DRAFT LAW REVERSAL: Yedidya Meir Blasts Israeli Left for Suddenly Embracing ‘Soft Draft Law,’ Warns Chareidi Parties Against Abandoning Right
Israeli journalist and commentator Yedidya Meir has sharply criticized what he describes as a sudden reversal by Israel’s political left on the issue of drafting chareidi yeshiva students, accusing opponents of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu of abandoning years of fierce opposition to draft exemptions in an effort to secure chareidi support for a new government headed by Gadi Eisenkot.
In a pointed column published Thursday, Meir argued that politicians and media figures who spent years condemning proposed legislation protecting yeshiva students are now discussing compromise arrangements and a more lenient draft law, just days after Israel’s elections created the possibility of a government without Netanyahu.
Meir said he was not surprised by what he characterized as the hypocrisy of the left, but was astonished by the speed with which its public messaging had changed.
Within hours of the election, he wrote, leaders of the anti-Netanyahu bloc and their supporters in the media began suggesting that the draft controversy could be set aside, describing it as a complicated issue that did not require an immediate solution.
“The hypocrisy of the left doesn’t amaze me. Only the speed does,” Meir wrote. “Within just a few hours, they know how to replace a campaign, engineer public opinion, change the conversation and invent an entirely new one.”
As evidence, Meir pointed to recent comments by former Prime Minister Ehud Barak during an interview with Radio 103FM, in which Barak suggested that the IDF would be unable to absorb all chareidi men into its ranks even if they were required to enlist.
“The IDF is incapable of absorbing all the chareidim anyway,” Barak said, according to Meir, adding that the principal issue was not the additional military units that could be created through chareidi enlistment.
Instead, Barak suggested that those who do not enter the military could perform a limited period of national service.
“The real main issue is that they participate in the burden, meaning that they serve. For example, anyone who chooses not to enlist should perform nine months of national service, or however long it might be, and then go on with his life,” Barak said.
Meir expressed astonishment at the proposal, arguing that a requirement of just nine months of national service was considerably more lenient than the demands previously advanced by opponents of chareidi draft exemptions.
He suggested sarcastically that even chareidi negotiators would not have dared propose such an arrangement themselves.
Meir also cited journalist Ben Caspit, who recently suggested that political leaders would need to find a way to “somehow round off the draft law,” a remark Meir interpreted as another indication that the political establishment was suddenly willing to compromise.
Particularly striking, Meir argued, was a report on Channel 12 referring to the possibility of a “soft draft law.”
For the past three years, he wrote, opponents of the chareidi parties had repeatedly described proposed draft legislation as a “draft evasion law,” portraying protections for yeshiva students as an unacceptable injustice toward those serving in the military.
Meir accused that campaign of contributing to hostility toward bnei yeshiva, including verbal harassment and incidents in which yeshiva students were insulted or spat upon in public.
He estimated that tens of thousands of yeshiva students had been subjected to abuse during the controversy, although he did not provide independent figures supporting that estimate.
Now, he observed, the same political and media circles were speaking approvingly about a more accommodating arrangement.
“Suddenly, a ‘soft draft law,'” Meir wrote, comparing the new terminology to the marketing of a gentle shampoo.
The columnist recalled that nearly two years earlier, writing in the newspaper B’Sheva, he had predicted that the political left would eventually seek to redefine its proposed alliance of military-serving Israelis in order to accommodate new coalition partners while excluding religious and right-wing voters.
At the time, he suggested that an alliance originally presented as a coalition of those sharing the burden of military service could eventually be rebranded as an alliance of service and reconciliation.
Such an arrangement, he predicted, might include Arab parties while excluding supporters of Religious Zionist politicians Bezalel Smotrich, Orit Strock and Itamar Ben Gvir.
Meir said that although he had anticipated such a political development, even he had not expected the terminology of a “soft draft law.”
Beyond his criticism of the draft debate, Meir issued a direct appeal to chareidi elected officials not to abandon their alliance with Israel’s religious and traditional right.
He warned that cooperation with the emerging anti-Netanyahu bloc could fracture a political and cultural partnership that he believes extends far beyond the question of who serves as prime minister.
Meir described the alliance as a “bloc of believers,” arguing that its foundation is a shared attachment to Jewish tradition and religious identity rather than simply loyalty to Netanyahu.
He acknowledged that many right-wing commentators, including those associated with Channel 14, view the bloc primarily as the political vehicle necessary to keep Netanyahu and the right in power.
Meir said he agreed with that objective but considered the alliance far more important than any individual political leader.
“There is a genuine connection here that rises above every political interest, however important it may be,” he wrote. “There is a shared identity. There is a deep bond that must continue long after Bibi’s 130th birthday.”
He added that the partnership should endure until the arrival of Moshiach and beyond.
To support his argument, Meir invoked the teachings of Maran Rav Elazar Menachem Man Shach zt”l, the longtime leader of the Lithuanian Torah community, who had articulated a distinction between the religious attitudes of Israel’s political right and left decades earlier.
Rav Shach described Likud supporters as people possessing “simple faith,” Meir recalled, explaining that although many on the political right were not personally observant, they nevertheless maintained respect for religious tradition.
By contrast, Rav Shach had criticized the ideological secularism he associated with the political left.
Meir also quoted the late MK Rabbi Avrohom Ravitz, a leading figure in Degel HaTorah, who argued that chareidi political decisions should take into account the broader cultural character of Israel’s competing political camps.
Ravitz maintained that the right generally represented traditional Jews who respected authentic Jewish values, retained connections to Jewish heritage and did not seek to replace longstanding Jewish culture with modern secular ideology.
Meir argued that these distinctions, articulated during the 1980s and 1990s, have become even more pronounced in recent decades.
In his assessment, the Israeli left has moved further toward progressive secularism, while the political right has become increasingly connected to Torah, emunah and Jewish tradition.
He warned that dismantling the right-wing alliance at the present moment, particularly following the widespread expressions of Jewish identity and religious awakening during the war, would be a historic mistake.
Meir pointed to the enormous crowds of traditional and religious Jews who gathered at the Kosel during the recent season of Selichos, describing them as evidence of the deep spiritual connection shared by millions of Israelis.
He estimated that approximately two million people had visited the Kosel during that period and argued that severing political ties with such a population would create an unnecessary and painful division among Jews who share fundamental religious values.
Concluding his column, Meir expressed confidence that the chareidi parties would ultimately resist efforts to draw them away from the traditional right-wing alliance.
He ended with a prayer that the political maneuvering would not succeed in dividing the religious and traditional public, insisting that such a rupture must not be allowed to occur.
