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Former Secretary of State John Kerry warned Thursday that President Donald Trump would be making a serious mistake by launching another round of military strikes against Iran, arguing that renewed attacks would damage prospects for a negotiated agreement with Tehran and further destabilize the Middle East.

Speaking with CNN’s Christiane Amanpour, Kerry responded to reports that Trump was weighing additional military operations against Iran following next week’s U.S. midterm elections. He argued that an escalation would make Iranian leaders less willing to engage in negotiations rather than pressure them into accepting American demands.

“Unfortunately, things are so unpredictable that just about anything can happen,” Kerry said. “I think it would be an enormous mistake just to open up post-election with a military barrage. That is not what will impress the Iranians or bring them to the table in a more serious way. In fact, it will push them away.”

Kerry, who served as Secretary of State in the Obama administration and played a leading role in negotiating the 2015 Iranian nuclear agreement, also renewed his criticism of Trump’s 2018 decision to abandon that accord. He questioned why the administration had not attempted to negotiate revisions to the agreement before turning to military force.

“If President Trump really wanted to change and make a better agreement, why didn’t he put something on the table?” Kerry queried. “Why didn’t he actually make a proposal and have the Iranians respond to it or gain into another negotiation?

“No, he rushed into a war, particularly in the last months, with a whole bunch of false assumptions that have made life more expensive and more dangerous for people all over the world.”

The former Secretary of State contended that the administration’s military campaign had diminished America’s diplomatic leverage, leaving Washington with fewer opportunities to extract additional concessions from Iran.

He accused Trump of having “put himself in a very disadvantaged position from which to try to negotiate,” while maintaining that a diplomatic settlement similar to the Obama-era nuclear agreement could still be possible.

Kerry said the United States might eventually “get back to very close to the agreement we had,” but suggested that Iran would be unlikely to accept significantly tougher restrictions after enduring American attacks and major losses within its leadership.

“I do not think after being bombed, after having the Ayatollah killed, the wife killed … so many disruptions within the region, I don’t think it’s going to be very easy to come in and argue you’re going to get more than they’d already agreed to – which the world said was sufficient,” he said. “But maybe you can get a piece here and there. I certainly hope you can.”

Kerry also disputed the notion that military operations alone could permanently eliminate Iran’s nuclear threat, emphasizing that destroying physical facilities would not erase the scientific expertise required to rebuild the program.

“You can’t bomb the memory of how to make a bomb,” said Kerry.

He instead advocated a diplomatic initiative involving both public negotiations and confidential communications with Iranian officials, arguing that multiple channels could improve the prospects for an agreement.

“I think that the key here is really engaging in real diplomacy. And real diplomacy could be several tracks at the same time: one more public and one very private, coordinated clearly,” he added.

Kerry’s remarks also revive longstanding controversy surrounding his own dealings with Iranian officials after leaving government. During Trump’s first administration, he faced criticism for meeting with Mohammad Javad Zarif, Iran’s foreign minister at the time, as part of an effort to preserve the nuclear agreement despite the administration’s opposition.

Kerry acknowledged those discussions but defended his conduct, arguing that “every” former Secretary of State maintains contacts with foreign leaders. He also claimed that other individuals had encouraged Iranian officials to wait until the Trump administration was no longer in power.

The disagreement dates back to the early years of Trump’s presidency. In 2017, Kerry publicly cautioned that withdrawing from the nuclear agreement could increase the risk of Iran pursuing nuclear weapons, a position that has remained central to his criticism of Trump’s Iran policy.

The warning came as Washington continued preparing for the possibility of renewed fighting while pursuing indirect diplomatic contacts with Tehran. On Thursday, U.S. Central Command chief Adm. Brad Cooper briefed Trump on the effectiveness of the American naval blockade of Iran and the military situation in the region.

Meanwhile, Vice President JD Vance had recently sent a message to Iranian security official Mohsen Rezaei. Trump said Thursday that the communication concerned assistance with medical supplies rather than an effort to restart peace negotiations. Iranian officials indicated that any diplomatic breakthrough would require Washington to address Tehran’s demands, including relief from the blockade and restrictions on Iranian oil exports.

The nuclear issue remains a central obstacle. International Atomic Energy Agency chief Rafael Grossi told the United Nations Security Council this week that inspectors had found no evidence of Iran rebuilding nuclear facilities damaged in American and Israeli strikes, but warned that the agency still lacked access needed to verify the status of Iran’s highly enriched uranium stockpile.

{Matzav.com}

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Polymarket has launched an investigation into potentially suspicious betting activity surrounding Israel’s Knesset election after hundreds of newly established cryptocurrency accounts placed wagers favoring Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and his Likud party shortly before voting ended Tuesday. Some of the traders subsequently collected combined profits exceeding $100,000, raising questions about whether they possessed advance knowledge of the election results.

According to a Bloomberg report published Thursday, an examination of blockchain transactions uncovered more than 600 digital wallets established on the same day that were used to wager on Netanyahu retaining the premiership or Likud finishing as the largest party in the Knesset.

The transactions attracted attention because they were made shortly before polling stations closed, when the eventual election outcome remained uncertain. Investigators are examining whether the unusual concentration of bets reflected access to information that had not yet been released to the public.

The value of the wagers increased sharply after Israeli television networks published their exit polls, which suggested that Likud had performed considerably better than some earlier projections indicated. Several of the accounts subsequently cashed out, generating more than $100,000 in combined profits, while other traders continued holding positions carrying significant potential gains.

Polymarket’s internal investigative team confirmed to Bloomberg that it was examining dozens of recently created wallets associated with the election wagers.

Independent blockchain analysis companies have also begun scrutinizing the activity. Polysights and Bubblemaps identified unusual transaction patterns, prompting separate investigations into the origins and timing of the bets.

Bubblemaps told Reuters that it had identified 101 Polymarket accounts that received their first funding on Election Day, before the polls had closed. A representative of the company said some of those accounts had already sold their positions for a profit after the exit poll results became public.

The suspicious transactions occurred during an election that left Israel’s political future unresolved, with neither Netanyahu’s right-wing and chareidi bloc nor the opposition securing enough Knesset seats to establish a government independently.

For several months before the vote, prediction markets had generally favored opposition leader Gadi Eisenkot over Netanyahu as the likely next prime minister. That assessment changed dramatically once the exit polls were released Tuesday night.

According to Bloomberg, Netanyahu’s implied probability of becoming prime minister climbed to 54%, while Eisenkot’s dropped to 23%, reflecting the sudden shift in expectations among traders.

Polymarket operates a prediction market in which participants purchase and sell contracts tied to the outcomes of elections, political developments, and other events. Its international platform uses cryptocurrency transactions recorded on a publicly accessible blockchain, allowing outside researchers to track wallet activity and examine patterns that may suggest coordinated trading.

The investigation is unfolding amid growing concerns that prediction markets could be exploited by individuals who possess sensitive government or military information before it becomes publicly known.

Earlier this year, Israeli prosecutors charged a military reservist and a civilian with allegedly using classified information about Israeli operations against Iran to make profitable wagers on Polymarket.

A separate American case involves a U.S. soldier accused of using confidential military information to place bets connected to an American operation in Venezuela. The soldier has pleaded not guilty.

Although the Israeli election wagers have drawn scrutiny because of their timing, concentration, and profitability, investigators have not determined that the traders relied on confidential information. Accurate political forecasts and independent analysis could also account for successful bets.

There is likewise no indication that the suspicious Polymarket transactions affected the actual Israeli election or involved interference with the counting of votes. The investigation is focused on whether traders improperly profited from information unavailable to the general public.

Bloomberg’s examination also identified one newly opened account that could earn approximately $180,000 if both its Netanyahu and Likud wagers prove successful. The account reportedly received nearly $40,000 from cryptocurrency wallets previously flagged for suspicious activity, including connections to sanctioned addresses.

The controversy has also attracted attention in Washington. On Thursday, Democratic Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and Republican Sen. John Curtis of Utah raised concerns about whether prediction-market operators have adequate safeguards against insider trading and manipulation.

“The identification of isolated instances of improper trading does not demonstrate that these markets are adequately protected,” the senators wrote. “Instead, it raises serious questions about how much similar activity may be going undetected.”

Israel is facing a difficult political stalemate following the elections for the 26th Knesset, with neither Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu nor opposition leader Gadi Eisenkot commanding the 61 seats needed to establish a governing coalition. The results have left both camps searching for potential partners, with the possibility of a broad unity government or another round of elections looming over the negotiations.

Eisenkot’s Yashar party emerged with 21 seats, making it the second-largest faction in the Knesset. Together with the Together alliance, the Democrats, and Yisrael Beytenu, the anti-Netanyahu camp controls 48 seats. If the eight members of Ra’am, the Islamist United Arab List, were to support Eisenkot, his potential parliamentary backing would rise to 56 seats.

Although that would give Eisenkot more support than Netanyahu’s existing coalition partners, it would still leave him five seats short of a majority. Moreover, assembling such an alliance would require cooperation among parties with sharply conflicting positions on fundamental political and security questions.

One of the principal obstacles is Yisrael Beytenu chairman Avigdor Liberman, who has previously ruled out political arrangements dependent on Arab parties. Other members of the opposition have also expressed reservations about such cooperation, leaving considerable uncertainty over whether Eisenkot could assemble even a minority government supported by Ra’am from outside the coalition.

Netanyahu faces a different challenge. His bloc of right-wing and chareidi parties holds 53 seats, leaving him eight short of the 61 required for a majority.

One possibility would involve bringing Naftali Bennett’s seven-member faction, currently part of the joint Together alliance with Yair Lapid, into Netanyahu’s coalition. However, that arrangement would bring the prime minister to only 60 seats, still one short of a majority.

The same difficulty would arise if Netanyahu persuaded Liberman’s Yisrael Beytenu, which also holds seven seats, to join his government. Such an agreement would not provide sufficient parliamentary support unless at least one additional Knesset member or faction joined.

A more substantial realignment could give Netanyahu the numbers he needs. If the entire 12-seat Together alliance agreed to enter his coalition, his bloc would expand to 65 seats, providing a workable majority.

Such an arrangement, however, would require major political concessions. Bennett and Lapid have significant disagreements with Netanyahu and his current coalition partners, and any agreement would likely involve demands concerning government policy, ministerial appointments, and the composition of the coalition.

Netanyahu could consequently face pressure to exclude some of his traditional allies, including chareidi parties, as a condition for securing the participation of opposition factions. That would represent a major political reversal and could generate considerable opposition within Likud and the existing right-wing bloc.

Another possibility being discussed is a national unity government involving Likud and Eisenkot’s Yashar party. With Likud holding 26 seats and Yashar controlling 21, the two factions together would command 47 seats, creating the foundation for a potentially broad coalition if additional parties agreed to participate.

Negotiating such an agreement would nevertheless present substantial challenges, particularly over the identity of the prime minister, the distribution of senior cabinet positions, and differences in policy between the two parties.

Reports have suggested that Netanyahu is considering a power-sharing arrangement with Eisenkot that could include a rotation of the premiership. No agreement has been announced, and it remains uncertain whether either leader would accept the concessions necessary to make such a deal possible.

The election results have therefore produced an unusual political balance. Eisenkot could potentially assemble a larger grouping of supporters if Ra’am agreed to cooperate, but would still lack a majority. Netanyahu retains a more cohesive bloc, yet cannot cross the 61-seat threshold merely by recruiting one of the seven-seat opposition factions.

The coming negotiations will determine whether either leader can persuade political rivals to abandon longstanding commitments and enter a new coalition arrangement. Should those efforts fail, Israel could face another election without having resolved the divisions that produced the current impasse.

Additional reporting Thursday indicated that the political divisions were already affecting negotiations. Liberman reiterated that he would not join a government headed by Netanyahu or one dependent on Arab parties, while Eisenkot and Bennett met to discuss possibilities for establishing an alternative coalition.

President Isaac Herzog has urged political leaders to consider compromise rather than force Israelis back to the polls. The official election results are scheduled to be certified on November 4, after which Herzog will begin consultations with the parties before assigning a candidate the task of forming a government.

{Matzav.com}

President Donald Trump received a high-level military briefing Thursday from the commander of U.S. Central Command, Adm. Brad Cooper, concerning possible new attacks against Iran, as the administration weighs another major military operation against Tehran following next week’s midterm elections.

According to The Wall Street Journal, Cooper traveled to the White House to present military options to the president during a meeting attended by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Dan Caine, and other senior administration officials.

The discussions also covered additional security matters, including the continuing American blockade of Iran. The briefing was particularly notable because Cooper, who oversees U.S. military operations throughout the Middle East, does not ordinarily meet with Trump in person.

The meeting followed another round of consultations Wednesday involving Cooper, Vice President JD Vance, and senior military officials at the White House. Cooper previously participated in discussions with Trump, Hegseth, and Caine aboard Air Force One in Delaware in July.

Neither the Pentagon nor CENTCOM offered details about Thursday’s meeting, with representatives of both declining to address the report.

The latest consultations come as Washington reportedly prepares for the possibility of renewed large-scale military action against Iran after the November 3 elections. Earlier this week, The Wall Street Journal reported that American officials had alerted several Gulf Arab governments to prepare for a potentially brief but intense U.S. military campaign.

As part of those preparations, American forces have reportedly been reinforcing air defense systems throughout the region while moving personnel away from installations considered particularly exposed to possible Iranian counterattacks.

Trump has refused to disclose whether he intends to authorize another round of strikes, although he has strongly defended his administration’s previous military campaign against Iran.

Speaking at a campaign rally in Texas on Tuesday, the president said he had no regrets about ordering earlier attacks on Iranian targets.

“Somebody asked me yesterday, it’s very interesting, ‘If you had to do it again, would you have attacked Iran?’ I said absolutely,” Trump told supporters.

“It’s one of the greatest things I ever did,” he added.

Trump also insisted that he would determine when the confrontation with Iran concludes, maintaining that any agreement must guarantee that the Islamic Republic never acquires nuclear weapons.

“Somebody asked me before, when will the war in Iran end? I said, whenever I want it to end. It’ll be very quick, but we have to have it end properly, with total and complete – a total statement, they will never have a nuclear weapon. Number one state sponsor [of terrorism]. They will never have a nuclear weapon.”

At the same time, the administration has kept open a diplomatic channel to Tehran. The Wall Street Journal reported Wednesday that Vance had communicated with Mohsen Rezaei, secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council and a former commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Vance reportedly sent Rezaei a letter exploring whether negotiations between the two countries could resume. An individual familiar with the communication claimed that Trump had authorized the outreach and was aware of the effort.

The president, however, rejected the suggestion that he had directed Vance to initiate peace negotiations, explaining Wednesday that the communication concerned humanitarian assistance and medical supplies.

“No. They need help with medical supplies and various things. He asked me what I thought. I said, ‘If you want to do that, that’s okay’. Basically, it’s getting supplies in to help people that are not well.”

Additional reporting Thursday provided more details about the White House meeting. According to Axios, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and presidential envoy Steve Witkoff were also present, and Trump specifically sought Cooper’s assessment of whether the American naval blockade was achieving its objectives. The admiral also discussed U.S. efforts to escort oil tankers through the Strait of Hormuz and the economic pressure campaign against Tehran.

Meanwhile, Iranian media confirmed Thursday that Tehran had received Vance’s letter but had not yet issued a response. Iranian officials continued to demand the removal of the American naval blockade, relief from oil sanctions, and the release of frozen Iranian funds before negotiations could proceed.

U.S. Ambassador to Turkey Tom Barrack offered a more optimistic assessment Thursday, telling CNN that Washington and Tehran were approaching a possible agreement to reduce tensions.

“I think we’re very close to finally getting to a place where we can say, ‘Let’s just have a timeout,'” Barrack said. “We’re not going to have an overall solution immediately, but we can allow the region to find its own pace.”

The White House has not announced a decision to resume military strikes, and Thursday’s briefing does not establish that an attack has been ordered.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has fired one of the Pentagon’s highest-ranking military strategists following allegations that he leaked classified information about the American war against Iran, the conflict in Ukraine, and other sensitive military matters to journalists, in a dramatic dismissal that comes as President Donald Trump considers launching another round of strikes against Tehran.

Army Lt. Gen. Brett Sylvia, who served as director of strategy, plans, and policy for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was abruptly removed from his position this week after an investigation into suspected unauthorized disclosures of classified material. Pentagon officials say the case has been referred to the Justice Department for possible criminal prosecution.

A senior Pentagon official accused Sylvia of failing three separate polygraph examinations concerning alleged disclosures of classified information to members of the news media. The official said Hegseth determined that immediate action was necessary to protect national security.

“The extent of his leaking became so critical that Secretary Hegseth took immediate action and fired Sylvia in order to protect national security. Urgent action was needed and could not wait another second,” the official said.

The allegations have not been established in court, and Sylvia has not been publicly charged with a crime. Other Pentagon sources have disputed the accusations, while an associate of Sylvia has said that the general denied leaking classified information.

The dismissal was confirmed Thursday by Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell, who said an extensive investigation by the Air Force Office of Special Investigations had resulted in personnel action.

“Following an extensive Air Force OSI investigation, the Department took necessary personnel action to protect sensitive information,” Parnell said.

“To protect the integrity of the investigation, no further comment will be made regarding the individual or the circumstances of this action.”

Parnell added that the matter, along with other suspected leaks, had been referred to the Justice Department for possible further action.

“Classified information is not personal property. Leaking it for personal, political or professional gain is a betrayal of the trust placed in those responsible for keeping it,” he declared.

“Our commitment was not an empty promise. We vowed to find you, and we meant it.”

Sylvia occupied a particularly sensitive position within the Pentagon. As head of the Joint Staff’s Directorate for Strategy, Plans, and Policy, commonly known as J5, he was responsible for helping develop long-term military strategy and advising Gen. Dan Caine, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

The office plays an important role in coordinating military planning and evaluating the strategic consequences of American operations around the world.

The allegations against Sylvia reportedly involve classified information concerning the war with Iran, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and other national security matters. Officials have not publicly identified the specific documents or operational details he is accused of disclosing.

One Pentagon official also alleged that Sylvia met with journalists outside the Pentagon after Hegseth imposed tighter restrictions on reporters’ movements inside the building.

The general’s removal comes at an especially sensitive moment for the American military, with the Trump administration reportedly preparing options for renewed attacks against Iranian targets following next Tuesday’s midterm elections.

American military officials have been examining the possibility of another intensive bombing campaign, while additional U.S. forces have been moving into the Middle East.

The Pentagon has expressed particular frustration over leaks concerning the Iran war, including disclosures about military planning, weapons expenditures, and the depletion of American munitions stockpiles.

A recent internal military analysis reportedly estimated that replacing munitions already expended against Iran would cost more than $29 billion, representing a substantial portion of the overall cost of American operations.

Although Sylvia’s position involved major strategic responsibilities, one Pentagon official maintained that he was not a central planner of the Iran campaign, which falls primarily under U.S. Central Command and its commander, Adm. Brad Cooper.

President Trump addressed the dismissal Thursday while speaking to reporters, emphasizing his administration’s determination to identify officials who disclose sensitive information.

“We’re very much looking for leakers,” Trump said.

The president also warned that the individual involved would face serious consequences, although he mistakenly referred to Sylvia as a woman.

“We’re very much looking for leakers, and she’s going to have big problems, long-term problems,” Trump said.

The controversy took another unusual turn when the Joint Staff withdrew a statement it had issued following Sylvia’s removal.

The original statement expressed appreciation for the general’s lengthy military career, extending the military’s “deepest gratitude to Lt. Gen. Brett Sylvia and his family for their 32 years of distinguished service to our nation.”

Hours later, the statement was retracted.

“Upon further review, we determined that the statement did not appropriately reflect the full circumstances,” a Joint Staff spokesperson explained.

The spokesperson added that officials would refrain from further comment out of respect for the ongoing personnel process.

Sylvia is a decorated combat veteran who graduated from the United States Military Academy at West Point in 1994 and served for more than three decades in the Army.

Before joining the Joint Staff, he commanded the 101st Airborne Division at Fort Campbell, Kentucky, and served in multiple combat deployments to Iraq and Afghanistan.

His military decorations include six Bronze Star Medals, including one awarded for valor, and a Purple Heart for wounds sustained in combat.

His dismissal is the latest in a series of high-profile removals of senior military officers under Hegseth, who has undertaken an aggressive effort to reshape Pentagon leadership and crack down on unauthorized disclosures.

Sylvia is the second officer to be removed from the J5 leadership position during Hegseth’s tenure. His predecessor, Lt. Gen. Joseph McGee, was also forced out.

Hegseth has made identifying suspected leakers a central priority, establishing a joint initiative with the Justice Department to investigate unauthorized disclosures and introducing broader use of polygraph examinations among senior officials.

The administration has also tightened Pentagon media access, requiring journalists to be escorted through certain areas and imposing restrictions that prompted numerous reporters to surrender their press credentials rather than accept the new conditions.

Last year, three senior Pentagon aides were removed amid a separate leak investigation. Those officials subsequently disputed the allegations against them and criticized the manner in which their departures were handled.

Sylvia’s firing represents one of the most consequential actions in Hegseth’s campaign against suspected leaks because of the general’s senior rank and his access to sensitive military planning.

It remains unclear whether federal prosecutors will bring charges against Sylvia, what specific classified information investigators believe was disclosed, or whether additional Pentagon personnel are under investigation.

{Matzav.com}

Alvin K. Hellerstein, a prominent Orthodox Jewish federal judge who presided over some of the nation’s most consequential legal proceedings, including cases involving President Donald Trump, Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, and the September 11 terrorist attacks, passed away Wednesday at the age of 92.

Judge Hellerstein, who served on the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York for nearly three decades, was widely respected for his legal scholarship, judicial independence, and deep commitment to Yiddishkeit. Throughout his career, he spoke openly about the influence of his religious beliefs on his understanding of justice and his responsibilities on the federal bench.

“As a judge, and as a Jew, I consider that everything I do reflects God and affects His image,” Hellerstein wrote in a 2013 law review article.

His observance of Shabbos was an integral part of his judicial life. He once explained that he deliberately scheduled sentencing hearings for Fridays so that he could spend Shabbos reflecting on whether he had treated defendants fairly and reached the correct decisions.

Born in New York City, Hellerstein graduated from Columbia University and subsequently earned his law degree from Columbia Law School, where he served as an editor of the law review. He later served in the U.S. Army’s Judge Advocate General’s Corps before entering private practice.

For 38 years, he practiced law at Stroock & Stroock & Lavan, developing an extensive legal career before President Bill Clinton nominated him to the federal judiciary in 1998. He assumed senior status in 2011 but continued hearing major cases until shortly before his passing.

Among his most significant judicial assignments was overseeing much of the civil litigation arising from the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center. The proceedings involved wrongful death claims, property damage disputes, and complex questions of liability stemming from the destruction of the Twin Towers.

More recently, Hellerstein presided over the federal prosecution of Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, who faced charges involving drug trafficking and torture.

The judge also became a central figure in several legal battles involving President Trump.

In one closely watched case, Hellerstein rejected Trump’s efforts to transfer his New York state criminal conviction on 34 counts of falsifying business records to federal court, where the president sought to have the prosecution dismissed on presidential immunity grounds.

In another high-profile ruling in 2020, Hellerstein ordered the release of Trump’s former attorney Michael Cohen from federal custody. The judge determined that federal authorities had retaliated against Cohen over his plans to publish a book critical of Trump by attempting to revoke his home confinement and return him to prison.

Beyond those politically sensitive proceedings, Hellerstein handled major financial fraud, securities, and market manipulation cases during his years on the bench.

His passing prompted tributes from colleagues who praised his dedication to the federal judiciary.

“Judge Hellerstein was an insightful and dedicated lawyer,” said Laura Taylor Swain, chief judge of the Southern District of New York. “His energetic and dedicated service to this court continued until his death. He is greatly appreciated and will be sorely missed.”

Outside the courtroom, Hellerstein was deeply involved in Jewish communal life. He served as president of the Jewish Center, a prominent Modern Orthodox congregation on Manhattan’s Upper West Side, and held leadership positions as president and chairman of the Board of Jewish Education.

His commitment to Torah values and his understanding of the obligations of a Jewish judge were subjects he frequently discussed.

Harvard Law School professor emeritus Alan Dershowitz, who knew Hellerstein personally, previously described him as an exceptionally capable jurist and a deeply committed Jew.

“He’s a great judge—fair and well-balanced,” Dershowitz told JNS. “He’s also a great tennis player, even in his late 80s and early 90s, and a real mensch.”

In a separate interview earlier this year, Dershowitz emphasized the principles that guided Hellerstein’s judicial philosophy.

“He’s a deeply committed Jew and a deeply principled lawyer,” Dershowitz said.

“He understands two things from the Bible. No. 1, ‘Tzedek, tzedek tirdof,’ you must always seek justice,” Dershowitz said. “No. 2, ‘Lo takir panim,’ don’t recognize faces.”

The two principles, drawn from Parshas Shoftim, reflect the Torah’s command to pursue justice and its prohibition against showing favoritism in judgment.

Hellerstein’s unusual combination of religious devotion, decades of legal experience, and involvement in some of America’s most prominent court proceedings made him a distinctive figure in the federal judiciary.

He remained active on the bench into his 90s, continuing to hear difficult and nationally significant cases long after many of his contemporaries had retired.

A congressional investigation has accused the American Psychological Association, one of the country’s most influential mental health organizations, of allowing anti-Israel activists to dominate its internal policies, marginalize Jewish psychologists, and weaken efforts to confront antisemitism, including by removing references to terrorism from its response to the October 7 Hamas massacre.

The findings, released Thursday by the House Committee on Education and the Workforce, are based on internal emails, organizational records, and communications involving senior APA officials. The report alleges that political activism has increasingly influenced an organization representing approximately 190,000 psychologists and other members of the profession.

The investigation comes as an advisory committee to the U.S. Department of Education has recommended suspending the APA’s accreditation recognition for one year, raising additional questions about the organization’s standing as a national authority on professional psychology standards.

“For an organization dedicated to understanding human behavior, the APA has done a remarkable job of ignoring prejudice within its own ranks,” said Rep. Tim Walberg, the Michigan Republican who chairs the House committee.

“Its leaders have allowed antisemitism to fester and radical activists to turn a respected scientific institution into a platform for political agendas, while Jewish psychologists are ignored and ostracized,” Walberg said. “The APA has a credibility problem, and its leadership has no one to blame but itself.”

According to the congressional report, APA leadership “caved to pressure to whitewash” the October 7 attacks, “mocked and dismissed Jewish psychologists sounding the alarm on antisemitism” and “appeased radical activists who gutted protections against antisemitism and accused Jews of having white privilege.”

Among the most troubling findings were internal exchanges following the Hamas massacre, when APA officials consulted an affiliated Arab, Middle Eastern, and North African psychological organization that had characterized the atrocities as a “resistance action.”

The incoming president of that organization objected to the APA’s proposed description of the massacre as “terrorist attacks,” claiming the draft contained “lots of problematic and racist language” that could offend members from the Middle East and North Africa. The final APA statement omitted the terrorism reference.

The House investigation also uncovered dismissive reactions to Jewish psychologists who raised concerns about hostility within the organization. When one Jewish member complained about antisemitism, the APA’s then-chief diversity officer reportedly responded internally, “Sigh!”

Another senior official complained about “the Jews who are so angry at us,” accusing them of “feeding hatred” by challenging the association’s conduct.

The report further examined communications involving Lara Sheehi, a George Washington University psychologist who previously faced allegations of discrimination from Jewish students.

After Sheehi criticized individuals unwilling to acknowledge what she called Israel’s “all-out genocide” and accused them of “internalized racism,” then-APA President Thema Bryant praised her “heart, truth, challenge and compassion.”

In another exchange, Sheehi expressed “grave concern about a Jewish psychologist’s claim that Jews are indigenous to Israel” and asserted “that the idea of ‘Jewish folks’ as the ‘real’ indigenous people of Palestine is dangerous, ahistorical propaganda.”

Cynthia de las Fuentes, who was serving as APA president at the time, responded by thanking Sheehi “for bringing this to our attention.”

The investigation also found resistance to recognizing Jewish psychologists as a distinct ethnic minority group within the association. Opponents argued that Jews benefited from “white privilege,” with one describing the proposal as “rooted in its own form of anti-black logics.”

The APA’s ethnic minority affairs committee warned that recognizing a Jewish psychological association without “urgent, unapologetic action on Palestine” could risk “reinforcing inequities and undermining solidarity across marginalized groups.”

The report also highlights the APA’s refusal to provide names of trauma specialists for a White House screening of “Screams Before Silence,” a documentary examining the sexual violence committed by Hamas terrorists during and after October 7.

One official explained the reluctance in an internal message, writing, “I fear providing some names might insert us into the politics of the film and audience.”

Congressional investigators also identified messages circulated through an APA discussion forum that praised Hamas, which the United States has designated a terrorist organization since 1997. One participant claimed Hamas was “protecting civilians” and deserved “kudos.”

The committee raised additional concerns about the growing influence of “decolonial psychology,” an ideological approach that, according to the report, “links mental wellness with Palestinian ‘liberation’ achieved through resistance and mental illness with Zionism.”

The controversy extended to the APA’s efforts to adopt an official resolution condemning antisemitism. In February, the association’s Council of Representatives approved a revised measure by a vote of 127-37, despite objections from its own board and a group of Jewish psychologists who had been advising the organization.

The resolution included language concerning the “weaponization of antisemitism,” a formulation critics argued could be used to dismiss legitimate complaints of anti-Jewish discrimination.

The findings have intensified scrutiny of the APA’s accreditation authority. Last month, a federal advisory panel recommended suspending recognition of the association’s accreditation commission for one year over concerns about antisemitism. The recommendation is not yet a final federal decision.

The APA has previously maintained that it unequivocally condemns antisemitism and has urged federal officials to reject the proposed suspension. In a separate statement this month, its leadership said the organization was strengthening its procedures for addressing discrimination and warned that removing its accreditation recognition could harm psychology students, training programs, and patients.

The association had not publicly responded to Thursday’s congressional report as of the latest available reporting.

The House committee said its findings would help shape potential legislation requiring professional accrediting organizations to uphold standards of fairness, integrity, and equal treatment. It argued that the APA’s handling of complaints from Jewish members raises serious questions about its fitness to establish standards for the psychology profession.

U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee on Thursday strongly rejected suggestions that the Trump administration is attempting to influence the formation of Israel’s next government, describing reports of American interference as “repulsive” while urging Israelis to await the findings of an investigation into allegations of election fraud.

Speaking to Newsmax amid growing controversy over Tuesday’s Knesset elections, Huckabee said Israeli authorities were conducting a serious investigation into suspected irregularities, but emphasized that the allegations should neither be accepted nor dismissed before the facts are established.

“Clearly there is a very, very serious investigation that’s going on,” Huckabee told Newsmax’s “Bianca Across the Nation.”

“These are serious allegations, and it has dominated the conversation all over Israel today, not only on the news but in the streets. And people are genuinely interested and concerned.”

The controversy has intensified following reports of cash discovered at polling locations and accusations from a predominantly Arab political party that Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu is seeking to discredit the election results. The acting chairman of Israel’s Central Elections Committee, however, has dismissed allegations of voting irregularities as unfounded.

Huckabee said the Shin Bet investigation should determine whether any attempt was made to interfere with the electoral process.

“If there was some type of attempt to do election fraud, it needs to be uncovered. And if there wasn’t, that needs to be affirmed,” Huckabee said.

“So Shin Bet, which is the primary investigative agency in Israel, is all over it. They are conducting a full-scale investigation. And I think we just wait and see what they find.”

The ambassador also discussed the possibility of a national unity government involving Netanyahu and opposition leader Gadi Eisenkot, whose previous declarations against serving under Netanyahu have complicated speculation about such an arrangement.

“The whole key is getting to the magic number of 61,” Huckabee said, referring to the parliamentary seats needed for a governing majority. “And in order to do that, people have to form coalitions.”

Drawing on his own political experience, Huckabee suggested that politicians sometimes reconsider positions they previously described as nonnegotiable when coalition realities leave them with limited options.

“Politics is an interesting game. I’ve been playing it for quite a few years, and I can tell you that people who say, ‘I will never do’ — fill in the blank — and then sometimes people will end up doing it because it’s their only way to be able to be a player in the government.”

Huckabee was particularly critical of reports based on unidentified sources suggesting that Washington was pressing for a broad Israeli coalition that would exclude more ideologically hardline parties.

“It’s so frustrating when these anonymous sources end up getting reported as if they have credibility,” he said. “I’ve long said people who know don’t talk and people who talk don’t know.”

“The fact is that there is no particular pressure that anyone is aware of where the U.S. government is trying to manipulate the election,” Huckabee said.

“President Trump clearly took a position in the election. I think it had an influence, but he has the right to do that.”

Huckabee stressed that his responsibilities as ambassador do not include attempting to determine Israel’s political leadership or dictate which parties should participate in its government.

“I find it repulsive that someone is reporting that the American government is trying to somehow arrange what happens,” he said.

“The only person who has the ability to have some influence in maybe encouraging a unity government would be President Trump, nobody else.”

The ambassador’s comments came as Israeli election officials sought to distinguish between allegations of possible foreign involvement and claims that the election results themselves had been compromised. The Shin Bet said its investigation was limited in scope, while the Central Elections Committee reported finding no evidence of widespread or systematic fraud.

{Matzav.com}

United Torah Judaism is reportedly considering a dramatic political realignment that would allow Gadi Eisenkot to establish a minority government without the chareidi party formally joining his coalition, according to a Thursday report by Channel 12. However, UTJ chairman MK Yaakov Asher categorically denied that any discussions or negotiations concerning such an arrangement have taken place.

The reported proposal would have UTJ remain in the opposition while refraining from voting against an Eisenkot-led government or blocking its legislation. Such an arrangement could enable Eisenkot to govern without securing the conventional 61-seat Knesset majority, provided enough opposition members abstain during crucial votes.

According to the reported parliamentary calculations, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s bloc would command 46 seats, compared with 48 for Eisenkot’s bloc. Eisenkot could potentially also rely on the eight MKs from Ra’am, although any such arrangement would introduce additional political complications.

The report attributed the emerging discussion to frustration among some UTJ figures over the party’s longstanding alliance with Netanyahu, particularly following an election that left his bloc without a clear path to a majority.

“We won’t get anything from Netanyahu. Our alliance with him has been exhausted, certainly in a case where there aren’t 61 votes,” a source from within the party said.

The source argued that UTJ should consider alternative political arrangements that would restore its influence over government policy, rather than remain tied to Netanyahu if he cannot assemble a viable coalition.

“Our interest is to once again be a decisive power in the Knesset,” the source explained.

One concern reportedly raised within the party is that the major non-chareidi factions could eventually form a broad unity government, leaving UTJ with little influence over legislation and government decisions affecting the Torah community.

“If a unity government is formed, there’s a chance we’ll go into the wilderness, the desert of the opposition. Not for this were we elected,” the source added.

Asher, however, issued an unequivocal denial, insisting that no negotiations, preliminary approaches or other contacts had occurred regarding support for an Eisenkot government.

“There have been no feelers, no talks, and no contacts,” Asher said.

He stressed that UTJ’s political decisions would be determined exclusively by the instructions of the Gedolei HaTorah, and that no initiative would move forward without their approval.

“Until we consult the leading Torah sages and receive their instructions, no contacts will take place, none have taken place, and no initiative will be advanced,” he clarified.

The possibility of UTJ cooperating with Eisenkot had already surfaced before the elections. A Channel 12 report in September suggested that some party representatives might abstain during a vote to establish an Eisenkot government, reflecting dissatisfaction with Netanyahu’s failure to secure legislation protecting the status of yeshiva bochurim.

The proposed arrangement faces a substantial obstacle in Eisenkot’s own positions. The Yashar party chairman has advocated broader military service requirements, while UTJ has insisted that any government seeking its support must first address the draft crisis and protect the ability of yeshiva students to continue learning.

Asher previously declared that UTJ would neither join nor support a government that failed to enact acceptable legislation regulating the status of yeshiva students. That condition remains central to the party’s political calculations.

Meanwhile, Netanyahu’s associates reportedly contacted UTJ representatives Wednesday to convey the prime minister’s intention to preserve his existing political alliances following the election. Asher’s office confirmed receiving that message while stating that no approaches had been received from other party leaders.

Channel 12’s report also indicated that some UTJ figures fear a broad unity coalition could leave the chareidi parties outside the government entirely, depriving them of influence over yeshiva funding, religious affairs and legislation affecting the Torah community.

For now, the proposal remains an idea attributed to unnamed party officials rather than an approved UTJ position, with Asher insisting that the party will not enter discussions until the Gedolei HaTorah have determined its course.

{Matzav.com}

Iran has been conducting covert operations aimed at interfering in elections in Israel and the United States, seeking to deepen political divisions in both countries and undermine their ability to carry out further military operations against Tehran, according to a report published Thursday by Britain’s Telegraph newspaper.

Iranian officials familiar with the efforts told the newspaper that Tehran views the proximity of Israel’s Knesset elections this week and the upcoming American midterm elections as a strategic opportunity to create political instability in two countries that have carried out military strikes against the Islamic Republic.

The Iranian operation reportedly involves efforts to recruit individuals capable of influencing electoral processes, along with the establishment of specialized cyber units tasked with penetrating computer systems and disrupting critical infrastructure.

“We are examining ways to recruit agents within the electoral processes, and powerful cyber groups have been established with the aim of hacking systems,” one Iranian official acknowledged, according to the report.

The newspaper did not identify which Israeli election systems were targeted or whether any attempted intrusions succeeded. There has been no confirmation that Iranian operatives managed to alter election results.

Another Iranian source described the campaign as an extension of Tehran’s broader confrontation with Israel and the United States, making clear that the regime views cyberattacks and political destabilization as additional weapons in its arsenal.

“War is not just missiles. We are prepared to disrupt the elections, banking and transportation of our enemies. We do not support a specific candidate, but we aim to see Israel and America divided,” the official said.

According to the report, Tehran’s immediate objective in Israel is to exploit the political uncertainty created by Tuesday’s elections, in which neither major bloc secured a decisive parliamentary majority.

Iranian officials reportedly believe that prolonged coalition negotiations, a political deadlock or even another round of elections could delay Israeli decisions concerning additional military strikes against Iran.

Such a delay would be particularly valuable to Tehran as it attempts to rebuild air defense systems and restore missile production capabilities damaged during recent military operations.

Iranian leaders reportedly view the possibility of an extended political stalemate in Yerushalayim as an opportunity to gain additional time for military reconstruction without facing immediate Israeli action.

Iranian parliament member Fada Hossein Maleki pointed to the inconclusive Israeli election results as a development that could work in Tehran’s favor.

“Every failure to form a government increases the pressure on Israel during wartime,” Maleki said.

The Iranian effort is not limited to Israel. According to the Telegraph, Tehran is also focusing on next week’s American congressional elections, hoping that the results will weaken President Donald Trump’s political position and restrict his ability to finance military operations and continued American assistance to Israel.

Iranian officials reportedly believe that a shift in control of Congress could complicate the administration’s efforts to secure funding for its military policies, potentially creating additional obstacles to a prolonged confrontation with Tehran.

The regime’s calculations center on the possibility that domestic political battles in Washington could divert attention from Iran and make it more difficult for the White House to maintain a unified approach toward the Islamic Republic.

However, Iranian political analysts have cautioned that even if Trump’s opponents make significant gains in Congress, the president would retain substantial constitutional authority to order military operations.

The revelations come amid separate allegations of foreign interference in Israel’s elections, including an investigation into suspected efforts by foreign governments to influence voter turnout in Arab communities.

The Telegraph report, however, describes an Iranian operation aimed more broadly at exploiting political divisions and potentially penetrating electoral and civilian infrastructure in both Israel and the United States.

The extent to which Tehran’s reported operations have succeeded remains unclear, and the Iranian sources did not provide evidence that election results in either country had been compromised.

{Matzav.com}

A senior Vizhnitzer representative has issued a forceful appeal for unity within the chareidi community following Israel’s Knesset elections, warning that continued internal political rivalries threaten the community’s ability to confront the mounting gezeiros against yeshiva bochurim and the broader Torah world.

Yehoshua “Shiki” Mandel, deputy mayor of Bnei Brak and a prominent representative of Vizhnitz, made the appeal in an open letter published Thursday in the Vizhnitzer publication Kesher Eitan. He praised the chareidi electorate for rallying behind United Torah Judaism despite widespread frustration over the unresolved draft crisis, but insisted that the party’s representatives must now put aside their differences and work together.

Mandel’s letter is particularly noteworthy given the internal divisions within Agudas Yisroel. Vizhnitz has been politically aligned with Ger rather than the Shlomei Emunim-Belz bloc and other chassidishe groups, and its Knesset representative, Yaakov Tessler, failed to secure a seat in the newly elected Knesset.

Nevertheless, Mandel argued that the election results demonstrated the public’s continued loyalty to the Gedolei Yisroel and their instructions, even among voters who had legitimate grievances against their political representatives.

He noted that United Torah Judaism had already received more than 290,000 votes before the completion of the count, including the remaining double-envelope ballots. Within Vizhnitz, he said, there was considerable satisfaction over the community’s turnout and its efforts to bring additional voters to the polls.

Mandel praised Vizhnitzer activists who worked throughout Election Day under the direction of Reb Yoel Yaakov and his staff, visiting campaign headquarters, encouraging voters and organizing efforts to increase turnout.

But he said that amid the election activity, one message repeatedly emerged from members of the chareidi community: the demand for unity.

According to Mandel, thousands of chareidim had gone to the polls despite their disappointment with the political establishment, setting aside personal grievances and internal disagreements out of obedience to the instructions of the Gedolei HaTorah.

Among those voters, he emphasized, were yeshiva bochurim and yungeleit who continue to face the threat of arrest because of their commitment to learning Torah.

Mandel delivered an unusually candid assessment of the chareidi political leadership’s record on the draft issue, acknowledging that its representatives had failed to secure the legal status of yeshiva students despite years of negotiations and political maneuvering.

He described the plight of thousands of Torah learners who have been classified as criminal offenders because they have not reported for military service, leaving them unable to travel abroad and fearful of encounters with police.

Their basic rights, he argued, have been severely restricted, yet they nevertheless turned out to vote for United Torah Judaism because of their commitment to Daas Torah.

Mandel maintained that the public’s willingness to overcome its frustrations places a corresponding obligation on the politicians who received its support.

“The public has done its part, with pain and self-sacrifice,” he wrote. “It did not do so in order to wake up the next morning and see the continuation of quarrels, disputes and internal divisions, G-d forbid.”

He said chareidi voters have grown weary of political rivalries, struggles over prestige and disagreements that consume energy better devoted to defending the community’s fundamental rights.

“The entire chareidi public, in all its forms, without exception, cries out from the depths of its heart: We want unity,” Mandel declared.

He called for genuine cooperation, mutual respect and a shared commitment to protecting the Torah community and its future in Eretz Yisroel.

Mandel warned that the challenges facing the chareidi community remain unresolved, particularly the status of yeshiva students and the threat of additional economic and legal sanctions against the Torah world.

In one of the letter’s strongest passages, he argued that the authorities pursuing yeshiva students make no distinction between the various chassidishe and Litvishe communities, rendering internal political differences irrelevant in the face of a common threat.

“The enemies of the chareidi public and the thugs of the military police do not distinguish between a samet hat and a round hat,” Mandel wrote. “And certainly, when they place handcuffs on someone’s wrists, they do not make an effort to identify which side the ribbon is on. As far as they are concerned, we are all one front.”

The reference to different styles of hats was intended to illustrate the divisions between chareidi groups, which Mandel argued must be put aside when the entire community faces the same dangers.

With the draft crisis continuing and the possibility of further arrests hanging over yeshiva students, Mandel said the community cannot afford to devote its attention to internal political battles.

“A fire is raging outside, and wasting time on internal intrigues is sheer recklessness,” he wrote.

He warned against allowing past grievances, personal rivalries or political calculations to prevent the chareidi parties from presenting a united front.

Mandel also cautioned that the political establishment must ensure that every segment of the chareidi community feels adequately represented. Ignoring the concerns of particular groups, he said, could drive dissatisfied voters to seek alternative political frameworks.

He stressed that the confidence placed in United Torah Judaism at the ballot box must not be taken for granted.

The Vizhnitzer official concluded by calling for a unified chareidi leadership operating under the guidance of the Gedolei Hador, with representatives prepared to fight shoulder to shoulder on behalf of the Torah world.

“The chareidi public deserves united leadership under the banner of the Gedolei Hador,” Mandel wrote. “The Torah world deserves representatives who fight shoulder to shoulder. Because if we are not united, we simply will have no future here, G-d forbid.”

{Matzav.com}

An Israeli soldier has been indicted on serious espionage charges after allegedly working for Iranian intelligence for approximately a year, providing sensitive information about IDF operations, military installations and American refueling aircraft stationed in Israel in exchange for cryptocurrency payments, Israeli security authorities announced Thursday.

The soldier, who was arrested in September, is accused of maintaining direct contact with an Iranian intelligence operative, carrying out assignments on his behalf and knowingly transferring classified military information that could compromise Israeli national security.

The indictment, filed Thursday by the IDF Military Prosecution, includes charges of providing information to an enemy with intent to harm state security, transferring information for the benefit of an enemy, and maintaining contact with a foreign agent.

The investigation was conducted jointly by the Shin Bet, Israel Police, the Military Police Criminal Investigation Division and the IDF’s information security authorities.

According to the findings, the soldier communicated with Iranian intelligence personnel for roughly one year, during which he supplied information about his military unit’s operational activities, IDF readiness levels and emergency mobilization procedures.

Among the details allegedly transmitted were information concerning his own emergency call-up at the outbreak of Operation Roaring Lion, as well as the locations and coordinates of Israeli military bases.

Investigators also determined that the soldier photographed Israeli missile interceptors, military vehicles and American aerial refueling aircraft parked at an Israeli airfield, forwarding the images to his Iranian handler.

The disclosure is particularly significant given the presence of American military aircraft in Israel and the importance of aerial refueling capabilities to U.S. military operations in the Middle East.

Authorities allege that the soldier understood he was communicating with an Iranian intelligence operative and continued cooperating despite knowing the potential consequences for Israel’s security.

In return for his activities, he allegedly received payments through cryptocurrency wallets, following instructions from his handler. Officials have not disclosed the total amount he received.

One of the most disturbing elements of the case involves allegations that the soldier provided his Iranian contact with personal information about fellow servicemen and military commanders.

According to investigators, he supplied those details while knowing that the Iranian operative intended to approach other soldiers and attempt to recruit them into espionage activities.

The soldier is also accused of providing his handler with access to a Telegram group called “Kal Bakrav,” intended for young Israelis preparing to enter military service. The Iranian operative subsequently joined the group, potentially gaining access to additional prospective recruits.

Investigators uncovered further evidence of efforts to conceal the relationship between the soldier and his handler.

The Iranian operative allegedly instructed the soldier to install communications applications designed to facilitate encrypted conversations and suggested that he purchase a basic cellphone and a handgun.

The two also reportedly agreed to communicate using coded language and devised a cover story to explain their relationship if Israeli security authorities discovered their activities.

In another development, prosecutors revealed that the Iranian handler offered the soldier $200,000 to travel to Iran. Authorities have not indicated that he accepted the proposal or attempted to make the trip.

The military court extended the soldier’s detention until November 12, while prosecutors are seeking to keep him in custody throughout the legal proceedings.

The case is part of a broader series of investigations into Iranian intelligence efforts to recruit Israelis for espionage and other activities, often using financial incentives and encrypted communications to establish contact.

Israeli security agencies have repeatedly warned that Iranian operatives are attempting to recruit individuals through social media and messaging platforms, offering payments in exchange for photographs, information about sensitive locations and other assignments.

In announcing the indictment, the Shin Bet, police and IDF urged Israelis to report suspicious approaches involving offers of money in exchange for information or services, warning that cooperation with foreign intelligence operatives can result in severe criminal charges.

The revolution has gone mainstream! The Ateres Esther Hall in Lakewood was full to the brim on Motzoei Shabbos Parshas Noach. The massive crowd at the Amud HaYomi Masechta Yoma Siyum, is the clearest testament that the Amud HaYomi revolution has gone mainstream. 

Three years ago, Dirshu inaugurated the Amud HaYomi program in Vienna, the same city where the Daf HaYomi had originally been inaugurated by Rav Meir Shapiro at the First Knessia Gedolah. It was a wonderful idea, and many started to learn the Amud HaYomi but at that early stage it had not yet taken over Klal Yisrael.

At the melave malka in Lakewood, however, the number of tables kept multiplying! The chasunah hall in Lakewood, the Torah heartbeat of the diaspora, was literally packed wall-to-wall with tables, with every additional table quickly filling with lomdim from Lakewood and the entire tri-state area who came to celebrate the Amud HaYomi siyum on Masechta Yoma and to begin Masechta Sukkah.

To observe the venerated Rosh Yeshiva of Lakewood, HaGaon HaRav Yeruchem Olshin, shlita, dancing with Dirshu’s Nasi, Rav Dovid Hofstedter, shlita; to see the Gaon in kol haTorah kulo, Rav Asher Dovid May, shlita, Rosh Kollel of Passaic and Rav of Khal Beis Tefillah in Monsey, talking about the Amud HaYomi with such genius was almost surreal.

When, despite the late hour, one saw that even when the program ended, the lomdim wanted to dance for longer, to savor the simchas haTorah, it was clear that the tzibbur had a very deep bond with the Amud HaYomi.

Rav Yeruchem Olshin: The Torah Loves Those Who Love the Torah!

A highlight of the evening was the inspiring drasha delivered by Rav Yeruchem Olshin, Rosh Yeshiva of Beth Medrash Govoha. After being introduced by Rav Eliezer Don Ralbag, Rav of the Lakewood Courtyard shul, Rav Olshin expressed his deep joy at being able to participate in such a maamad of kavod haTorah. Rav Yeruchem related in the name of his Zeideh, HaGaon HaRav Aharon Kotler, founding Rosh Yeshiva of Lakewood, that the Torah itself says, “If he honors me and shows that he loves me, I love him!”

“The Torah loves him,” Rav Yeruchem continued, “If the Torah loves him, the Torah will ensure that he will be zoche to learn and understand the Torah. When you give kavod to the Torah, when so many hundreds and hundreds of Yidden come and attend a maamad like this, a maamad whose whole purpose is to give kavod to the Torah, that will bring every person here to greater levels of ahavas haTorah and lead them to greater and greater levels of kinyan Torah!”

Rav Olshin went on to praise the lomdei Amud HaYomi for completing the entire masechta and for their dedication to steady limud haTorah day in and day out without a break. He encouraged everyone to try to make a point of learning b’simcha, because “learning with simcha shows that you truly love the Torah!”

A “Wedding” Celebration: The Torah with Klal Yisrael

The hadran on the masechta was said by HaGaon HaRav Shlomo Eisenberger, shlita, Rosh Yeshivas Telshe and the Kaddish after the hadran was said by HaGaon HaRav Shlomo Cynamon, shlita, Rav of Khal Bnei Torah of Flatbush and a Dirshu maggid shiur.

What transpired as soon as the Kaddish was over was, simply put, indescribable.

The entire hall erupted in simcha as hundreds began to dance, weaving in and out of the tables… The sight of the Gedolei Yisrael led by Rav Yeruchem Olshin and Rav Asher Dovid May dancing together with the Dirshu maggidei shiur and Dirshu’s Nasi, Rav Hofstedter in an outpouring of simcha and kavod haTorah defies description.

The music went on and on and on. No one wanted to stop.

The energy in the Ateres Esther Hall rivaled that of an enthusiastic wedding because indeed, what was really being celebrated was the wedding of Klal Yisrael with the Torah through the Amud HaYomi.

Torah, the Unifier

Looking around at the unique achdus that only a Dirshu event can produce aroused such tremendously warm feelings. The tables were packed with Yidden from all walks of life dressed in the myriad different types of clothing representing the entire gamut of observant Jewry; Ashkenazim and Sefardim, wearing hats and wearing no hats, wearing shtreimelach and spodeks, with beards and without beards… The achdus so visible at a Dirshu event provides a microcosm of Klal Yisrael through the ultimate factor that unites all Yidden, the Torah hakedosha.

Rav Asher Dovid May’s Breathtaking Torah Tapestry

There was a hush in the hall as the chairman of the evening, Rav Eliezer Ralbag, introduced the evening’s special guest speaker, Rav Asher Dovid May, shlita, who was addressing a Dirshu event for the first time. Rav Ralbag introduced Rav May as a baki in all areas of Torah, nigleh and nistar and a marbitz Torah with his shiurim and his sefarim. Indeed, Rav May showed that, if anything Rav Ralbag, understated his exceptional greatness.

It is hard to describe the breathtaking nature, the range and depth of Rav Asher Dovid May’s drasha. He wove an intricate tapestry of sources that brought out the greatness of what it means to make a siyum on Masechta Yoma and also about the greatness of the next big Amud HaYomi undertaking, Masechta Sukkah. Sources from the Gemara, Rishonim, Achronim, Zohar, Mekubalim, and obscure Rishonim and Achronim were all cited with remarkable clarity as one source lead to the other depicting the gadlus, the greatness of what it means to learn and complete Masechta Yoma.

Rav Dovid Hofstedter: The Key to Activating Siyatta D’Shemaya is Doing our Utmost

As Rav Dovid Hofstedter looked at the large crowd with eyes filled with love, he expressed his hergeshim, his feelings that were welling up inside. “Three years ago, we were zoche to inaugurate the Amud HaYomi program. Today, we see the peiros of that effort! Tens and tens of thousands of lomdim in every corner of the world learning the Amud HaYomi!”

With great passion, Rav Hofstedter encouraged lomdim to invest tremendous effort and time in learning and acquiring Torah. “Yes, Hashem gives siyatta d’Shmaya, bracha and even nissim, but first we have to do our utmost! First, we must activate the nissim through our hishtadlus! This applies to avodas Hashem and certainly to limud haTorah. Each and every one of us must invest our kochos.

“We all want to embark on the journey of acquiring Torah, Shas, becoming talmidei chachomim but, at the end of the day, if we want to merit siyata d’Shmaya we must make a plan for ourselves, we must embark on hishtadlus. The great Mashgiach of Mir, Rav Yerucham Levovitz, writes that all the Gedolim started off with a plan. They developed a clear understanding of where they wanted to go. They had the ambition and implemented a plan as to how to get there. Yes, of course, at the end of the day everything is dependent on siyatta d’Shmaya, but first we still must plan.”

Rav Dovid then spoke on a more practical level. “We established the Amud HaYomi with the guidance of the senior Gedolei Yisrael. It is a derech to acquire Torah. It is a limud that never stops. Day in and day out. When we put in our full effort, we are able to succeed. When we are moser nefesh to learn even when things are difficult, that activates Hashem’s siyatta d’Shmaya.

The hour was late, very late. Bentching had ended and yet… people still didn’t want to go home. They wanted more! To dance more, to taste more of that sweet taam that comes with success in Torah after investing so much toil and effort.

Saudi Arabia, Jordan and the Palestinian Authority reportedly engaged in efforts to unite Israel’s Arab political parties ahead of Tuesday’s Knesset elections, hoping to weaken Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and influence the composition of Israel’s next government, according to a report Thursday evening by Kan News.

Citing Palestinian and Arab sources, the report said Riyadh held discussions with other Middle Eastern governments about coordinating efforts to bring the Arab parties together under a revived Joint List, believing that a unified Arab political bloc could play a decisive role in preventing Netanyahu from remaining in power.

According to the sources, Saudi officials believed that reestablishing the Joint List would substantially alter Israel’s political landscape and increase the likelihood of a government viewed by Riyadh as more pragmatic and receptive to regional diplomatic initiatives.

Saudi Arabia was reportedly particularly interested in the implications for the Palestinian issue and the escalating confrontation with Iran, two matters that have figured prominently in the kingdom’s regional calculations.

The reported diplomatic activity has emerged amid a widening controversy over allegations of foreign interference in Israel’s elections, including suspicions that money from Arab countries was directed toward efforts to increase voter turnout in Arab communities.

Earlier Thursday, Central Elections Committee chairman Justice Noam Sohlberg sent an unusual letter to Shin Bet director David Zini requesting an investigation into allegations of election bribery and foreign involvement, with particular attention to suspicions concerning Qatar.

The request followed complaints submitted by Likud alleging that foreign Arab governments had provided funding intended to encourage Arab voters to participate in the election, potentially influencing the final distribution of Knesset seats.

The allegations have generated considerable political controversy, particularly given the importance of Arab voter turnout in determining the balance of power between Netanyahu’s political bloc and parties seeking to replace him.

The Shin Bet responded publicly to the reports, emphasizing that the intelligence information underlying its investigation had not originated with any political party or political figure.

The security agency further clarified that, apart from the chairman of the Central Elections Committee, no outside party had been exposed to the intelligence material before polling stations closed.

Addressing concerns that the investigation could cast suspicion on Arab voters generally, the Shin Bet stressed that its inquiry was directed exclusively at possible unlawful activity.

“This is a focused and narrowly defined investigation, and it should not be interpreted as casting suspicion on or accusing an entire sector that went out to vote democratically. Only those who acted in violation of the law will be dealt with,” the agency stated.

The Kan report did not establish that the diplomatic discussions involving Saudi Arabia, Jordan and the Palestinian Authority included illegal financing or that they were directly connected to the allegations involving Qatar.

The reported contacts nevertheless raise questions about the extent to which regional governments sought to influence Israel’s post-election political direction, as Israeli security authorities investigate separate allegations of foreign involvement in the electoral process.

At least ten American military transport aircraft have landed at Israeli Air Force bases over the past 24 hours, according to a report by Kan News, in a significant movement of U.S. military assets that comes amid heightened tensions with Iran and growing indications that Washington is strengthening its defensive capabilities throughout the Middle East.

The report said several of the aircraft departed from Fort Bragg in North Carolina, a major American military installation associated with rapid deployments and military logistics, including the movement of equipment used to support air defense operations.

Additional American military transport flights reportedly arrived at bases in Jordan, Saudi Arabia and Qatar during the same period, suggesting that the movement is part of a broader regional deployment rather than an operation confined to Israel.

The precise cargo carried by the aircraft has not been disclosed, and neither the Pentagon nor U.S. Central Command has publicly confirmed the purpose of the latest flights. However, the reported departure points have raised speculation that the aircraft may be transporting air defense equipment, interceptor missiles, ammunition or other supplies intended to strengthen American and allied military readiness.

The latest airlift follows reports earlier this week that the United States was moving an additional Patriot missile defense system from Texas to Israel. That reported deployment would bolster existing defenses against ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and other aerial threats at a time when American forces throughout the region remain on heightened alert.

The Patriot system is designed to intercept incoming aerial threats and can be deployed to protect military installations and other strategically important locations. Moving an operational battery requires substantial logistical support, including launchers, radar equipment, command systems, interceptor missiles and personnel.

Military transport aircraft such as the C-17 Globemaster III are capable of carrying large quantities of equipment and supplies over intercontinental distances, making them essential to rapid American deployments overseas.

The reported arrivals in Israel also follow months of extensive American military activity in the region, including the deployment of aerial refueling aircraft, fighter jets and additional air defense assets as Washington has sought to maintain operational readiness during its confrontation with Iran.

Earlier this year, the United States stationed dozens of aerial refueling aircraft in Israel, with some operating from Israeli military bases after concerns arose over the impact of their presence at Ben Gurion Airport on civilian aviation.

The new transport flights come as American military planners continue adjusting the positioning of forces and equipment across the Middle East. Jordan, Saudi Arabia and Qatar all host important American military facilities that play significant roles in regional operations, logistics and air defense.

The reported activity is particularly notable because of its concentration within a single 24-hour period and the simultaneous movement of aircraft to several countries.

Nevertheless, the arrival of military transport aircraft does not by itself establish that an offensive operation is imminent. Such flights are also routinely used to replenish supplies, rotate personnel, replace equipment and reinforce defensive positions.

As of Thursday, there was no official confirmation of what the aircraft delivered to Israel or whether the latest movements were connected to preparations for a specific military operation.

{Matzav.com}

Former Shas MK Nissim Ze’ev, one of the party’s founders, has delivered a sharp rebuke of chairman Aryeh Deri following Shas’s disastrous showing in Tuesday’s Knesset elections, accusing him of running the movement as a one-man operation and mishandling the military draft controversy in a manner that alienated voters across the political spectrum.

Speaking to Arutz Sheva after Shas suffered one of the worst electoral setbacks in its history, Ze’ev said the outcome had been foreseeable for some time. He blamed the party’s campaign strategy, its confused messaging on the draft issue, and Deri’s concentration of power for driving longtime supporters toward United Torah Judaism and other parties.

“It was expected,” Ze’ev said. “The atmosphere was already very tense before the elections. There was an aggressive campaign and brainwashing against draft evaders, and Aryeh [Deri] did not demonstrate much wisdom. It is written, ‘Therefore, the prudent shall keep silent in that time,’ but that did not happen. Perhaps he even added a little fuel to the fire.”

Ze’ev argued that Shas had failed to make clear its distinction between full-time yeshiva bochurim, whose Torah learning it seeks to protect, and those who are not learning and could serve in the military.

“Instead of saying that Shas supporters serve in the army and that anyone who is not studying should enlist – which should have been his motto – we ended up losing on both sides. It looked as though Shas was against the army, and that is not true. This is a party whose members serve in the army. It is both a haredi and a Zionist party.”

According to Ze’ev, the party’s position created confusion among its traditional supporters. Some rabbonim and roshei yeshiva who had previously backed Shas began encouraging their followers to vote for United Torah Judaism, while other voters concluded that Shas had become too closely identified with opposition to military service.

Ze’ev estimated that approximately 20 percent of the party’s previous electorate had shifted to United Torah Judaism, with additional voters moving to Likud, Otzma Yehudit and Religious Zionism.

“On the other hand, communities that had been part of Shas thought the party opposed the army, and so, unfortunately, we lost both segments of the public,” the former MK said.

He suggested that Deri had allowed political pressure to dictate his public statements, particularly when defending the right of yeshiva students to continue learning without being drafted.

“It could be that pressure from Agudat Yisrael left him no choice but to say, ‘If you think we will not work to keep Torah scholars in the yeshivas, you are mistaken. Look, I am proud of my grandchildren who are studying in yeshivas rather than serving in the army.’ That statement conveyed the impression that the party was against the army, but that is not the case. Sages, be careful with your words.”

Ze’ev reserved some of his harshest criticism for Deri’s management of Shas, rejecting the notion that the party’s identity is inseparable from its longtime chairman.

“That is not how things are. Shas is not Deri, and Deri is not Shas. He did not even establish the Shas movement. But many people see him as the one and only central figure who controls Shas, and they say that if he is the man in charge, they are backing away. People need to understand that a party does not belong to one person who dictates every political move, including in dealings with the rabbis. It saddens and pains me that the party has fallen to seven seats, but the right conclusions must be drawn,” Ze’ev said.

He recalled that Shas had also fallen to seven seats after his own departure from the party, arguing that its leadership must reconsider how it relates to the broader Israeli electorate.

“The general public feels a very strong connection to Shas,” he insisted. “When we consistently held 11 to 13 seats, we reached out to many different segments of the population. When I was in Shas, I would visit all the communities that saw me as a right-wing figure, someone who cared about the Land of Israel. I was part of them.”

Ze’ev contrasted that approach with the party’s current campaign efforts, arguing that Shas had neglected communities that once formed an important part of its electoral base.

“What Ben Gvir does with a lot of noise, I used to do in a pleasant manner. The same was true of Eli Yishai, who would go with me from community to community, and we would hold rallies there,” he said. “Shas is not doing that now. Shas is also absent from the Negev because it had a competitor there in the form of Rabbi Abergil. Aryeh Deri should have come to his senses, brought him into the fold, and given him a representative in the party.”

“One person cannot make every decision. That is not how a movement should be run.”

On the contentious draft legislation, Ze’ev acknowledged the resentment felt by many chareidi voters but argued that Deri could not be held solely responsible for the failure to enact a law protecting yeshiva students. He cited the anti-government demonstrations on Kaplan Street and the outbreak of war, with its heavy military casualties, as circumstances that made advancing such legislation politically difficult.

Ze’ev said Deri should instead have given Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu approximately one year to resolve the issue, while taking the country’s security situation into consideration.

He also described growing dissatisfaction in traditionally loyal Shas communities, including the Musayof shul, where a Torah lecturer reportedly declared that the party no longer represented the path of Rav Ovadia Yosef zt”l. Ze’ev said he personally knew families with longstanding ties to Shas whose roshei yeshiva had instructed them to vote for United Torah Judaism.

“There was no proper public messaging. What kind of campaign did Shas run? We should have countered the incitement against us as a community of draft evaders. We should have said that we are not draft evaders; we are a community devoted to Torah study, and solutions must be found for those who are not studying.”

Ze’ev maintained that the draft controversy could have been addressed through practical administrative arrangements rather than legislation that would provoke additional hostility.

“I remember Rabbi Yehuda Tzadka, the head of the Porat Yosef Yeshiva, saying that someone who does not study Torah will have to answer for it, because the blood of a soldier fighting on the front lines is worth no less than the blood of a young man who goes out to work instead of studying. Already 25 years ago, I said that we did not need legislation that would provoke antagonism, but rather administrative measures. Someone who has completed his studies and is over the age of 21 should be allowed to serve for three months and then perform reserve duty. Tens of thousands would have enlisted and would now be serving in the reserves.”

His criticism comes as Deri faces mounting pressure from within Shas following the election. Former Shas minister Shlomo Benizri has also faulted the party’s handling of the draft issue, while reports indicate that senior figures are considering changes to its leadership.

Asked whether Deri should step down, Ze’ev declined to explicitly demand his resignation, instead insisting that the chairman must relinquish some of his control and allow other party figures to participate meaningfully in decision-making.

“I am not going to tell him what to do. Aryeh Deri is smart enough. He knows how to operate and how to bring the rabbis to the point where they will beg him and say, ‘Our esteemed friend, our beloved, have mercy on us and stay.’ I am not saying he needs to leave, but he needs partners alongside him. Today, Knesset members cannot express themselves without his approval. What kind of leadership is that? I remember being summoned to Rabbi Chacham Shalom Cohen because I had spoken to the media. It was a complete dictatorship. You were not allowed to speak, and the rabbi would reprimand me.”

Ze’ev described Deri’s centralized leadership style as “a method that is working against him.”

“He needs to correct his character traits. In 2011, he established a movement called ‘HaTikun’ [The Correction]. Let him make that correction now, in 2026.”

Moti Leitner, chairman of the HaTzibur HaChareidi party, has publicly acknowledged his party’s failure in Israel’s Knesset elections, accepting personal responsibility for its disappointing showing of approximately 10,000 votes while declaring that he has no intention of abandoning his efforts to bring change to the chareidi community.

In an open letter to party activists released Thursday, Leitner admitted that his campaign had failed to translate widespread dissatisfaction with the established chareidi parties into sufficient electoral support. Although he maintained that tens of thousands of chareidim agreed with his party’s positions, many ultimately cast their ballots for non-chareidi parties rather than supporting his new political movement.

“I want to apologize. And to say thank-you. To apologize because we failed. I failed. We failed the test of results,” Leitner wrote.

“Alongside the vote of confidence from 10,000 voters, I failed to win the trust of tens of thousands of haredim who identify with our path and our message, but did not see us as their political home on Election Day and gave their votes to non-chareidi parties.

“I take responsibility for that, and we will do everything to be worthy of your trust next time.”

Leitner conceded that the campaign had made significant strategic errors, including its messaging and its failure to establish political partnerships that might have reassured potential supporters concerned about casting votes for a party unlikely to cross the electoral threshold.

“And yes, we also made mistakes. More than once,” he wrote. “There are things we could have done differently. There are messages we should have softened, sweetened, and refined, while others argue that we should have been harsher. There were alliances that could have eased the concerns of many supporters about wasting their votes.”

“We will conduct a genuine internal examination, thoroughly understand all the mistakes, as well as the major achievements we made along the way, and we will learn the lessons,” he promised.

Explaining why he had entered the political arena, Leitner said he believed longstanding problems within the chareidi community had gone unaddressed and that his campaign had been intended to force those issues into public discussion.

“I chose to take on a painful mission: to lift and shake out the rug under which we have swept some of the ills of our beloved community for decades,” he wrote.

“We brought painful discrimination to light. [And] the lack of a solution to the conscription issue, which led to the arrests of yeshiva students and the desecration of G-d’s Name that was caused,” he wrote. “We spoke openly about the disgraceful poverty that has become an ideology among us, sending hundreds of thousands of our people running between interest-free loan funds at the end of every month.”

Leitner also pointed to what he called “the humiliation of Torah scholars who dare to express a slightly different position,” and criticized what he considers insufficient preparation for parnassah among graduates of chareidi educational institutions.

His party’s positions, particularly its criticism of established chareidi leadership and institutions, generated considerable controversy during the campaign. Leitner nevertheless maintained that his movement had entered the race knowing that its objectives could not be achieved in a single election.

He expressed appreciation to those who had backed the party despite repeated warnings that their votes would be wasted, singling out its supporters, volunteers, campaign workers, fellow candidates and family members.

“To the 10,000 loyal voters who placed their trust in us despite everything: despite the pressure, despite the fears, despite everyone who said it was a waste of a ballot – you are the heart of this movement.”

The defeat was particularly striking given the expectations surrounding the party before the election. Leitner, who serves as deputy mayor of Beit Shemesh, had sought to attract chareidim dissatisfied with Shas and United Torah Judaism. His party had publicized polling suggesting that approximately 40,000 voters were already prepared to support it, with tens of thousands more considering doing so.

Instead, the party received fewer than 10,000 votes, falling far short of the 3.25% electoral threshold required to enter the Knesset. Its performance was especially weak in major chareidi communities, including Bnei Brak and Modi’in Illit, where it failed to make significant inroads among the established parties’ supporters.

Nevertheless, Leitner extended his congratulations to the successful candidates, including the representatives of the established chareidi parties whom he had challenged throughout the campaign.

“I congratulate those elected to the 26th Knesset, and foremost among them the haredi representatives, and wish them success and Divine assistance in their mission.”

He insisted that his political efforts should not be understood as a personal campaign against the existing chareidi leadership.

“Despite attempts by some to portray it otherwise, our struggle was never against anyone. It was for something. For our community, and for the entire people of Israel.”

Leitner also offered a tefillah that yeshiva bochurim be permitted to continue learning Torah without interference, alongside prayers for the safety of Israeli soldiers and security personnel.

“What we learned in the study hall, we know this morning as well: We are obligated to make the effort, and the outcome is in the hands of Heaven,” he wrote, citing the teachings of the Sages, “It is not your duty to complete the work, but neither are you free to desist from it.”

He concluded with a declaration that the election results would not bring his movement to an end.

“This journey did not end on Election Day. It has only just begun. I will yet rebuild you, and you [shall be] rebuilt. We will return.”

{Matzav.com}

Violent clashes broke out Thursday afternoon near Bnei Brak when police used stun grenades to disperse a demonstration organized by the Yerushalmi Faction against the arrest of a yeshiva bochur, leaving more than 25 people injured and at least ten requiring hospitalization, including several suffering from head injuries.

The confrontation erupted approximately an hour after demonstrators gathered along Highway 4 near the entrance to Bnei Brak. Police officers attempting to clear the area began throwing stun grenades toward protesters, and disturbing footage from the scene showed injured demonstrators receiving emergency medical attention, with some lying on the roadway bleeding from their wounds.

United Hatzalah reported treating more than 25 people for injuries classified as minor, including both protesters and police officers. Several of the wounded were evacuated to nearby hospitals for further treatment.

The demonstration was organized following last week’s arrest of Alon Smadja, a bochur at Yeshivas Tiferes Shraga in Yerushalayim, who was detained by military police over his army draft status. The protest was held under the direction of Rav Tzvi Friedman, amid growing concerns within the Yerushalmi Faction about reports of a planned wave of arrests targeting yeshiva bochurim who have not reported for military service.

Smadja was arrested last week outside his home in the Bayit Vegan neighborhood of Yerushalayim. According to reports, military police officers telephoned him and claimed that a delivery was waiting for him at the entrance to his building. When he came downstairs to collect the supposed package, officers placed him under arrest.

Thursday’s demonstration quickly developed into a major confrontation as police sought to prevent protesters from blocking Highway 4, one of the busiest traffic arteries in central Israel.

Police had prepared in advance for possible disruptions along the highway between the Aluf Sadeh and Em HaMoshavot interchanges in both directions, as well as significant congestion along Jabotinsky Street in Bnei Brak.

As tensions escalated, officers declared the demonstration unlawful and moved to disperse the crowd.

“A police officer at the scene declared the demonstration illegal, and despite attempts at dialogue, the rioters continue to gather at the location while shouting at police forces. Police forces are continuing their operations,” police said in a statement.

Authorities subsequently reported that an officer had suffered a head injury after being struck by a stone allegedly thrown by a demonstrator.

The police response generated immediate outrage, particularly after videos emerged showing officers striking chareidi demonstrators and injured protesters being carried away for medical treatment.

A senior police official quoted by Kikar HaShabbat accused Police Commissioner Danny Levy of allowing political considerations to influence the handling of the demonstration following Tuesday’s Knesset elections.

“The shocking images of police officers beating chareidim on Highway 4 reflect Police Commissioner Danny Levy’s desire to please the left following the right’s defeat in the elections. He is already preparing for Yair Golan to take office as national security minister,” the official alleged.

Representatives of the Yerushalmi Faction also issued a furious response, directing their criticism at National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir.

“Ben Gvir is using the police to take revenge for the election results. We will hold everyone responsible for this accountable. Chareidi blood is not free for the taking,” they declared.

United Torah Judaism chairman MK Yaakov Asher condemned the violence and demanded immediate action against officers accused of using excessive force.

“Although we oppose road blockages, we cannot remain silent in the face of the disturbing footage showing protesters, including a young man with special needs, lying on the ground, injured and bleeding. Such conduct crosses a red line that cannot be ignored,” Asher said.

“I call on Police Commissioner Danny Levy to act immediately and summon for disciplinary hearings the officers who acted unlawfully and with severe violence,” he added.

The clashes caused extensive traffic disruptions around Bnei Brak, with police maintaining a substantial presence along Highway 4 as emergency responders continued treating the injured.

{Matzav.com}