A major test is already landing on Zohran Mamdani’s doorstep before he even sets foot inside City Hall: whether he’ll sign off on a sweeping salary hike for himself and the City Council. The proposal, driven by Councilwoman Nantasha Williams (D-Queens), seeks an increase of more than 16% for New York’s elected officials and is positioned to reach Mamdani once he becomes mayor on Jan. 1.
Williams had initially hoped to muscle the bill through before the new administration arrived. But that effort fizzled fast when lawmakers realized they were legally barred from voting on pay raises during the post-election stretch, forcing them to abandon the accelerated timeline.
The scramble raised suspicions across City Hall. Some insiders speculated that council members were trying to either bypass Mamdani entirely or shield him from making an awkward early call on elected officials’ pay.
“The only thing is I think they are worried that the mayor-elect won’t do it,” said Kalman Yeger, a Democratic state Assemblyman and former council member. “They are afraid if they pass it in January and he’d have to veto. How does the mayor-elect justify it, saying the working man can’t afford milk? He can’t sign off to give them a $20,000 raise.”
The legislation Williams unveiled already has a crowded roster of supporters — 32 co-sponsors — including several of Mamdani’s closest political allies: Crystal Hudson, Lincoln Restler and Chi A. Ossé, all Brooklyn Democrats.
But even with that backing, the bill creates an uncomfortable dilemma for the new mayor, who campaigned as a champion of affordability and working-class families. Approving it would signal, critics say, that “making New York more affordable for the political class” is his first priority — as one well-connected source joked.
Under the proposal, the City Council would receive its first salary increase in nearly ten years, lifting its overall payroll from $7.5 million to $8.8 million. Individual members would see their pay rise from $148,500 to $172,500.
And council members wouldn’t be the only ones cashing in. The raises apply across the top ranks of city government, including the mayor, public advocate and borough presidents. For Mamdani, that would mean a jump from $258,750 to $300,500. Comptroller pay would rise from $210,000, the public advocate from $184,000, and borough presidents from $180,000 — each climbing 16% under the bill.
The timing of the push followed growing frustration from several lawmakers who say their salaries have been frozen since 2016 while other city employees have seen steady increases. Williams brought those complaints into the open when she introduced the bill — a move first reported by the New York Daily News.
Her plan to engineer a December vote, however, evaporated when officials noted the city charter blocks any pay decisions between Election Day and January 1. That obstacle forced her to pivot and schedule a hearing instead, which she argued preserves the bill into the next legislative session.
“If we have a hearing on the bill this year, we don’t need a hearing on it next year. It’s pre-considered,” Williams told The NY Post Tuesday.
Asked whether council leadership intended to pass the salary hike early in the new year, Williams was blunt: “That’s the goal.”
Outgoing Speaker Adrienne Adams, who exits office at year’s end, shifted blame toward Bill de Blasio and Eric Adams for letting the pay issue languish. Whether she believes the bill should move forward now, she wouldn’t say, offering only a shrug on her way out the door.
“I’m out of here. I’m out,” she said. “That’s something for the new members.”
{Matzav.com}
New York State officials say the massive rollout of Inflation Refund Checks is now largely complete, with more than 8.2 million payments delivered to residents across the state in an effort to counter rising living costs. Governor Kathy Hochul said the initiative is already putting much-needed cash back into the hands of families feeling the squeeze.
“Today marks the day that over 8.2 million inflation refund checks have been mailed out, putting money back into the pockets of individuals across the state. We followed through on our commitment to deliver meaningful relief to hard-working New Yorkers, and will continue to look for additional opportunities to deal with the nation’s ongoing affordability challenge,” Hochul said.
The administration noted that the Inflation Refund Check program — established as part of the FY 2026 State Budget — stands as the largest direct-aid package ever undertaken by New York State. The effort represents $2.2 billion in unrestricted, household-level relief.
Although most checks have already arrived, state officials say the Tax Department is still processing the eligibility of additional residents, which means more payments will roll out in smaller batches over the next few weeks.
Every corner of the state has now received its share of the funding, according to data provided by the Governor’s Office. That includes 585,000 recipients in Western New York getting $152.7 million; 513,000 in the Finger Lakes drawing $134.3 million; and 251,000 residents in the Southern Tier receiving $66.7 million. Central New York saw 321,000 checks totaling $83.8 million, while the Mohawk Valley’s 198,000 beneficiaries collected $52.4 million.
North Country recipients numbered 156,000, with $42.4 million distributed. The Capital Region saw 475,000 people receive $122.8 million, and Mid-Hudson residents received $234.2 million across 924,000 households. New York City accounted for the largest portion — 3,536,000 recipients and $828.8 million — while Long Island saw 1,251,000 checks totaling $316.4 million. Altogether, more than 8.21 million New Yorkers have received just over $2 billion to date.
State officials emphasized that these refund checks represent just one component of Hochul’s broader Affordability Agenda. That agenda also includes cutting middle-class tax rates to their lowest point in seven decades, expanding the Child Tax Credit to as much as $1,000 per child, and implementing universal free school meals — a move projected to save families about $1,600 per child each year.
{Matzav.com}
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Israeli officials informed the family of Dror Or late last night that his remains had been brought back to Israel, following forensic verification by specialists. The announcement came nearly 16 months after Or was murdered and abducted by Hamas terrorists from his home in Kibbutz Be’eri during the October 7, 2023 atrocities.
According to Israeli authorities, Palestinian Islamic Jihad claimed it had “found” Or’s body in the Nuseirat area of central Gaza on Monday. On Tuesday afternoon, Islamic Jihad and Hamas transferred the remains to the Red Cross, which subsequently delivered them to the IDF inside Israel.
With Or’s return, only two bodies of murdered hostages are still being held inside Gaza: Master Sgt. Ran Gvili and Thai citizen Sudthisak Rinthalak.
In a statement issued Wednesday, the Prime Minister’s Office expressed solidarity with the bereaved. “The Israeli government shares in the deep sorrow of the Or family and of all the families of the fallen hostages,” the PMO said.
The statement underscored that Israel will continue pressing until the final two victims are recovered. It noted that the state is “determined, committed, and working tirelessly” to retrieve their bodies, adding that Hamas is “required to fulfill its commitments to the mediators and return them as part of the implementation of the agreement.”
{Matzav.com}
As the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee prepares to open formal deliberations on the new draft-law proposal, we retrace the dramatic weeks of intensive consultation inside the homes of the gedolim of Degel HaTorah and Shas, meetings that ultimately led the gedolim to instruct their MKs to advance the bill. What follows is a step-by-step account of the long discussions, the halachic weighing of details, and the final ruling to allow the legislative process to proceed.
Last week, after months of uncertainty, the Gedolei Yisroel of both Degel HaTorah and Shas delivered a joint directive to their Knesset representatives permitting the draft-law proposal to move forward to committee debate. The decision was the result of coordinated, methodical examination among the leaders, who had reviewed the law extensively before issuing authorization.
According to political estimates, the draft legislation is expected to reach the committee table within days, allowing official deliberations to begin. Rabbonim involved in the process concluded that the current situation—where no law exists, funding for Torah institutions has been slashed, and thousands of yeshiva families face severe financial harm—poses immediate and serious danger. From their perspective, advancing the bill became a necessary step to stabilize the yeshivah world and prevent mass legal exposure for bochurim in the coming months.
The crisis is acute: Within about 90 days, thousands of yeshiva students would face automatic prosecution, as if they were common criminals, due to the legal vacuum. Simultaneously, mosdos haTorah are struggling to absorb both steep cuts to government funding and a troubling decline in donations. Rabbinic leaders believe that once the law passes, the legal status of the bochurim and the financial stability of the Torah world will, at least temporarily, be protected. Even if the law is eventually struck down by the High Court, the breathing room gained could help prevent catastrophic damage.
The decisive process began inside the home of Rav Moshe Hillel Hirsch, where Degel HaTorah MKs—Moshe Gafni, Uri Maklev, Yaakov Asher, and former MK Yitzchok Pindrus—presented him with the draft text. Rav Dov Landau had given his approval for Rav Hirsch to analyze the proposal in depth and issue a ruling. For roughly two hours, Rav Hirsch reviewed the law line-by-line, raising questions, correcting formulations, and outlining the conditions that would be required before moving forward. At the end of the meeting, he informed the MKs that he would continue reviewing the draft overnight before giving a final answer.
Throughout the night, Rav Hirsch studied the document repeatedly, placing the draft beside his bed to review again and again. By the next day, he reached the conclusion that the bill could proceed, provided certain amendments were negotiated with Committee Chairman Boaz Bismuth and the committee’s legal advisors. Associates say the Rosh Yeshivah “studied every detail with precision.”
Rav Hirsch then consulted with a group of senior roshei yeshivah, including Rav Dov Landau, Rav Berel Povarsky, and Rav Meir Tzvi Bergman, along with additional gedolim across both the Litvishe and Sephardic Torah communities. He also made several visits to Rav Landau’s home to hear his perspective. Rav Landau, after hearing Rav Hirsch’s analysis and considering the broader situation, told him that MKs could indeed vote in favor of the law.
With the mutual agreement of Rav Landau and Rav Hirsch, Degel HaTorah issued a formal statement on Wednesday morning announcing that the Gedolim had granted “green light” approval to advance the bill.
Later that week, Rav Povarsky hosted a gathering attended by Rav Landau and Rav Hirsch. Addressing the matter of the yeshiva students’ status, Rav Povarsky spoke emotionally about the need to ensure that those who dedicate themselves to learning be allowed to continue without harassment or fear. “How can one harm bnei Torah who immerse themselves from morning to night in Torah learning and even call them evaders?” he asked painfully. Rav Landau added that “there is enormous ignorance in the general public about this subject. They don’t understand that the Torah—and only the Torah—protects Am Yisroel and Eretz Yisroel.” Rav Hirsch explained that the current draft preserves the ability of sincere yeshiva bochurim to learn as in previous generations.
In parallel, Shas also conducted its own extended review. Ariel Atias and MK Yinon Azoulay presented the full details of the law to the Shas committee established by the Moetzet Chachmei HaTorah and headed by Rav Shmuel Betzalel. About three weeks ago, the committee spent a long session studying every clause, then deliberated internally. With authority granted to them by the Moetzet, the committee instructed Atias and Azoulay that Shas may proceed with committee discussions—while continuing to refine the bill through further consultation with the rabbinic committee.
Thus, Shas too adopted the same position as Degel HaTorah: to move forward out of necessity to protect lomdei Torah under present conditions. The united approach was maintained throughout the process until both parties received their Gedolim’s authorization.
The Moetzet Chachmei HaTorah released its own letter last week stating, “Together with the sages and leaders of the generation, we must enter into the depths of this matter and devote our strength to it, for this concerns us directly. There is real danger to the continued existence of the glorious Torah world established by Maran zt”l, whether from arrests—carried out disgracefully, especially against Sephardic bnei Torah—or from the ongoing crisis that threatens to break bochurim and their families. We cannot remain silent while the holy is being destroyed.”
A source close to the Moetzet noted that while some activists prefer to target MKs through protests and pashkvilim, they avoid directing anger toward the Gedolim themselves and therefore seek easier political targets. But in reality, he said, “on this issue, which is so essential to the chareidi community, the decision rests solely with the Gedolei Yisroel, and they guide the members of Knesset. The demonstrations are pointless—they carry no weight with those who actually decide: the Gedolim.”
Regarding complaints from bochurim about possible restrictions in the proposed law—such as limits on traveling abroad or future conditions on holding a driver’s license—one senior mechanech pointed out that such limitations existed even during the Tal Law years. “For many years, a yeshiva bochur who received a draft deferment was not permitted to leave the country. That was always understood. Deferment is meant only for those who truly sit and learn. So it’s unclear why some young people are upset today over similar restrictions.”
He added, “If someone is genuinely learning and seeking to be included in the deferment framework, these things should not trouble him. A serious bochur isn’t focused on traveling abroad or constantly going on trips. And if someone is bothered by that and wants to fly around and enjoy himself, perhaps he shouldn’t be the one deciding the fate of the Torah world.”
This long, multi-layered process—spanning meetings, consultations, halachic evaluations, and cross-party coordination—ultimately produced a unified verdict from the leading Torah authorities: despite imperfections and the fear that the High Court may eventually strike it down, the draft law must advance now to protect the yeshiva world from far greater harm.
{Matzav.com}
A collection of newly uncovered historical letters is reshaping the current conversation around the draft law by highlighting what the Torah leadership demanded decades ago. The documents—written by Rav Elazar Menachem Man Shach and Rav Aharon Leib Shteinman—show that draft deferments for yeshivah students were always conditional: only someone fully dedicated to Torah study, with no outside pursuits, was ever meant to qualify. Even students who were ill and unable to keep a full learning schedule were to be removed from the arrangement.
These revelations come as lawmakers prepare to advance updated draft legislation aimed at protecting the status of Torah students. Debate has intensified around potential restrictions included in the proposal, such as limits on travel or other requirements tied to deferment eligibility.
However, the newly revealed letters demonstrate that such restrictions were standard for decades. As one senior educator explained, for many years—including during the era of the Tal Law—yeshivah students faced clear limitations, such as not traveling abroad. “It was always understood that draft deferment was intended only for those who genuinely sit and learn,” he said. “It’s unclear why some young men today are troubled by similar restrictions, whether involving travel or driver’s licenses.”
He added that a sincere student should not be bothered by such limitations. “If someone truly learns and wants to be part of the deferment system, he shouldn’t care about vacations or repeated trips abroad. And if he is bothered by those things, maybe he shouldn’t be the one endangering the entire Torah world.”
The letters from Rav Shach and Rav Shteinman make the standard unmistakably clear. In a letter from late 1979, Rav Shach, writing as president of the Vaad HaYeshivos, emphasized that the right to defer military service was only for a student whose full-time occupation was Torah study—one who engaged in no outside material pursuits either during or outside yeshivah hours. He urged roshei yeshivah to approve deferments only for those who truly met this requirement and instructed them not to include students whose health prevented them from maintaining the yeshivah schedule.
In another document from 1983, Rav Shteinman wrote in his own handwriting that he would issue a deferment letter only for a student who engaged in nothing other than learning in yeshivah and whose Torah study was truly his sole occupation.
These statements, penned decades ago, mirror the very discussions unfolding today. The message of the Gedolim was consistent and uncompromising: the deferment exists only for those whose lives are fully devoted to Torah study. If a bochur genuinely lives that life, the framework is designed for him. If he chooses a different lifestyle, it should not be at the expense of the broader Torah world.
{Matzav.com}
