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Fetterman Draws Red Line: “If Democrats Become Anti-Israel, I’m Gone”

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Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pa., said Wednesday that while he remains committed to the Democratic Party, he would walk away if it formally abandoned its support for Israel. Speaking at The Hill Nation Summit in Washington, D.C., Fetterman said backing Israel remains a defining principle for him.

“If our party ever becomes — and just makes it official — the anti-Israel party, that’s when I would leave because that’s been a moral clarity for me,” he said Wednesday during an interview at the Hill Nation Summit in Washington, D.C.

Fetterman said he has become increasingly troubled by what he sees as a growing shift among Democrats away from supporting Israel, driven in part by pressure from the party’s progressive wing.

“My long-term concern has been with the Democratic Party, as I am a member of that, is that our party is going to back away and turn its back on Israel,” he said.

As an example, Fetterman pointed to House Minority Whip Katherine Clark’s support for an amendment introduced by Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., that sought to eliminate the $3.3 billion in annual U.S. security assistance provided to Israel.

Although the proposal failed in the House on Wednesday, Fetterman argued that Clark’s vote reflected a broader ideological movement taking shape within the Democratic Party.

“You look at the kinds of individuals that are winning our recent primaries,” he said. “It’s becoming more anti-, anti-Israel and hostile to people” who are pro-Israel.

He also criticized Democrats whom he believes are attempting to appeal to voters who are deeply opposed to Israel.

“are trying to ingratiate ourselves with that segment of the base of our voters are intensely, intensely anti-Israel.”

Fetterman acknowledged that Republicans have approached him about changing parties but declined to discuss the conversations in detail, saying they were private.

The Pennsylvania senator also expressed concern about the Michigan Democratic Senate primary, where progressive candidate Abdul El-Sayed has been performing well in public polling.

He argued that if El-Sayed secures the nomination, Democrats would be forced to invest substantially more resources to remain competitive in the battleground state during the general election.

“Rogers just barely, barely lost in ’24,” Fetterman said, referring to former Rep. Mike Rogers, the Republican candidate who narrowly lost the 2024 Michigan Senate race to Sen. Elissa Slotkin.

“If El-Sayed wins, then that puts Michigan much more in play for us and would require us to spend more money. What’s defined El-Sayed is the more anti-Israel and hostile-to-Israel thing,” Fetterman said.

Fetterman also took aim at progressive candidates who continue to embrace the “defund the police” movement, questioning whether Democrats have learned from the political setbacks they suffered in the 2024 election.

“Now here’s more Democrats to ‘defund the police.’ Here we are back to part of the worst impulses that we just can’t resist,” Fetterman said.

“We forgot the crazy things that we said and that cost us the election in 2024. Now we want to revisit that,” he continued.

“If anything, they’re coming back in the strongest kind of terms. Look at the people who are winning.”

Among those candidates, Fetterman pointed to Darializa Avila Chevalier, a 32-year-old democratic socialist backed by New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who defeated Rep. Adriano Espaillat in the Democratic primary for New York’s 13th Congressional District. He noted that Chevalier had previously deleted a social media account in which she advocated abolishing police, borders, and prisons, and asserted that Israel does not exist.

Fetterman also criticized Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., for continuing to strongly support Graham Platner in Maine’s Senate race despite reports published by The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal in early June detailing allegations about Platner’s past.

According to Fetterman, the collapse of Platner’s campaign has made it “more difficult” for Democrats to unseat Republican Sen. Susan Collins and regain control of the U.S. Senate.

{Matzav.com}

New York Times Fights DOJ Subpoenas in Showdown Over Air Force One Leak Investigation

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The New York Times asked a federal court on Wednesday to block Justice Department subpoenas issued to several of its reporters, setting the stage for a high-profile legal battle over press freedom and the government’s effort to uncover the sources behind leaked information concerning security concerns involving the new Air Force One.

In a statement accompanying the newspaper’s legal challenge, David McCraw, the Times’ senior vice president and deputy general counsel, argued that the administration’s actions were intended to retaliate against the newspaper.

“As we set out in our motion, these subpoenas are brought in bad faith to punish The Times for its coverage,” David McCraw, the newspaper’s senior vice president and deputy general counsel, said in a statement.

“They violate the constitutional rights of The Times and its journalists.

“We are going to court to defend our journalists’ rights to report freely on the administration and to provide the public with stories that matter,” McCraw’s statement said.

The motion was filed under seal in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York, where the reporters were ordered to appear before a federal grand jury under subpoenas served last Friday.

Although the newspaper initially anticipated that five reporters would receive subpoenas, only three journalists were ultimately served.

The subpoenas, which were delivered directly to the reporters’ homes, represented a significant escalation in the Trump administration’s campaign to identify the sources of classified leaks. Press freedom advocates quickly criticized the move as an attempt to intimidate journalists and news organizations.

The latest development follows an earlier incident this year in which FBI agents searched the home of a Washington Post reporter and seized her electronic devices as part of a separate leak investigation.

At the center of the dispute is reporting by The New York Times concerning security issues involving the newly commissioned Air Force One aircraft.

The aircraft, which was gifted by Qatar and later underwent approximately $400 million in upgrades and modifications by the Trump administration, recently entered active service.

However, when President Trump departed last week for the NATO summit in Turkey, he traveled aboard an older Air Force One rather than the newly upgraded aircraft.

Citing anonymous sources, the Times reported that the Secret Service had urged Trump to use the older aircraft because the newer jet lacked certain advanced defensive capabilities, including anti-missile systems.

Trump publicly rejected those reports on social media, dismissing claims that security concerns played any role in the decision.

The Justice Department has defended its decision to subpoena the reporters, insisting that its investigation is focused on the unauthorized disclosure of classified information rather than on journalists themselves.

“to be clear, reporters are not the targets, those leaking classified information are.”

“We value and appreciate the important role that the press plays in this country,” the department said after the Times reported it had received the subpoenas.

“But DOJ also plays an important role to make sure that the people entrusted with our nation’s secrets do what they’re supposed to do with that information, which means not sharing classified information,” the DOJ said.

During his Senate confirmation hearing on Wednesday, acting Attorney General Todd Blanche defended approving the subpoenas.

“The Department of Justice requires that I authorize it, which I did.

“And those reporters: we’re not targeting reporters, they’re material witnesses,” he said.

When Sen. Peter Welch questioned whether prosecutors intended to force reporters to identify confidential sources, Blanche responded by emphasizing that the investigation concerns classified information.

“No, the question we want to ask them is who provided them with classified national security information, which everybody in this body should want to protect.”

Over the years, the Justice Department has repeatedly revised its internal guidelines governing leak investigations involving members of the press.

Although administrations from both parties have at times obtained journalists’ phone records during national security investigations, compelling reporters to testify before a grand jury about confidential sources has remained an exceptionally uncommon step.

In April 2025, then-Attorney General Pam Bondi rescinded a Biden administration policy that barred the secret seizure of journalists’ phone records during leak investigations, restoring broader investigative powers that many media organizations had strongly opposed.

The revised policy once again authorized prosecutors to use subpoenas, court orders, and search warrants to identify government officials responsible for making “unauthorized disclosures” to reporters.

Bondi’s directive also stated that members of the news media are “presumptively entitled to advance notice of such investigative activities,” while requiring that subpoenas be “narrowly drawn.”

The memo further instructed that search warrants include “protocols designed to limit the scope of intrusion into potentially protected materials or news gathering activities,” the memo stated.

Earlier this year, FBI agents searched the home of Washington Post reporter Hannah Natanson, who covers the Trump administration’s restructuring of the federal government, during an investigation involving a Pentagon contractor accused of improperly removing classified documents.

{Matzav.com}

Trump to Appear on New $1 Gold Coin

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The U.S. Treasury Department announced Wednesday that the U.S. Mint will begin producing a commemorative $1 coin featuring President Donald Trump as part of the nation’s 250th anniversary celebration. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said the new coin is intended to honor both America’s founding ideals and Trump’s leadership.

Bessent introduced the design in a post on X, describing it as a tribute to the nation’s enduring commitment to freedom and patriotism.

“As America commemorates 250 years of independence, the @USMint will begin striking this new $1 gold coin to honor the enduring legacy of liberty and a lasting symbol of patriotism,” Bessent wrote Wednesday morning on X.

“Featuring President Trump, it celebrates the strength of American values, and the promise of a nation dedicated to preserving freedom for all.”

The front of the coin will display Trump’s portrait along with the words “In God We Trust” and the dates “1776-2026.”

On the reverse, the presidential seal will appear with the number “250” prominently displayed on the shield, marking the nation’s semiquincentennial celebration.

Despite being described as a gold coin, Treasury officials clarified that it contains no gold or any other precious metal. Instead, it is manufactured from base metals and finished with a gold-colored coating.

The coins will be struck at the U.S. Mint’s Philadelphia facility and are expected to go on sale this fall in collector bags and rolls.

According to Politico, the commemorative issue is authorized under bipartisan legislation signed by President Trump in 2020 directing the Treasury Department to produce special $1 coins honoring America’s 250th anniversary in 2026.

Although the law prohibits images of individuals from appearing on the reverse side of the coin, it has generated debate over whether a sitting president may legally be depicted on the obverse.

Treasury officials have defended the design, saying attorneys for both the Mint and the Treasury Department concluded that the coin fully complies with applicable federal law.

The Wall Street Journal reported that the Commission of Fine Arts, which now includes several members appointed by President Trump, approved the design earlier this year.

Not everyone agrees with the decision. Members of the bipartisan Citizens Coinage Advisory Committee have argued that placing a living president on U.S. coinage departs from a long-established national tradition.

Opponents—including Democratic lawmakers and some numismatic experts—have also maintained that the design breaks with historical precedent.

Federal law expressly prohibits living individuals from appearing on U.S. paper currency, while separate legislation governing the Presidential $1 Coin Program likewise bars coins in that series from honoring living presidents.

Supporters of the new coin argue that those restrictions do not apply because this commemorative issue was authorized under separate legislation specifically enacted for the nation’s 250th anniversary, giving the Treasury Department the legal authority to proceed.

The Trump commemorative coin is one of several initiatives planned as part of the United States’ semiquincentennial observance, which the administration has said will celebrate the country’s history, founding principles, and enduring patriotism.

The announcement also comes after earlier proposals from some Republican lawmakers to feature Trump on a new $250 bill. That proposal has not moved forward because federal law prohibits living individuals from appearing on paper currency.

{Matzav.com}

Churban and Geulah

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By Rabbi Pinchos Lipschutz

There are many sad sounds we hear during the Nine Days, from the mournful melody of Eicha to the scraping of a chair being turned over on Tisha B’Av. There is also the sound of silence we encounter when music would otherwise be playing, when we would have been attending a simcha or gathering at a barbecue or another happy occasion that is put on hold until the Nine Days have ended.

The saddest sound, however, is one we have almost stopped hearing altogether. It is the sound of another Jew slipping away.

Every year, as Tisha B’Av approaches, we mourn the destruction of the Bais Hamikdosh. We remember the flames that consumed Yerushalayim, the blood that flowed through its streets, and the millions of Jews who were killed, exiled, enslaved, and scattered.

We cry over a churban that occurred nearly two thousand years ago, and Chazal taught us that it has never really ended. Every generation in which the Bais Hamikdosh is not rebuilt is considered as if it was destroyed.

The churban is not only past history. It is also present tense.

Today, Jews once again live under physical threat. Our brothers and sisters in Eretz Yisroel endure terrorism, rockets, and war. Around the world, antisemitism has emerged from the shadows with a brazenness few imagined possible just a few years ago. Jewish schools require guards. Shuls require security. Jews are attacked in the streets of Europe and America simply because they are Jews. Politicians openly mock and criticize us.

Physical danger has returned.

But there is another tragedy unfolding, quieter than war and less visible than terrorism, yet in many ways no less devastating. It is the disappearance of Jews.

Last week, much attention was given to a poll that purported to show that New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani enjoys greater approval among American Jews than Israeli Prime Minister Binyomin Netanyahu. The numbers themselves are startling. Even more startling were the accompanying findings, which showed that substantial numbers of American Jews believe that the United States is too supportive of Israel, and many describe Israel’s actions in Gaza in the harshest possible terms.

The poll indicated that the antisemitic Mamdani has a 44% approval rating among U.S. Jews, while only 32% approve of Netanyahu. The Associated Press survey also found that 38% of Jews say the United States is being too supportive of Israel, and 30% say that Israel’s actions in Gaza are genocide.

People argue over what the poll means politically.

Perhaps we should ask what it means spiritually.

My late uncle, Rav Berel Wein, had a way of reducing complicated sociological questions to a simple truth. He would often remark that it should not surprise anyone that Jews who eat from McDonald’s eventually lose their Jewish feeling.

It is not really about hamburgers. It is about assimilation.

When Jewish life becomes little more than an ethnic memory, when Torah is replaced by culture and mitzvos by nostalgia, Jewish identity eventually becomes so diluted that it loses its very foundation.

This did not happen overnight.

For decades, millions of American Jews convinced themselves that identity could survive without Torah. They thought that Chanukah candles, a Pesach Seder, a bar mitzvah, a few Yiddish expressions, bagels, lox, brisket, and nostalgic memories would somehow be enough. They are not.

Children were taught to be good people, but not necessarily good Jews.

They learned every fashionable ideology of the day but little about Avrohom Avinu, Har Sinai, the churban, or the return to Eretz Yisroel. They could speak fluently about oppression and colonialism, but had never studied why the Jewish people have davened toward Yerushalayim for over three thousand years.

When October 7 arrived, it did not create this crisis. It exposed it.

Many young Jews had never been given the tools to understand why Israel exists, why Jews have returned to their ancient homeland, or why Jewish survival has always depended upon remaining faithful to who we are.

A vacuum never remains empty.

If parents, schools, and communities do not fill Jewish hearts with Torah, emunah, history, and pride, someone else will fill them with other ideas.

And they have.

This, too, is churban.

So, on Tisha B’Av, as we mourn the millions who died al kiddush Hashem throughout the generations, we also weep for the millions who have been lost to intermarriage, assimilation, and indifference – Jews whose names remain Jewish, while their children and grandchildren may never know what it means to say Shema Yisroel.

Their loss is not marked by a yahrtzeit.

No Kaddish is recited. No shivah is observed.

Yet, Klal Yisroel is diminished all the same.

In Eretz Yisroel today, we are witnessing firsthand how devastating the loss of Yiddishkeit can be for the Jewish people. What we see taking place is not merely a political disagreement or a debate over public policy. It is a kulturkampf, a struggle over the soul and character of the Jewish state, the likes of which many of us have never experienced.

Jews whose grandparents lived lives of Torah and mitzvos are at the forefront of efforts to reshape the spiritual identity of the country. The painful irony is impossible to ignore. Descendants of those who once davened in shtieblach, learned in yeshivos and botei medrash, and sacrificed everything for Yiddishkeit are now leading campaigns against many of the very institutions that ensured the survival of Torah after the Holocaust and remain at the heart of what being a Jew is all about.

Make no mistake about it: What is going on now is far more than a dispute over the military draft of yeshiva bochurim.

That issue is merely the symbol of a much broader struggle.

Rabbi Wein, whose final book, A Life of Learning, was recently published ahead of his upcoming first yahrtzeit, recounts there the first time he encountered the Ponovezher Rov.

It was 1947. Rabbi Wein was not yet bar mitzvah. The Ponovezher Rov had already become a legendary figure, and when he arrived in Chicago, the city’s rabbonim, roshei yeshiva, and approximately 250 yeshiva talmidim gathered to hear him.

“We all sensed his aristocratic bearing,” Rabbi Wein writes. “The Torah shone from him.”

The bais medrash was overflowing. The Ponovezher Rov first delivered a brilliant shiur and then turned to the future of Eretz Yisroel.

Rabbi Wein recalls his astonishing prediction: “He predicted that a Jewish state would be established, but that it could very well be that the Jewish government would put a person in jail just for being a shomer Shabbos…. That was my first exposure to the Ponovezher Rov. I had never heard words like that before…. I went home with my father…. When we came home, my mother asked, ‘So what did he say?’ and my father told her [about his prediction].”

Those words must have sounded almost unimaginable to the audience in Chicago at the time. Yet, history unfolded much as the Ponovezher Rov foresaw. The State of Israel was established, and while Jews are, boruch Hashem, not imprisoned simply for being shomrei Shabbos, we are witnessing something that would have been equally difficult to imagine: Thousands of bnei Torah, whose lives are devoted to limud haTorah, are being treated as enemies of the state, facing arrests, threats, and relentless efforts to dismantle the Torah world. Alongside this has emerged a painful and dangerous rift among Jews, one that many believe is unlike anything experienced since the founding of the state.

The Ponovezher Rov foresaw the great challenge that the Jewish people would face from Jews who no longer understood what Torah is, what a ben Torah represents, and why the Torah itself is the heartbeat of Klal Yisroel.

And now, seventy-eight years later, just a couple of weeks ago, senior Israeli roshei yeshiva traveled to Chicago, among other places, to present their case and raise desperately needed funds to sustain the Israeli yeshivos and yungeleit, who are being squeezed financially by anti-Torah state forces engaged in this battle.

The battle extends far beyond yeshivos and yungeleit. It also encompasses Chinuch Atzmai, the independent Torah school system founded with extraordinary mesirus nefesh by Rav Aharon Kotler, the Chazon Ish, Rav Zalman Sorotzkin, and the gedolei hador, who understood that without authentic Torah education, there would be no future for Klal Yisroel. It includes repeated efforts to weaken the autonomy of Torah institutions, reduce funding for yeshivos, alter the religious character of the public sphere, challenge the sanctity of Shabbos, and erode the kedusha of the Kosel, Eretz Yisroel, and Am Yisroel.

Each controversy may appear to stand on its own, but all are expressions of the same underlying conflict: What should a Jewish state look like? Should it be guided by the eternal values of Torah or should it resemble every other modern Western democracy, with Judaism relegated to little more than a cultural artifact?

This is the tragedy of spiritual distance. When Torah is no longer the lens through which a Jew sees the world, even the institutions that preserved the Jewish people for thousands of years can come to be viewed as obstacles rather than treasures. The yeshiva, once the pride of the Jewish people, becomes a target of resentment. The Kosel, once the symbol of every Jewish heart’s longing, becomes just another public site to be redefined. Shabbos, the gift that has sustained us, becomes an inconvenience to be accommodated rather than a covenant to be cherished. The holy city of Yerushalayim becomes a battleground over whether stores should remain closed on Shabbos.

The greatest sadness is that so many of those fighting these battles are our own brothers and sisters.

Had they been raised to appreciate the beauty of Torah, the sacrifice of previous generations, and the miracle of the Torah world rebuilt after the churban of Europe, they might see these institutions not as relics of the past, but as the very heartbeat of the Jewish future.

That, too, is part of the churban we mourn during these days.

Not only the stones that were burned, but the hearts that have grown distant.

During these Nine Days, we refrain from music and limit our joy because our nation’s heart remains broken.

Perhaps we should also allow ourselves to mourn the brothers and sisters who are still alive but are disappearing from our people.

The Gemara teaches that the second Bais Hamikdosh was destroyed because of sinas chinom. It will be rebuilt through ahavas Yisroel. Love means more than merely embracing another Yid. It means seeking to bring him home.

The answer to assimilation is not better politics. It is not better messaging. It is not cute slogans or social media campaigns.

It is Torah.

It is parents who teach their children that being Jewish is not simply an ancestry, but a destiny.

It is schools that fill young hearts with pride in Hashem, His Torah, and His people.

It is communities that understand that every Jewish child who grows up loving Torah is another stone laid in the rebuilding of the Bais Hamikdosh.

The enemies of the Jewish people seek to destroy our bodies. Assimilation destroys our souls. During these Nine Days, we mourn both.

And perhaps, if our mourning is sincere enough – for the Jews we have lost, for those we are still losing, and for those who can yet be found – it will help bring the day when mourning itself will disappear and the words of the novi Zechariah (8:19) will finally be fulfilled: “The fast of the fourth (17th of Tammuz), the fast of the fifth (Tisha B’Av) … shall become days of joy and gladness.”

Chazal tell us that Moshiach was born on Tisha B’Av. The Nine Days are not only about mourning. They are also about rebuilding. Every Jewish child who learns the Alef-Bais, every Jew who puts on tefillin, every family that begins keeping Shabbos, every baal teshuvah, and every person who begins learning Torah is another brick in the rebuilding of the Bais Hamikdosh.

Perhaps this is the cry of the Nine Days for our generation. We mourn a Bais Hamikdosh that was destroyed because Jews became distant from one another and from our Father in Heaven. We must mourn every Jewish soul that has drifted away and believe that every soul can return. The same Jewish spark that burned in Avrohom Avinu, in the kedoshim of Europe, and in the builders of Torah in Eretz Yisroel after the churban still burns somewhere within every Jew. Sometimes it is very deep, very hidden, and very small, but it is there. Our task is not only to mourn what was lost. It is also to dedicate ourselves to bringing home what was lost.

My dear friend, Rav Eliezer Sorotzkin, who for many years led Lev L’Achim and today heads Chinuch Atzmai, was in the United States last week and shared with me a remarkable story that offers a perspective we would do well to remember.

Eighty years ago, the parent committee of the Shearis Yisroel cheder discovered that the father of two boys attending the school traveled to the beach on Shabbos, Rachmana litzlan. The committee members were aghast. They concluded that the boys could no longer remain in the cheder.

The renowned chareidi writer Rav Moshe Schonfeld was involved with the school and suggested that before taking any action, they should discuss the matter with the Chazon Ish.

The situation was presented to the Chazon Ish, and he listened carefully as the parents spoke. Then, instead of responding immediately, as was his usual practice, he sat in silence.

Five long minutes of deep concentration passed.

Finally, he lifted his eyes and quietly said, “I searched through the entire Torah. I carefully examined all the punishments prescribed for a mechallel Shabbos, and I did not find anywhere that it is forbidden to teach Torah to his sons.”

This is not to say that we should begin admitting the children of mechallelei Shabbos into our schools. Rather, the lesson is that perhaps we should look at those Jewish children in the United States and Eretz Yisroel who have wandered so far from the path of their ancestors with sadness and compassion, and ask whether there is some way we can reach them, inspire them, help bring them home, and support worthy organizations such as Lev L’Achim, Shuvu, and Oorah, which engage in this holy work.

The Kuzari, (5:27), the Maharal in Netzach Yisroel (Perek 23) and many other seforim teach us that appreciating the loss of the Bais Hamikdosh and mourning the churban bring us closer to its rebuilding. Grieving over what we have lost arouses Heavenly mercy and hastens the geulah.

May we merit to see the fulfillment of “Kol hamisabel al Yerushalayim zoche vero’eh b’simchasa,” that all those who mourn Yerushalayim will merit to witness her consolation bekarov.

During these Nine Days of mourning, let us daven that we merit to see the day when the Bais Hamikdosh will be rebuilt, when every neshomah that has become distant returns, and when we will merit the ultimate geulah, speedily in our days.

Tehran Billboard Depicting Trump in Coffin Sparks Alarm as Iran’s Threats Escalate

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A massive billboard erected in the heart of Tehran depicting President Donald Trump lying in a coffin has heightened alarm over Iran’s increasingly aggressive public threats against American leaders. The display, prominently placed in the capital’s Islamic Revolution Square, comes as tensions between Washington and Tehran continue to intensify.

The billboard follows funeral events held for Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, where crowds were heard openly calling for the deaths of President Trump, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and the late Sen. Lindsey Graham.

Prominently featured on the new display is the English-language message “We Kill Trump,” accompanied by imagery portraying the American president inside a coffin. The message has been widely viewed as an unmistakable threat directed at Trump.

The latest display reflects years of hostility between the Iranian regime and the United States, a conflict that intensified dramatically after the 2020 American drone strike that eliminated Iranian General Qassem Soleimani.

Since Soleimani’s death, Iranian leaders have repeatedly pledged retaliation, with senior officials and state-affiliated figures publicly vowing revenge that includes killing President Trump.

For several years, U.S. intelligence agencies have warned that Iran has actively pursued assassination plots targeting Trump as well as other former senior officials from his administration.

Although Trump has remained the primary focus of those threats, he has not been the only target identified by American authorities.

Former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and former National Security Adviser John Bolton have likewise been named by U.S. officials as individuals targeted in Iranian assassination schemes.

In a previous case, the Justice Department filed charges against individuals allegedly connected to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps over what prosecutors described as a plot to murder Bolton.

According to federal prosecutors, the alleged conspiracy involved offers totaling hundreds of thousands of dollars to carry out the assassination, highlighting what U.S. officials characterized as an organized and ongoing Iranian campaign.

Bolton has publicly confirmed that he has been the subject of repeated threats and has received U.S. government security protection as a result.

Pompeo was also provided with government security after intelligence assessments concluded that credible threats against him existed.

More recently, War Secretary Pete Hegseth revealed during a Pentagon briefing that U.S. forces had conducted a targeted operation against a senior member of an Iranian unit allegedly responsible for coordinating assassination plots against President Trump and other current and former American officials.

While few operational details have been made public, Hegseth described the individual as a “key operative” who played a central role in organizing attacks outside Iran, including assassination plans targeting the president and former U.S. leaders.

The latest developments unfold against the backdrop of already soaring tensions between the United States and Iran, fueled by months of military confrontations, cyber operations, and continued disputes over security and freedom of navigation in the strategically vital Strait of Hormuz.

{Matzav.com}

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