TEFILLIN OR POLITICAL PATRONAGE? Journalist Blasts Deri’s Promise of Free Tefillin for Every Bar Mitzvah Bochur
Shas chairman Aryeh Deri’s election promise to provide free tefillin to every boy reaching bar mitzvah age in Eretz Yisroel has come under sharp attack from Israeli journalist Amichai Attali, who accused the Shas leader of using a seemingly worthwhile religious initiative as a means of creating government jobs for political associates and distributing public money to his supporters.
Deri announced that Shas would seek to establish a government-funded program under which every Jewish boy celebrating his bar mitzvah would receive a pair of tefillin and a tallis, with the state covering the cost. The proposal would be advanced by Shas in the next government following the upcoming Israeli elections.
Attali, however, questioned whether such a program addresses any genuine need, arguing that tefillin are already readily available throughout Israel and that individuals who wish to fulfill the mitzvah generally have numerous avenues through which to obtain them.
“Every child knows that Israel has an abundance of sets of tefillin. Every day, hundreds of people die and leave behind perfectly kosher tefillin,” he wrote.
The journalist pointed to the widespread availability of tefillin in public places, including businesses that maintain tefillin stations for those who wish to put them on during the day. He also cited charitable organizations and volunteer efforts that purchase tefillin for soldiers, young people, and immigrants who might otherwise have difficulty obtaining their own pairs.
According to Attali, the existing network of private initiatives and communal assistance has already made tefillin accessible to virtually anyone who wants them.
“There is almost no one in Israel who wants tefillin and doesn’t have them.”
Attali then turned his attention to what he believes would be the real consequences of Deri’s proposal: the establishment of an entirely new government operation, complete with administrative offices, employees, vehicles, advisers, and substantial budgets.
In his criticism, he suggested that the program could provide a financial benefit to families who would have purchased tefillin for their sons regardless, while simultaneously creating a new source of government-funded employment.
“So why is Deri a genius? Because he’s bringing in hundreds of soferim (scribes who write tefillin, mezuzot, and Torah scrolls) through the back door, who will make a living from his new bureaucracy. Because he’s putting cash into the pockets of hundreds of thousands of haredim – they’re already buying tefillin for their sons’ bar mitzvahs anyway, so why not shift a substantial portion of the expense onto those who actually work and pay taxes?”
The journalist continued with a lengthy, sarcastic description of the bureaucracy he imagined would emerge from the initiative, referring to a hypothetical government agency that he dubbed the “National Tefillin Administration.”
He predicted that such an agency would quickly become another avenue for political appointments, with Shas associates receiving salaried positions and government resources being directed toward individuals connected to the party.
“Another 20 Shas members will get jobs in the National Tefillin Administration. They’ll rent spacious offices in a new building in Givat Shaul. There will be an exemption from the requirement to hold tenders, so the property owner will surely be a relative of some senior Shas official.”
Attali went on to paint an exaggerated picture of the proposed administration, envisioning officials enjoying leased vehicles, consultants being hired for various responsibilities, and additional layers of management being created to oversee the distribution of tefillin.
Among the positions he mockingly proposed were an “adviser on Rashi tefillin” and a separate adviser on Rabbeinu Tam tefillin, referring to the different types of tefillin worn according to the respective shitos.
His satire continued with the suggestion that the government might eventually establish separate administrations for Sephardic and Ashkenazic tefillin, citing the differing minhagim and practices of the two communities as a pretext for creating additional departments and jobs.
According to Attali’s imagined scenario, these agencies would become entrenched bureaucracies, with positions and benefits distributed among relatives, associates, and political insiders at the expense of taxpayers.
The journalist emphasized that his criticism was rooted in his belief that Deri, as someone who has spent his life in the Torah-observant community, is fully aware that obtaining tefillin is generally not a serious obstacle for those who genuinely wish to perform the mitzvah.
“I’m telling you that Aryeh Deri lives within the religious world no less than I do, and he cannot even imagine that there is a Jew who wants tefillin but cannot obtain them.”
Attali argued that Deri’s familiarity with the religious community makes it difficult to accept that the Shas chairman views a shortage of tefillin as a pressing national problem.
Instead, he maintained that the proposal should be understood primarily as an election-season initiative designed to benefit the party’s constituency and potentially expand its network of political appointments.
Attali concluded by accusing Deri of dressing up what he believes is a political patronage initiative as a program intended to strengthen Yiddishkeit.
“His announcement today is actually about creating yet another unnecessary bureaucracy whose entire purpose is to provide a livelihood for associates while exploiting the public treasury for the benefit of voters. And this is just one more piece of proof that Aryeh Deri is a genius.”
Deri, for his part, has presented the proposal as part of a broader effort to strengthen Jewish identity in Eretz Yisroel. In announcing the initiative, he also pledged that Shas would work to require schools to designate appropriate areas where students who wish to put on tefillin and daven could do so during the school day.
The Shas chairman framed the initiative as a response to statements by Democrats Party chairman Yair Golan concerning religion in public institutions. Deri maintained that providing tefillin to young Jewish boys would reinforce their connection to Torah and mesorah, particularly amid disputes over the place of religious observance in Israeli society.
Golan responded with a competing election message, calling for universal military draft orders for 18-year-olds and emphasizing that putting on tefillin should remain a matter of personal choice.
The proposal has also raised questions about its potential cost. With kosher tefillin frequently costing thousands of shekels per pair, a nationwide distribution program would require substantial government funding. Deri has not yet presented a detailed budget, procurement plan, or administrative framework explaining how the initiative would operate.
The financial questions are particularly relevant because the proposed program would cover all eligible boys, including those whose families are already prepared to purchase tefillin privately. Critics question whether the government should subsidize those purchases across the board, while the initiative’s stated objective is to make the mitzvah accessible to every Jewish boy regardless of his family’s circumstances.
For now, the plan remains an election promise rather than an approved government program. Whether it advances will depend on the composition of the next government, the priorities established in coalition negotiations, and the allocation of the necessary funding.
Attali’s criticism has added another dimension to the debate, shifting attention from the religious significance of tefillin to the question of whether the proposed government initiative would genuinely address an unmet need or create an expensive new bureaucracy.
{Matzav.com}
