The Food and Drug Administration is preparing to overhaul how it evaluates vaccines, signaling a far stricter approach after senior officials publicly questioned the safety of COVID immunizations for children. FDA Commissioner Marty Makary laid out the agency’s new posture during a Fox News appearance, declaring that the FDA would no longer “rubber-stamp new products that don’t work,” adding that doing so made a “mockery of science.”
His remarks followed the leak of an internal message from Dr. Vinay Prasad, the FDA’s top vaccine regulator, who told his staff the agency would tighten its annual influenza vaccine system, revise product labels to be “honest,” and impose tougher standards across multiple vaccine categories. The email, reviewed by NPR and initially reported by PBS News Hour, outlined substantial changes to the agency’s internal framework.
In that message, Prasad informed regulators that authorization for vaccines marketed to pregnant women would now require additional layers of evidence. He also said that companies producing pneumococcal vaccines would have to demonstrate actual reductions in illness rather than rely on antibody data. He raised concerns as well about the long-standing practice of administering several vaccines simultaneously.
Such revisions could greatly extend the time, cost, and difficulty of bringing vaccines to market, potentially shrinking the pool of available products. Public health leaders have long argued that the existing FDA model—requiring extensive pre-approval testing and continuous safety monitoring through mechanisms like the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System—has proven that vaccines overwhelmingly protect far more than they harm.
On Fox News, Makary asserted that 10 children died from the COVID vaccine during the Biden administration, though he did not provide evidence supporting how that determination was reached. The vast majority of U.S. children have received the COVID shot without any confirmed fatal complications. Federal health agencies did not immediately comment on Makary’s claim or on the email laying out the FDA’s prospective changes.
According to Prasad’s email, FDA analysts reviewed 96 deaths reported between 2021 and 2024 and concluded that 10 children died “after and because of” the COVID vaccine—a number Prasad wrote was likely an undercount. The message did not include the underlying data or methodology.
The lack of documentation drew sharp criticism from experts. Dr. Paul Offit of the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia said via text that Prasad has not supplied the evidence behind the alleged 10 vaccine-linked deaths. “Because he doesn’t provide any evidence, he is asking us to trust him on an important issue,” Offit said. “All this will do is scare people unnecessarily. At the very least, he should provide all the evidence he has so that experts in the field can review it and decide whether he has enough data to prove his point.”
Dr. Jesse Goodman of Georgetown University, who previously led the FDA’s vaccine office, also pushed back on Prasad’s assertions. He emphasized that the FDA’s biologics division has long been seen as a worldwide regulatory benchmark and defended the use of “immunologic endpoints like antibody levels” to expedite approvals for pneumonia and flu vaccines. These standards, he said, have reliably delivered safe, effective shots while still being validated by post-approval research: “These approaches have helped provide children and adults with timely access to safe and effective vaccines, saving many lives.”
Michael Osterholm, an epidemiologist at the University of Minnesota, reviewed the internal email and flatly disputed Prasad’s claim that “COVID-19 was never highly lethal for children,” pointing to CDC figures showing 1,597 pediatric deaths from 2020 to 2022. He also questioned the FDA’s conclusion regarding the 10 reported cases. “Prasad’s email is filled with factual mistakes and misrepresents both the severity of COVID in children…,” Osterholm wrote to NPR. He added that none of the cases have ever been published or presented to medical experts and argued, “until these cases have been reviewed by an expert third party, like the National Academy of Science[s], we can not accept the fact they are vaccine-associated deaths.”
The FDA continues to make VAERS data public while consistently warning that the system cannot determine causation. As the agency notes, “it is important to note that for any reported event, no cause and effect relationship has been established.” Prasad acknowledged in his email that assessing causality with case reports often involves subjective judgment.
Makary told Fox News that while the COVID shot proved “amazing” for individuals at high risk early in the pandemic, the scientific landscape has shifted. “Back in 2020, we saw a reduction in the severity of illness and lives saved, but now recommending that a 6-year-old girl get another 70 million COVID shots – one each year for the rest of her life – is not based on science. And so we’re not going to just rubber stamp approvals without seeing some scientific evidence.”
This stance marks the latest chapter in a broader movement by officials in the Trump administration questioning aspects of vaccine safety and regulation. Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has publicly expressed skepticism about vaccines for years. The FDA already moved in August to narrow eligibility for the updated COVID vaccine and announced it would require stronger evidence before future approvals.
The email outlining revised vaccine standards surfaces just as the CDC prepares for a pivotal December 4–5 meeting of its Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices. The panel is reevaluating how children receive critical protections against measles, mumps, rubella, hepatitis B, polio, and other diseases. Many in the medical community fear the committee may consider delaying doses, spacing out the schedule, or recommending changes to formulations—steps that could reduce childhood vaccination coverage and open the door to outbreaks of previously contained illnesses.
Moderna, whose pediatric COVID vaccine is authorized for children as young as six months, responded to Makary and Prasad’s allegations by pointing to a statement the company issued in September. Moderna said extensive peer-reviewed research from numerous sources confirms the shot’s safety and that it is “not aware of any deaths in the last year or pertinent new information from prior years.” The company said it works with regulators in more than 90 countries and that “with more than one billion doses distributed globally… these systems… have not reported any new or undisclosed safety concerns in children or in pregnant women.”
{Matzav.com}
The nationwide cost of gasoline has dipped under $3.00 a gallon, a benchmark the United States hasn’t touched since spring 2021, according to new figures released by GasBuddy. The company called the development a major turning point for drivers as the colder months approach.
Patrick De Haan, who leads petroleum analysis for GasBuddy, highlighted the significance of the sudden downturn. “We haven’t seen the national average fall this low in over four years, and the speed and breadth of the decline are remarkable,” he said, noting that the drop has spread quickly across the country.
Over the past week, average pump prices fell in all 50 states, something GasBuddy described as an unusually broad slide. “Every single state has seen relief at the pump over the past week, a rare feat that underscores how challenging the fundamentals are for gasoline prices right now. This is a welcome break for Americans ahead of the holiday season and comes as refinery maintenance season concludes and gasoline demand weakens seasonally,” the company said.
Some of the most dramatic price cuts have appeared in parts of the South and Mountain West. GasBuddy reported that dozens of stations in Oklahoma, Colorado, and Texas are posting prices at $1.99 per gallon or below, signaling that the downward pressure is especially strong in low-cost markets.
De Haan noted earlier that the shift is notable not just for its timing but for what it suggests about the months ahead. “It is pretty compelling to see gas prices this low, falling ahead of Thanksgiving, and it signals what more Americans could experience in the coming months,” he said.
He pointed to multiple forces driving the drop: softer seasonal demand, increased OPEC production, and weakening oil prices globally. He added that while promotional discounts occasionally push prices under $2, this moment marks the first appearance of a true, non-temporary sub-$2.00 pump price in the current market cycle.
De Haan cautioned that the exact price point may still bounce around, but he predicted that more stations in traditionally low-priced states such as Mississippi and Texas—as well as elsewhere along the Gulf Coast—are likely to see similar levels before the typical spring upswing expected in 2026.
The recent relief at the pump is tied closely to broader trends in the oil market. GasBuddy noted that refinery activity has been steady and efficient, helping rebuild fuel stocks as demand naturally slips during the colder months.
West Texas Intermediate crude has been hovering near $58 a barrel in recent trading—a sharp departure from earlier this year and the lowest in several years. GasBuddy said this downturn has been reinforced by consistent monthly increases in OPEC output.
The company explained that the combination of cheap crude, robust refinery production, and competitive pricing among stations—especially across the southern United States—has accelerated the usual winter cooling of retail gas prices.
Though some areas have seen short-term refinery issues, GasBuddy expects that once those problems ease, downward pressure will likely grow in regions such as the West Coast and the Great Lakes, which are often affected by refinery fluctuations.
In its broader assessment, GasBuddy attributes the nationwide decline to a powerful mix of factors: lower crude costs, rising OPEC+ supply, record U.S. oil production, strong refining output, and a seasonal dip in demand. With refineries now operating at high utilization rates and gasoline inventories swelling, the company said market sentiment has also turned bearish, adding further room for retail prices to drift lower.
{Matzav.com}
Qatar is pressing ahead with efforts to shift the Gaza ceasefire framework into its next phase, insisting that Israel should not be permitted to stall the process over the remains of two hostages still in Hamas’s hands. Majed al-Ansari, spokesman for Qatar’s Foreign Ministry, made the comments during an interview on an Al-Araby Al-Jadeed podcast, emphasizing that resolving the matter of the bodies “is the most important” issue from Doha’s perspective.
Al-Ansari stressed that the agreement cannot be held hostage to this single point. “We don’t believe Israel should be allowed to obstruct the implementation of the agreement over these two bodies. At the same time, of course, the Palestinian side is working to retrieve the bodies and preempt any Israeli pretexts,” he said, describing ongoing regional efforts to keep the diplomatic track from derailing.
According to him, Qatar and its regional partners are intent on shifting from the opening stage of the ceasefire arrangement to the next benchmark, which he said is intended to lead to a more durable quiet. “The current endeavor for Qatar and its partners in the region is to move from the first phase to the second [of the plan], and thus achieve a sustainable peace that can comprehensively end the state of war in the Gaza Strip,” he explained. “There are significant challenges in reaching this stage of truce, but the focus now is on maintaining it long enough to reach a political solution in which all parties in the region, along with the international community and the United States, work together to make this plan a success and end the war.”
He added that any eventual thaw between Doha and Jerusalem would be contingent on meaningful movement toward resolving the broader Palestinian question, signaling that normalization is not on the table absent such progress.
The two remaining hostages whose bodies are still in Gaza were both abducted on October 7, 2023. Police officer Ran Gvili was killed while battling the Hamas onslaught at Kibbutz Alumim. Thai worker Sudthisak Rinthalak was seized from Kibbutz Be’eri, where he had been employed in agriculture.
In Tel Aviv last night, Ran Gvili’s father, Itzik, addressed the weekly demonstration demanding the return of hostages. He insisted that there must “no next phase” to the current ceasefire and “no ‘day after’ in Gaza,” until the last two bodies are brought home.
The framework guiding these negotiations is rooted in the opening phase of President Donald Trump’s 20-point proposal, which underpinned the truce-hostage deal announced on October 9.
The upcoming stage of the plan outlines several major shifts: a further Israeli pullback from the Yellow Line, the creation of an interim governing body for Gaza, the arrival of a multinational force to begin assuming security responsibilities from the IDF, the gradual dismantling of Hamas’s military capabilities, and the beginning of reconstruction.
However, the process remains stuck on multiple fronts. Beyond retaining the bodies of the two victims, Hamas continues to reject the core demand of demilitarization. Israel maintains that Gaza must be fully disarmed before Trump’s plan can proceed to its next chapter.
{Matzav.com}
UN personnel have recently been spotted operating uncomfortably close to active IDF zones, quietly filming and cataloging the landscape, an activity that senior commanders say has triggered intense concern within the army. According to Galai Tzahal’s reporting, officials fear that these recordings could slip into the hands of Hezbollah, giving the terror group fresh intelligence at a moment of high regional tension.
For years, distrust of UNIFIL has simmered beneath the surface, but the strain has sharpened significantly as Lebanon faces growing internal and international pressure to rein in Hezbollah. Israeli defense officials believe that UNIFIL’s behavior on the ground is increasingly unhelpful — and potentially dangerous.
Adding fuel to the fire, reporter Doron Kadosh disclosed this morning that the IDF recently intercepted a UNIFIL coordination document that described Israel as the “Israeli enemy.” The discovery prompted an immediate protest from the military. UNIFIL later issued an apology and insisted the phrasing resulted from copying Lebanese army terminology “without correction,” a claim the IDF found deeply troubling.
In a blunt assessment, a high-ranking IDF officer told the press, “There is nothing good about UNIFIL – they mostly get in the way. They contribute nothing, certainly not to the disarmament of Hezbollah. They hinder the IDF’s freedom of action – and we are very concerned that footage of our forces along the border is leaking to Hezbollah. The sooner they move out of the area and end their activity, the better.”
{Matzav.com}
The Association of chareidi Hesder yeshivos is raising a red flag over the draft legislation currently moving through the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee under MK Boaz Bismuth. Leaders of the network caution that, if enacted as written, the bill could unravel the unique framework that has successfully brought chareidi recruits into combat, tech, and classified IDF roles.
In a sharply worded letter submitted to the committee, the association reported that 14 participating chareidi Hesder institutions—collectively serving roughly 1,000 talmidim—stand to suffer major harm from provisions embedded in the proposal. The leadership warned that “This is not only an administrative malfunction but a moral and professional one, which could lead to the immediate dismantling of this important enterprise.”
At the center of the dispute is a clause that, according to the association, effectively bars a chareidi Hesder student from pursuing anything outside of pure Torah study. By prohibiting additional academic, technological, or professional coursework, the group argues, the bill imposes an unacceptable burden that “does not exist in Zionist Hesder yeshivos.” The letter stressed the irony that the very institutions that “actually recruit thousands to the IDF” are those being penalized.
Roshei yeshiva warned that, without changes, the damage would be swift and far-reaching. “If no amendment is inserted into the law, a critical momentum of recruiting chareidim in dedicated tracks will be halted, existing institutions will close, and a deterrent message will be sent to every young chareidi man considering combining Torah with service and meaning,” they stated.
A proposed legal addendum was attached to their submission, offering a practical solution: official recognition of chareidi Hesder yeshivos so they can operate within the law while maintaining their dual structure of Torah learning and military service. The draft outlines a framework that would allow certificate and engineering studies—similar to the opportunities already available in Religious Zionist Hesder programs—ensuring the model can continue to function and expand.
{Matzav.com}
Israel’s freedom to defend itself does not hinge on Washington’s approval, the newly appointed U.S. ambassador to Lebanon, Michel Issa, made clear in an interview marking his first weeks on the job. “Israel assesses its own security needs and will take whatever measures it deems necessary to protect its citizens,” he told Haaretz, underscoring that Jerusalem alone determines its defensive actions.
Even as he highlighted Israel’s autonomy, Issa emphasized that the United States remains deeply engaged with Lebanon’s leadership, pressing them to carry out their longstanding pledge to strip Hezbollah of its weapons. He said Washington is “strongly urging them to implement their own historic decision to disarm Hezbollah,” a commitment he described as central to Lebanon’s stability. The American stance, he explained, “is essential for restoring the authority of the Lebanese state and safeguarding the country’s future.”
Issa made it clear that the U.S. sees Hezbollah’s disarmament — along with stemming Iran’s broader regional influence — as a critical prerequisite for security. “Disarming Hezbollah and other terrorist organizations in Lebanon, as well as ending Iran’s proxy activities more broadly, is a key step to ensuring peace in Lebanon and across the region,” he said. He chose not to address whether diplomatic dialogue between Jerusalem and Beirut might materialize anytime soon.
His remarks come amid a fragile calm, one year after a U.S.- and French-brokered ceasefire effort between Israel and Hezbollah. Israel has repeatedly accused Lebanon of refusing to fulfill its obligation to dismantle Hezbollah’s arsenal, while the group continues to rebuild military assets and operate along Israel’s northern frontier. Israeli strikes have targeted Hezbollah infrastructure, including the recent killing of the group’s Chief of Staff, Haytham Ali Tabtabai, in Beirut.
Following that strike, Hezbollah’s deputy leader Naim Qassem responded defiantly in a televised address. He condemned the killing as “a blatant aggression and a heinous crime,” declaring, “We have the right to respond, and we will determine the timing for that.”
Issa, who also currently functions as the acting U.S. special envoy to the region after replacing Tom Barrack, outlined Washington’s goals for Lebanon: promoting “a durable peace between Lebanon and Israel and supporting Lebanon’s sovereignty,” countering Iran’s influence, and advancing economic cooperation. He said the U.S. hopes to encourage “a peaceful and prosperous future for Lebanon through strengthening commercial opportunities for Americans in Lebanon and with Lebanese partners.”
{Matzav.com}
