and United Torah Judaism—go vote. I’m speaking to those who stay home or are disappointed. There are many members of the chareidi community who don’t want to vote… Come vote, don’t give a gift to Gali Baharav-Miara.”

The interview also highlighted Ben-Gvir’s deteriorating relationship with Smotrich, whom he accused of belittling his rabbonim and displaying arrogance toward him.

“You can’t ignore it!” Ben-Gvir said. “He held a rabbonim conference and said, ‘These are the rabbonim of the right.’ When they asked him why he didn’t invite Itamar, he said, ‘Itamar doesn’t have rabbonim.’ I don’t have rabbonim?! Rav Shmuel Eliyahu isn’t a rav?! Rav Dov Lior isn’t a rav?! How dare you say such a thing?!”

When Cohen asked whether he believed Smotrich’s attitude reflected ethnic prejudice, Ben-Gvir suggested that his Sephardic background and status as a baal teshuvah were factors.

“Condescension? Yes! Arrogance, conceit. Sephardic, baal teshuvah… There are all kinds of things.”

Ben-Gvir also expressed concern that Netanyahu might attempt to establish a broader coalition after the elections by bringing former IDF chief of staff Gadi Eisenkot into the government while leaving Otzma Yehudit in the opposition.

“I know that the prime minister wants a calmer term this time,” Ben-Gvir said. “With Itamar Ben-Gvir there are more challenges—I want to fire the attorney general, I want to conquer Gaza, I want to encourage emigration. Netanyahu has decided that perhaps a term with Eisenkot would be quieter. His associates are saying it, Danny Danon, Miki Zohar, Bardugo… There is an intention there to bring in Eisenkot.”

The minister said that if his party emerged with greater parliamentary strength, he would seek senior cabinet positions, including the Defense Ministry for himself and the Justice Ministry for Likud lawmaker Tally Gotliv.

“If Otzma Yehudit is large, there will be a right-wing government,” he declared. “If the public supports us, I will demand the Defense Ministry and the Justice Ministry for Tally Gotliv in order to fire the attorney general.”

{Matzav.com}

Major security construction has been underway over the past two days at Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s private residence on Gaza Street in Yerushalayim, where workers have been installing protective netting designed to defend the property against possible drone attacks.

The operation has transformed the residence, which is officially designated as an alternative prime ministerial residence, into a heavily secured construction site. Two large cranes were brought in to carry out the work, forcing the closure of a major roadway in the Rechavia neighborhood, while at least ten workers were involved in installing the new aerial defenses.

The extensive security measures are being implemented even though Netanyahu and his wife, Sara, are not currently living at the Gaza Street property. Instead, the couple is residing at another location in the area while the official prime ministerial residence on Balfour Street remains under renovation.

Work at the Balfour Street residence is not expected to be completed before the beginning of 2027.

The latest installation is part of a much larger series of renovations and security upgrades that have been carried out at the Gaza Street home over approximately the past year and a half.

Previous projects have included construction of an elevator, installation of metal scaffolding, placement of a protective shelter, erection of barriers restricting traffic, replacement of a bathtub, and the positioning of large concrete security blocks around the property.

The continuing construction and repeated street closures have generated considerable frustration among neighborhood residents, who say their daily routines have been repeatedly disrupted by the security arrangements surrounding the prime minister’s home.

Some neighbors have also expressed concern that the installation of anti-drone defenses suggests a heightened security threat in their immediate residential area, while no comparable protective measures are being provided for surrounding homes.

One resident, speaking to Ynet, questioned why the authorities were investing in extensive protection for Netanyahu’s property without addressing the safety of nearby families.

“This is an upper-middle-class neighborhood in the center of the capital, with very dense construction,” the neighbor said. “If you’re worried about drones, maybe do us a favor and take care of the neighbors too, instead of unnecessarily causing anxiety? This protection is really frightening. What about us?”

The latest construction comes amid a dramatic increase in government spending on security measures at residences associated with Netanyahu and other prime ministers.

According to figures covering the period from 2023 through October 2026, the Prime Minister’s Office spent a total of 127,432,277 shekels on security-related projects at official and private prime ministerial residences, including properties on Balfour Street and Gaza Street in Yerushalayim, as well as in Caesarea.

The annual figures reveal a particularly sharp increase in spending during 2025.

In 2023, security expenditures totaled approximately 10.9 million shekels. That amount rose to 27.8 million shekels in 2024 before surging to approximately 72.5 million shekels in 2025.

An additional 16.2 million shekels was spent between the beginning of 2026 and October.

The Prime Minister’s Office explained that the figures encompass security work at residences belonging to both serving and previous prime ministers, rather than exclusively properties used by Netanyahu.

Officials attributed the substantial increase in expenditures to changes in the security threat environment, which required significant investments in additional protective infrastructure.

The heightened security concerns are believed to be connected, at least in part, to the October 2024 drone attack on Netanyahu’s private residence in Caesarea.

During that incident, a drone launched from Lebanon struck the property, highlighting the potential danger posed by unmanned aircraft even at locations protected by extensive security arrangements.

The installation of anti-drone netting at the Yerushalayim residence is the latest visible indication of efforts to strengthen defenses against similar threats.

Meanwhile, Ynet reported that another unusual security project had recently been undertaken at the Gaza Street property in preparation for Yom Kippur.

According to the report, the Shin Bet and the security division of the Prime Minister’s Office began constructing a special enclosed passageway intended to allow Netanyahu to travel safely between his residence and a nearby street on his way to shul.

The structure, described as a sterile, air-conditioned tunnel approximately 15 to 20 meters long, was designed to provide a protected route for the prime minister during the Yom Kippur holiday.

Its construction reportedly involved significant expenses and caused additional inconvenience to residents living nearby.

Despite the preparations, work on the passageway was ultimately halted before completion.

Netanyahu did not use the specially constructed route and did not attend shul during Yom Kippur, leaving the partially completed security project unused.

{Matzav.com}