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Yisrael Beiteinu chairman Avigdor Lieberman declared Monday that he will refuse to join any government that includes the chareidi parties, insisting that Shas and United Torah Judaism must spend at least two full Knesset terms outside the coalition. He also vowed to block the formation of any government that does not impose compulsory military service on all Jewish and Arab citizens, without exemptions for yeshiva bochurim and avreichim.

With just eight days remaining before Israel’s October 27 elections, Lieberman outlined his political demands in an extensive interview with Yishai Cohen of Kikar HaShabbat, presenting a sweeping agenda that includes major changes to the Chief Rabbinate, the introduction of public transportation on Shabbos, changes to kashrus and geirus, and the elimination of the existing system for selecting chief rabbis.

Lieberman also ruled out supporting a minority government dependent on Arab Knesset members, even if refusing such an arrangement would leave Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu in office during an extended caretaker period.

Addressing the military draft controversy, Lieberman insisted that his demand for universal conscription remains an absolute condition for joining the next government.

“I stand behind that demand today even more strongly! You saw that just yesterday there were reports of truly record levels of draft evasion. You see the rampaging, and it is no longer just the fringes, no longer just the Yerushalmi faction. When a former chief rabbi of Israel says, ‘You receive a draft notice? Tear it up, throw it into the toilet!’ All the screaming of ‘We will die rather than enlist’… We will not compromise on this. There simply will be no government.”

The interviewer pointed out that chareidi party leaders, including Aryeh Deri, Yitzchok Goldknopf, Yaakov Asher, and Meir Porush, had themselves declared in previous Kikar HaShabbat interviews that they would refuse to enter any coalition without legislation protecting the status of yeshiva students.

Lieberman dismissed the possibility of reaching an accommodation with them.

“I am telling you in advance: I will not sit in a coalition with Goldknopf and Deri. Period.”

He went further, arguing that the chareidi parties should be excluded from power for an extended period.

“They simply must, just as Moshe Rabbeinu took the Jewish people into the wilderness for 40 years, they need to spend at least two terms in the wilderness!”

Lieberman’s remarks made clear that his opposition extends beyond the current dispute over the draft law. He presented a comprehensive program to restructure the relationship between religion and the state, beginning with the Chief Rabbinate.

“A dramatic change in the Rabbinate — no more two chief rabbis! There will be one chief rabbi in the State of Israel, one chief rabbi for every city, for every local authority. We do not need two rabbis.”

He also proposed abolishing the electoral body currently responsible for choosing Israel’s chief rabbis, replacing it with an appointment process resembling that used for senior government officials.

“There will no longer be an electoral body that chooses the chief rabbis… Like any government employee. You know, like the head of the Shin Bet is appointed… The prime minister will recommend a candidate, he will go to the Grunis Committee, and from there it goes back to the government.”

Under Lieberman’s proposal, military service would become a mandatory qualification for anyone seeking to serve as chief rabbi, effectively disqualifying rabbonim who had not served in the IDF.

“Only on condition… One of the criteria: military service. There simply will not be [a chief rabbi who did not serve in the IDF].”

Lieberman also reiterated his support for public transportation on Shabbos, arguing that the current situation unfairly disadvantages people who cannot afford private vehicles or taxis.

“Absolutely! This is hypocrisy: There is public transportation on Shabbos — private cars travel, taxis operate, in Haifa you have public transportation on Shabbos. So what happens is that only someone who has no money cannot travel. Someone who cannot buy a car or cannot order a taxi cannot go out.”

Turning to kashrus, Lieberman called for eliminating the Rabbinate’s exclusive control over certification, saying he would introduce a system allowing competing providers to operate.

“There is no monopoly on kashrus!… It will be free, there will be no more monopolies.”

On geirus, Lieberman said he would demand implementation of the recommendations advanced by former Justice Minister Moshe Nissim, whose proposals sought to reorganize Israel’s conversion system.

“We demand the Nissim framework, the full Nissim report on conversion. He submitted a report, and it is difficult to accuse Moshe Nissim of being an enemy of the Jewish people or of not understanding Judaism.”

Lieberman devoted another portion of the interview to explaining why he would oppose any minority government dependent on the support or abstention of Arab Knesset members.

He argued that such a government would be unacceptable both morally and politically, particularly in light of statements made by certain Arab lawmakers following the October 7 attacks.

“To rely on Knesset members who said even after October 7 that Hamas is a charitable organization, or who accuse IDF soldiers of murder and crimes against humanity — not Hamas, but IDF soldiers! From a moral standpoint, I see no possibility of relying on those Knesset members, whether in Ra’am or the Joint List, including Ofer Cassif…”

Lieberman also warned that a minority government would be vulnerable to constant political pressure from individual lawmakers and could ultimately strengthen Netanyahu and the chareidi parties in a subsequent election.

“On the practical level, a minority government is a very unstable government. Every individual Knesset member can extort, can drive everyone crazy, can threaten the coalition… After such a caretaker government, you return to elections, and then Goldknopf, Deri, and Bibi together will already reach 70 seats!… The moment you return to elections, you boost them… the draft-dodgers’ bloc.”

Despite opinion polls indicating uncertainty over whether the opposition could secure a parliamentary majority, Lieberman expressed confidence that the four parties he identifies as the “serving bloc” would win enough seats to form a government.

“I know what is happening on the ground. The four parties, the serving bloc — we will bring a solid majority. All this talk about a minority government projects weakness and defeatism.”

Lieberman also urged opposition voters to avoid supporting smaller parties that polling suggests might fail to cross the electoral threshold, warning that votes cast for such parties could ultimately benefit Netanyahu’s bloc.

“I say not to vote for any atmosphere party: not for Yoaz Hendel, not for Ofer Winter. Vote only for one of the four parties. Period.”

Asked specifically about former senior IDF officer Ofer Winter, who previously served as his military secretary, Lieberman said the two had not spoken recently and that Winter was responsible for his own political decisions.

“The last time I spoke with Ofer Winter was a year and a half ago. He is a grown man, he knows what he is doing. A person’s wishes deserve respect.”

Lieberman was similarly dismissive of Benny Gantz, who had raised allegations about internal understandings and political arrangements among the opposition parties.

“Listen, you do not judge a person in his time of distress. I look at Benny Gantz, and truly, it is pitiful, a matter of compassion for living creatures. Leave him alone, he is no longer relevant… There were no deals, no internal axes within the bloc, within the serving bloc.”

Addressing the absence of a single agreed-upon candidate for prime minister among the opposition parties, Lieberman argued that the lack of a unified candidate was an advantage rather than a weakness.

“In 2021, we ran in the elections as five parties without one candidate for prime minister, and we won! We ran in 2022 with one candidate for prime minister… and we lost… It is much better right now to run as four parties. Each has a different electorate, and each must maximize its own electorate.”

Lieberman also outlined what he said would be the first parliamentary move by a new coalition, predicting that it would be able to remove the current Knesset speaker.

“We will certainly be able to replace the speaker of the Knesset. I am already hearing from within the coalition… at least a third of the coalition will vote against him, and at that moment… that opens up all the possibilities.”

The interview also addressed President Donald Trump’s public expressions of support for Netanyahu, which have become a prominent issue in the final days of the election campaign.

Lieberman said he respects Trump but insisted that the choice of Israel’s next prime minister belongs exclusively to Israeli voters. He also suggested that Netanyahu’s relationship with the American president makes it easier for Washington to influence Israeli policy.

“I greatly appreciate and respect the president of the United States… At the same time, the decision belongs to the citizens of Israel. This is our internal matter. I can understand Donald Trump — it is very convenient for him with Bibi, a puppet, you know, it makes it easy for him to manage things here… I am certain that any future prime minister will know how to conduct a constructive dialogue with the president of the United States.”

Finally, Lieberman addressed the Iranian threat and the possibility of renewed military confrontation during the politically sensitive period surrounding the elections.

He argued that decisions about a major war involving Iran would ultimately be made in Washington rather than Yerushalayim, and warned that Israel could find itself in the middle of coalition negotiations while facing a new round of missile attacks.

“A decision on the question of war is made in the White House, not here. And everything we are hearing from the United States is that Trump has decided that there will be a war only after the midterm elections in the United States… And it could be that we will be in the middle of coalition negotiations while missiles are flying in every direction! So let us not develop delusions of grandeur. We are indeed a strong and great country, but we are still not a global superpower.”

{Matzav.com}

Former Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett launched a fierce personal attack against Shas chairman Aryeh Deri, declaring that Deri has “no G-d” and accusing him of abandoning a fundamental Torah obligation by opposing the military draft of yeshiva bochurim.

The extraordinary remarks came during a heated interview with Yishai Cohen of Kikar HaShabbat, just one week before Israel’s Knesset elections. Bennett, who heads the Beyachad party, accused Deri of promoting a religious outlook that, in Bennett’s view, contradicts the Torah’s obligations concerning the defense of Eretz Yisroel.

The exchange became particularly heated when the discussion turned to the refusal of chareidi political leaders to support compulsory military service for bnei yeshiva.

Bennett, who identifies as religious, argued that the chareidi leadership’s position was incompatible with the responsibility to protect fellow Jews during wartime.

“Deri has no G-d, I’m saying it! And I’ll tell you why I’m saying it: Because it is a disgrace and a shame! Your brothers went out to war, and he told the chareidi public that they must not dare help those soldiers who are falling! That is exactly what he said!”

Bennett continued his attack, invoking the Torah obligation to defend Eretz Yisroel and citing the halachic principle that during a milchemes mitzvah, even those ordinarily exempt from military service are called upon to participate.

“Arkyeh Deri has no G-d. This is not religious, this is not Zionist, this is not in the Torah! Everyone fought! No! He does not observe the mitzvah of protecting Eretz Yisroel, he does not observe it! Isn’t that observance of mitzvos?! The most basic mitzvah: to go out and fight and defend Eretz Yisroel against enemies in a milchemes mitzvah, when ‘even a groom from his chamber and a bride from her wedding canopy’ go out — he does not observe that mitzvah! This is a chillul Hashem and it is not religious! This is the invention of a new religion that is not Judaism! Because Judaism commands us to protect Eretz Yisroel against enemies who want to slaughter you, and me, and everyone! So he is not religious, I am more religious than he is!”

Bennett’s remarks reflect the sharp disagreement between his position on military service and that of the chareidi parties, which have insisted that the continued learning of Torah by yeshiva bochurim and avreichim must be protected through legislation regulating their military status.

His invocation of milchemes mitzvah also places a halachic argument at the center of the political dispute. Chareidi rabbonim and political representatives have maintained a fundamentally different position regarding the draft of full-time yeshiva students, emphasizing the importance of preserving the yeshiva world and the role of limud haTorah in protecting Klal Yisroel.

The confrontation was part of a longer interview conducted at Kikar HaShabbat’s studios. The news outlet released the heated exchange as an advance excerpt, with the complete interview scheduled to be broadcast Tuesday.

{Matzav.com}

Yated Ne’eman editor Yisroel Friedman issued a warning ahead of Israel’s upcoming Knesset elections, accusing those pushing for the military conscription of yeshiva bochurim of seeking to change the religious identity of the chareidi community rather than simply addressing the IDF’s manpower needs.

In an interview with Gudi Silman on Kol Chai Radio’s Tzav HaSha’ah program, Friedman also criticized Religious Zionism chairman Bezalel Smotrich over remarks concerning leading chareidi gedolim, warned against growing complacency among chareidi voters, and emphasized that the mission of the chareidi press is to faithfully convey the directives of the gedolei Yisroel.

Friedman, who was close to Rav Aharon Leib Shteinman zt”l, described the atmosphere surrounding the current elections as unprecedented in its hostility toward the chareidi community.

“There has never been such a phenomenon,” Friedman said, referring to the political and public rhetoric directed at chareidim.

He warned that the intensity of the current campaign, coupled with what he described as an alarming lack of urgency within parts of the chareidi community, has created a particularly dangerous situation.

“This is a very, very dangerous reality,” he said, adding that some of the rhetoric being heard today reminded him of dark periods in European history.

Friedman invoked the teachings of Rav Shteinman regarding the dangers of complacency, recalling the account of King Yehoyakim, who disregarded the warnings of Yirmiyahu Hanavi because he believed his own position was secure.

He stressed that the chareidi community must not approach the elections through the conventional political divisions of right and left, but rather through its obligation to follow the guidance of the gedolei haTorah.

“We have neither left nor right, we have no bloc, and we have nothing,” Friedman declared.

Turning to the role of the chareidi media, Friedman rejected the notion that newspapers serving the Torah community should operate as independent institutions setting their own ideological direction.

“A chareidi newspaper is not a newspaper edited by a chareidi person. A chareidi newspaper is one whose editor is prepared to say openly: We are a shofar, we are not independent. We are a shofar, and someone else blows that shofar.”

Friedman explained that the responsibility of a chareidi newspaper is to transmit the positions and instructions of the gedolei Yisroel to the public, rather than establish its own political or religious agenda.

Asked about media outlets that devote attention to internal disputes and divisions within the chareidi community, particularly during the election campaign, Friedman said such an approach fails to fulfill the fundamental responsibility of chareidi journalism.

He maintained that at a time when the community faces serious challenges from outside, the media should be concentrating on conveying the guidance of the gedolim and strengthening communal unity.

Friedman also addressed his recent criticism of Bezalel Smotrich, the chairman of the Religious Zionism party, following statements attributed to him concerning leading chareidi rabbonim, including Maran Rav Dov Landau.

“It is unacceptable for a person to express himself in such a manner about the gedolei Yisroel,” Friedman said.

He argued that Smotrich’s comments reflected a broader failure to respect the authority of the Torah leadership on matters affecting the yeshiva world.

Friedman further contended that even Smotrich had acknowledged that the IDF’s shortage of personnel was not the central motivation behind the campaign to draft chareidim.

“They are not looking for people to fill the positions. They are looking for chareidim to enlist in order to reeducate us,” Friedman charged.

According to Friedman, the military draft controversy cannot be understood solely as a debate over manpower or the distribution of national responsibilities.

He alleged that ideological agendas operating within the military are aimed at influencing the religious character of chareidi recruits and, ultimately, reshaping the broader chareidi community.

In his view, the demand for the enlistment of yeshiva bochurim represents a challenge to the continued independence of chareidi religious life and the ability of bnei Torah to maintain their traditional way of living.

Friedman also discussed developments within the chareidi community itself, expressing concern about movements and political initiatives that he believes undermine the authority of Daas Torah.

He recalled Rav Shteinman’s opposition to the establishment of separate political parties over disagreements that did not warrant dividing the Torah community.

To illustrate the point, Friedman referenced a well-known analogy involving a white tablecloth and a pink tablecloth on the Shabbos table.

He explained that Rav Shteinman had used the example to demonstrate that even when legitimate differences exist over religious customs and halachic practices, those disagreements do not automatically justify creating separate political organizations.

Friedman emphasized the importance of maintaining allegiance to the guidance of the gedolim and avoiding unnecessary divisions at a time when the chareidi community faces mounting political pressure.

Concluding his remarks, Friedman warned that the current confrontation extends far beyond the immediate questions of military service and election results.

“We are in the midst of a battle, a battle for the Torah, a battle for our identity, a battle for our very existence.”

{Matzav.com}

A wave of sensational but unverified reports concerning the fate of North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un has spread across social media, with claims that the 42-year-old leader suffered a severe brain hemorrhage, was secretly transported to China for emergency medical treatment, and subsequently fell into a coma. Some accounts have gone even further, alleging that Kim has died, although no credible evidence has emerged to substantiate any of the claims.

The rumors, which gained widespread attention Monday, have raised questions about the condition of one of the world’s most secretive rulers and the possibility of a leadership crisis in nuclear-armed North Korea.

Britain’s The Sun reported on the speculation, including allegations that Kim had been flown to Peking Union Medical College Hospital in Beijing after North Korean medical personnel were reportedly unable to provide the specialized treatment his condition required.

The claims have since been repeated by other international media outlets, although the reports have emphasized that the information remains unconfirmed and that there has been no independent verification of Kim’s alleged hospitalization.

Among those circulating the allegations is Wangjun Xie, a Chinese opposition activist living in the United States, who posted on X that the North Korean leader had suffered a brain hemorrhage and lapsed into a coma.

Xie subsequently escalated his claims, alleging that Chinese physicians had attempted unsuccessfully to save Kim’s life and that the dictator had died. According to his account, Kim’s body was then secretly transported back to North Korea.

There has been no independent confirmation of those assertions, and neither Chinese nor North Korean authorities have issued statements supporting the allegations.

Xie also claimed that Beijing had deployed approximately 9,000 Chinese troops to Pyongyang to maintain stability and facilitate a transfer of power to Kim’s daughter, Kim Ju Ae.

According to the activist’s account, the alleged deployment was intended to prevent a struggle for control of the North Korean government following Kim’s supposed death.

Those claims, too, remain entirely unsubstantiated. No reliable evidence has been presented showing that Chinese forces entered North Korea or that any leadership transition is underway.

The speculation has been fueled by the extraordinary secrecy surrounding North Korea’s leadership, where information about Kim’s medical condition is tightly controlled and even brief absences from public view can trigger international rumors.

Before the latest reports surfaced, Kim had appeared in official North Korean coverage in mid-October during a visit to a military museum, accompanied by his wife and daughter.

However, a significant new development has emerged: North Korean state media have now published photographs reportedly showing Kim visiting a clothing and footwear exhibition with his daughter on Monday. The images show him examining merchandise and interacting with officials, directly challenging the claims that he had died. The precise timing of the photographs has not been independently established.

The latest rumors also recall a similar episode in April 2020, when Kim disappeared from public view for several weeks, prompting widespread speculation that he had undergone a serious medical procedure or died. He eventually reappeared, disproving the death reports.

South Korea’s intelligence service has previously expressed concern about Kim’s weight and possible cardiovascular risks. In a briefing to lawmakers on September 30, intelligence officials reportedly estimated his weight at approximately 309 pounds but said they had detected no significant indications of serious illness.

Kim’s daughter, Kim Ju Ae, has increasingly appeared alongside her father at official events, prompting speculation that she may eventually succeed him. His influential sister, Kim Yo Jong, has also been mentioned in discussions about a possible future leadership transition.

For now, however, neither North Korea nor China has confirmed that Kim suffered a medical emergency, and there is no independently verified evidence that he was hospitalized, fell into a coma, or died. The newly released photographs further cast doubt on the sensational claims circulating online.

{Matzav.com}

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It is with great sadness that Matzav.com reports the petirah of Rav Yisroel Meir Kagan zt”l, rosh yeshiva and cofounder of Yeshiva Toras Chaim of Denver, Colorado, whose decades of extraordinary dedication to harbotzas haTorah helped establish one of the most prominent Torah institutions in the American West and produced generations of bnei Torah, rabbonim, mechanchim, and devoted ovdei Hashem.

Rav Kagan was among the distinguished talmidim of Rav Aharon Kotler zt”l who carried their rebbi‘s vision of uncompromising Torah learning beyond the established yeshiva centers of the East Coast.

Together with his longtime colleague, Rav Yitzchok Wasserman, he established a makom Torah in Denver in 1967, at a time when the idea of building a major yeshiva so far from New York and Lakewood was an ambitious undertaking.

For nearly six decades, Rav Kagan devoted himself to the growth of Yeshiva Toras Chaim and the development of its talmidim. His influence extended far beyond the walls of the yeshiva, helping transform Denver into a recognized Torah community and demonstrating that the ideals of the great yeshivos could take root and flourish even in a city far removed from the traditional centers of American Torah life.

Rav Kagan was a prominent talmid of Rav Aharon Kotler at Beth Medrash Govoha in Lakewood, where he absorbed the derech halimud, hashkafah, and commitment to Torah that would guide his life’s work. During his years in Lakewood, he was involved in giving chaburos, reflecting his stature as a serious ben Torah and his ability to transmit Torah to others.

The founding of Yeshiva Toras Chaim grew out of an initiative by members of Denver’s Jewish community who recognized the need for a yeshiva that would provide young men in the western United States with an authentic Torah education.

In 1966, a delegation from Denver traveled to Beth Medrash Govoha in Lakewood to seek leadership for the proposed institution. Their efforts ultimately led to the arrival of Rav Yitzchok Wasserman, Rav Chaim Kahan, and Rav Yisroel Meir Kagan, who came with their families to Denver for the opening of the 1967 school year.

Rav Wasserman and Rav Kagan brought with them the mesorah of Rav Aharon Kotler and the conviction that a yeshiva must be built upon unwavering dedication to Torah, regardless of its geographic location.

Rav Kagan’s involvement was particularly important in ensuring that the new institution would maintain a strong and continuous presence in the bais medrash. While the establishment of a yeshiva required extensive administrative work, recruitment, and fundraising, the founders understood that the heart of the institution had to remain its learning. Rav Kagan, who had already distinguished himself in Lakewood, was recruited to help provide that essential leadership.

The yeshiva opened at 1400 Quitman Street in Denver in the fall of 1967. Its location made it an unusual institution in the American yeshiva world, which was then overwhelmingly concentrated in the northeastern United States.

For families in western cities, the establishment of Yeshiva Toras Chaim represented an important new opportunity. Bochurim who previously would have had to travel considerable distances to attend a serious yeshiva could now pursue their learning in an environment closer to their home communities.

The yeshiva soon attracted talmidim from Seattle, Los Angeles, Detroit, Chicago, Dallas, St. Louis, Vancouver, and other cities, as well as from New York, New Jersey, Baltimore, and established Torah communities along the East Coast.

Under the leadership of Rav Kagan and Rav Wasserman, Yeshiva Toras Chaim developed a reputation for combining serious learning with an exceptional degree of personal attention to each talmid.

The roshei yeshiva understood that their responsibility extended beyond delivering shiurim and overseeing the daily seder hayeshiva. They sought to develop complete bnei Torah, young men whose commitment to learning would be accompanied by refined middos, yiras Shomayim, and a lifelong attachment to Torah values.

This approach became one of the defining characteristics of the Denver Yeshiva. The institution emphasizes the individual development of every bochur, recognizing that each talmid possessed his own abilities, challenges, and potential.

Rav Kagan and Rav Wasserman were known for maintaining close relationships with their talmidim, relationships that often continued long after those young men left the yeshiva and established homes and careers of their own.

That enduring connection became a hallmark of Rav Kagan’s decades of harbotzas haTorah, as generations of talmidim continued to look toward Denver and their rosh yeshiva as sources of guidance and inspiration.

The yeshiva steadily expanded during its early years. In 1968, it acquired a new dormitory facility at the Lake Apartment House near Colfax and Perry Streets. Three years later, in 1971, the yeshiva celebrated the graduation of its first class of 20 talmidim.

In 1973, Yeshiva Toras Chaim received accreditation from the Colorado State Board of Education, another milestone in the development of what had begun as a pioneering effort to establish a yeshiva in the American West.

The influence of the mosad eventually extended into broader communal activities and efforts to strengthen Jewish observance.

By 1977, bochurim from the yeshiva were participating in Operation Seed, an initiative through which yeshiva students traveled to communities to introduce less-affiliated Jews to Torah learning and Jewish tradition.

In 1979, following the overthrow of the Shah of Iran, the yeshiva assumed responsibility before the United States State Department for seven Iranian students, reflecting its willingness to assist Jewish young men facing extraordinary circumstances.

The following years brought further expansion of Torah life in Denver.

In 1981, the yeshiva established Denver’s first kollel, providing a framework for advanced Torah learning and strengthening the city’s developing Torah community.

The establishment of the kollel marked another important stage in the growth of Denver as a Torah center, extending the influence of Yeshiva Toras Chaim beyond its student body and into the broader community.

Rav Kagan also played a role in developing the city’s kashrus infrastructure. He was among the rabbonim involved in the early years of the Vaad Hakashrus of Denver, later known as Scroll K, which was established in January 1978.

From 1978 through 1988, Rav Kagan served on the organization’s rabbinical staff alongside Rav Meir Schwab, the dean of Bais Yaakov of Denver, and Rav Moshe Kahn.

His participation in this communal undertaking reflected the broader responsibilities that fell upon the founders of Torah institutions in developing communities. Establishing a yeshiva was only one part of the task. The continued growth of Torah life also required dependable communal institutions, kashrus supervision, educational opportunities, and rabbinical guidance.

As the decades passed, Yeshiva Toras Chaim became a fixture of the American Torah landscape, with its mesivta and bais medrash drawing bochurim from across the United States and beyond.

The yeshiva‘s continued development included the opening of additional facilities and the expansion of programs designed to strengthen Torah life in Denver. In 2008, Merkaz Torah V’Chesed opened on the city’s east side, further extending the institution’s communal reach.

In 2016, the yeshiva marked its fiftieth anniversary period with the completion of its Legacy Dormitory, another milestone in the remarkable growth of an institution that had begun with a small group of talmidim in 1967.

Through these developments, Rav Kagan remained identified with the original vision that had brought him to Denver: establishing a yeshiva devoted to authentic Torah learning and raising generations of bnei Torah in the spirit of Rav Aharon Kotler.

The rosh yeshiva‘s dedication to the development of each talmid was matched by his commitment to the broader Torah community. Rav Kagan and Rav Wasserman were regarded as senior Torah authorities in Denver, and their guidance was sought by individuals and families throughout the community.

Their leadership helped establish an environment in which Torah learning and adherence to the mesorah became central features of communal life. For generations of families who made their homes in Denver, the presence of Yeshiva Toras Chaim and its roshei yeshiva provided a source of stability and direction.

Rav Kagan’s influence was also felt beyond Colorado. He maintained connections with Torah institutions elsewhere in the country and was invited to address talmidim in other yeshivos.

In recent years, Yeshiva Toras Chaim began implementing a carefully planned transition to a new generation of leadership, ensuring that the institution established by Rav Kagan and Rav Wasserman would continue its mission. During the summer of 2025, Rav Dovid Nussbaum and Rav Yaakov Kamenetsky assumed leadership of the yeshiva as its next generation of roshei yeshiva, carrying forward the derech and ideals established by the founders.

The transition represented the continuation of a legacy that began with the decision of several talmidim of Rav Aharon Kotler to leave the established Torah centers of the East Coast and build something enduring in the American West.

Nearly sixty years after Rav Kagan arrived in Denver, Yeshiva Toras Chaim stands as a testament to that undertaking. What began as a pioneering yeshiva has developed into an institution whose alumni are found in Torah communities throughout the United States and beyond.

Rav Kagan’s legacy is reflected in the generations of talmidim who passed through the yeshiva, the families they established, the Torah institutions in which many of them serve, and the continued growth of Torah life in Denver.

His petirah marks the loss of a distinguished member of the generation of talmidim of Rav Aharon Kotler who devoted their lives to transplanting the mesorah of the great yeshivos into new communities across America.

Throughout his years as rosh yeshiva, Rav Kagan was supported by his devoted rebbetzin, Rebbetzin Leah Kagan a”h, who passed away in 2016.

Rebbetzin Kagan was a daughter of the Mattersdorfer Rov, Rav Shmuel Ehrenfeld zt”l, the founder of Yeshivas Chasan Sofer in New York and the Mattersdorf neighborhood of Yerushalayim. She was a descendant of the Chasam Sofer through his daughter Hindel, who married Rav Dovid Tzvi Ehrenfeld.

Her distinguished family included numerous prominent gedolei Torah. Among her sisters were the wives of Rav Shmuel Binyomin Fisher, Rav Binyomin Paler, and Rav Eliyahu Simcha Schustal.

Together, Rav Kagan and his rebbetzin raised a family deeply involved in Torah learning and harbotzas haTorah, continuing the mesorah of their illustrious forebears. Their sons are Rav Chaim Ozer Kagan, Rav Dovid Kagan, and Rav Aharon Boruch Kagan. Their daughters are Mrs. Miriam Kamenetsky, wife of Rav Shalom Kamenetsky, rosh yeshiva of the Philadelphia Yeshiva; Mrs. Gitty Lipschutz, wife of Rav Avrohom Lipschutz, mashgiach of Telshe Yeshiva in Chicago; and Mrs. Chavie Furman, wife of Rav Yaakov Furman, rosh yeshiva of Yeshivas Vyelipol in Flatbush.

The levayah will be held at Yeshiva Toras Chaim, located at 1555 Stuart Street in Denver.  Final details will be posted when available. The aron will then be flown to Eretz Yisroel for kevurah there.

Yehi zichro boruch.

{Matzav.com}

Noam party chairman Avi Maoz declared that his party will be essential to securing a right-wing majority in Israel’s upcoming elections, rejecting demands that he withdraw from the race and announcing that he intends to seek the Education Ministry in the next government. He also pledged to introduce sweeping changes to school funding that would guarantee equal government support for chareidi students and teachers.

In an extensive interview with Yossi Sargovsky of Kikar HaShabbat, Maoz, a former deputy minister, insisted that Noam would remain loyal to the right-wing bloc but would refuse to join any coalition that includes Gadi Eisenkot, even if Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu decides to bring him into the government.

Maoz dismissed concerns about opinion polls showing his party struggling to cross the electoral threshold, claiming that Noam’s internal surveys indicate steady growth in support as Election Day approaches.

He pointed to the party’s extensive volunteer operation as evidence of its organizational strength, describing thousands of activists working without compensation out of ideological commitment.

According to Maoz, following a major campaign gathering at Binyanei HaUma in Yerushalayim, Noam volunteers made approximately 50,000 telephone calls to eligible voters in a single day last Thursday.

The effort, he explained, was designed to identify committed supporters and establish a coordinated election-day operation capable of bringing approximately 200,000 voters to polling stations.

Maoz argued that Noam’s ability to mobilize voters who are otherwise disillusioned with the political system makes the party an important component of the right-wing bloc.

During the interview, Sargovsky asked Maoz about the growing expressions of support he has received from rabbonim and other figures within the chareidi community.

Maoz attributed that support to his record during four years in the Knesset, saying he had consistently defended chareidi interests on major legislative and communal issues.

Among the examples he cited was his involvement in addressing the electricity crisis in Modiin Illit, as well as his efforts concerning communications legislation and the protection of Shabbos.

He also emphasized his opposition to coercive measures and financial or other sanctions against yeshiva bochurim and avreichim in connection with the military draft.

Maoz recalled that he had been the only non-chareidi member of the Knesset to participate in the massive chareidi rally held at the entrance to Yerushalayim, describing his attendance as an expression of solidarity with the Torah community.

Addressing the continuing controversy over the draft of bnei yeshiva, Maoz maintained that any workable arrangement must emerge through dialogue and with the agreement of the gedolei haTorah.

He insisted that those engaged in full-time Torah learning must be permitted to continue their studies without interference.

For chareidim who choose to enter military service, Maoz said the IDF must provide appropriate frameworks that fully accommodate their religious requirements and ensure that they can maintain their chareidi way of life throughout their service.

A major portion of the interview focused on Maoz’s plans for the Education Ministry, which he formally identified as the portfolio he intends to demand in coalition negotiations.

Maoz presented a proposal that would fundamentally change the distribution of government education funding, calling for equal financial support for every student in Israel regardless of the educational system in which the child is enrolled.

Under his plan, students attending chareidi schools and Talmud Torahs would receive the same level of public funding as children in state and state-religious schools.

Maoz argued that government funding should not discriminate between schools based on whether they emphasize the standard secular core curriculum or devote additional instructional time to Torah and religious studies.

He said his approach would guarantee equal educational opportunities while allowing different communities to preserve their distinctive educational philosophies.

The proposal would also address longstanding disparities in teachers’ salaries.

Maoz pledged to increase the base salaries of educators and establish equal pay conditions for teachers employed in chareidi, religious Zionist, and general state schools.

Beyond the financial changes, Maoz said he intends to overhaul the content and oversight of Israel’s public education system.

Drawing on his experience as a deputy minister in the Prime Minister’s Office, Maoz alleged that outside organizations had been introducing radical left-wing ideological material into state schools without sufficient parental knowledge or transparency.

He promised to require greater disclosure of educational programs and instructional materials so parents would know what their children were being taught.

Maoz also called for strengthening instruction in Jewish heritage and tradition throughout the public school system, including greater emphasis on Jewish holidays, tefillah, and mitzvos.

At the same time, he pledged to prevent the introduction of progressive ideological content that he believes is inappropriate for Israeli schools.

The Noam chairman devoted the final portion of the interview to growing pressure from other right-wing figures who have urged him to withdraw from the election to avoid wasting votes if his party fails to cross the electoral threshold.

Maoz rejected those demands, arguing that removing Noam from the race would damage the right-wing camp rather than strengthen it.

He maintained that his party appeals to voters who are dissatisfied with the existing right-wing parties and might otherwise stay home on Election Day.

According to Maoz, those voters could provide the additional support necessary for the right-wing bloc to secure 61 Knesset seats and form a governing majority.

He urged Netanyahu and other leaders of the right-wing camp to direct disappointed voters toward Noam instead of attempting to pressure the party into abandoning its campaign.

Maoz insisted that withdrawing would be irresponsible because, in his assessment, Noam represents a unique opportunity to bring additional voters into the right-wing camp.

He concluded by reaffirming his party’s commitment to a right-wing government while establishing a firm political condition: Noam will not participate in a coalition with Gadi Eisenkot under any circumstances, even if Netanyahu himself seeks to include Eisenkot in the next government.

Approximately 64,000 chareidi young men in Eretz Yisroel are now classified by the IDF as draft evaders, with thousands potentially facing criminal indictments and prison sentences of three to six months as the military prepares to significantly intensify enforcement of its conscription orders.

The alarming development was revealed Monday by Yediot Achronot journalist Shilo Fried, who disclosed newly obtained military figures during an interview on Kikar HaShabbat’s Davar Rishon program, hosted by Moshe Mans and Shuki Salomon. The information points to a potentially dramatic escalation in the ongoing confrontation between the Israeli military establishment and the chareidi community over the forced conscription of yeshiva bochurim.

According to the figures, obtained from the IDF through a Freedom of Information request submitted by the organizations Israel Hofsheet and the Movement for Freedom of Information, between 80,000 and 90,000 chareidi young men have received military summonses since July 2024, following the Supreme Court ruling that effectively ended the longstanding arrangement allowing full-time yeshiva students to defer military service.

Of those who received summonses, approximately 64,000 failed to report after receiving three separate orders and are now classified by military authorities as draft evaders.

Until recently, yeshiva bochurim arrested for failing to comply with military summonses generally faced relatively brief periods of detention, often lasting approximately two weeks. However, that situation is expected to change significantly as increasing numbers of young men become eligible for criminal prosecution under existing military regulations.

The critical legal threshold is 540 days from the date of the initial draft summons. Once that period has passed without the individual reporting for service, military prosecutors can pursue formal criminal charges rather than relying on the shorter disciplinary detention procedures used in many previous cases.

Those prosecuted under the more serious framework could face prison terms ranging from three to six months, according to the report.

Because the first large wave of draft orders was issued in the summer of 2024, many of the young men who received those summonses are now reaching the point at which criminal prosecution becomes possible. This means the coming weeks could see a substantial increase in the number of chareidi bochurim exposed to lengthy incarceration.

The IDF has also discussed reducing the waiting period for criminal prosecution from 540 days to 365 days, a change that would bring thousands of additional young men within the scope of potential indictments. However, that proposed reduction has not yet been implemented.

Additional military figures published by Yediot Achronot reveal the enormous disparity between the number of young men classified as draft evaders and the relatively small number actually arrested.

In 2023, approximately 7,000 individuals were classified as draft evaders, and 674 arrests were carried out. The following year, the number of draft evaders increased to 14,467, while arrests declined to 490.

The gap widened dramatically in 2025, when the number of individuals classified as draft evaders reached 55,594, but only 519 arrests were recorded throughout the year.

The latest figures for 2026 show that the number has climbed to 76,809 draft evaders nationwide, while just 437 arrests have been carried out since the beginning of the year.

Military data indicates that approximately 83 percent of those classified as draft evaders are chareidim. Nevertheless, only about 12 percent of the individuals indicted for draft evasion in 2026 have been members of the chareidi community.

The relatively small proportion of chareidi defendants is attributed in part to the 540-day requirement, which has prevented prosecutors from bringing criminal charges against many of the young men who first received draft notices following the 2024 Supreme Court decision.

According to the military figures, 360 indictments for draft evasion have been filed so far in 2026, compared with 442 during all of 2025.

The newly disclosed information comes amid increasing pressure on the IDF from legal authorities and organizations advocating expanded military conscription.

Earlier this month, Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara demanded that the military intensify enforcement against chareidi draft evaders, including the resumption of proactive arrest operations.

During a review of enforcement activities, officials disclosed that 212 draft evaders and individuals accused of avoiding military service had been detained at border crossings between September 1 and September 22. Approximately 163 of those arrested were believed to be chareidim.

Most of the detainees were subjected to disciplinary proceedings rather than criminal prosecution.

The arrests took place primarily at Ben Gurion Airport, the Allenby crossing, and the Taba crossing into Egypt. Authorities also acknowledged that 64 individuals subject to military restrictions had managed to leave Israel and were arrested only upon returning, raising questions about enforcement of travel restrictions.

Military officials subsequently indicated that proactive enforcement operations, which had largely been suspended during the preceding period, would resume during October in coordination with the police.

The prospect of more aggressive enforcement and substantially longer prison sentences is expected to deepen tensions in the chareidi community, where the arrest of yeshiva bochurim has repeatedly triggered large demonstrations and widespread opposition.

Organizations providing assistance to detained bochurim, including Kav Aleph, are preparing for the possibility of a growing number of cases requiring legal representation and support for affected families.

The latest developments also come against the backdrop of Israel’s approaching Knesset elections, with the draft crisis remaining one of the most contentious issues confronting the country’s political leadership.

Chareidi representatives have repeatedly warned that efforts to forcibly draft yeshiva students threaten the continued existence of the yeshiva world and have insisted that the status of those devoted to full-time Torah learning must be protected.

Meanwhile, organizations advocating broader military conscription have accused the government and military authorities of failing to enforce existing laws, particularly as the IDF continues to face personnel shortages.

Uri Keidar, executive director of Israel Hofsheet, sharply criticized what he described as selective enforcement, accusing the government and military of retreating in the face of opposition to the draft.

With tens of thousands of chareidi young men now classified as draft evaders and many approaching the legal threshold for criminal prosecution, the coming weeks could mark a significant turning point in the struggle over yeshiva conscription, as the IDF moves toward a system under which failure to report for military service could result in months behind bars rather than a brief period of detention.

{Matzav.com}

Elyakim Stark, the newly announced United Torah Judaism candidate representing Belz chassidus, apologized Monday for controversial remarks in which he compared the difficulties currently facing chareidim in Eretz Yisroel over the military draft to the persecution of Jews during the Holocaust.

In an interview with i24NEWS, Stark acknowledged that his comparison had been inappropriate, explaining that he had intended the comments sarcastically but understood why they had generated widespread criticism.

“Anyone who saw the full context understood that I said it sarcastically and ironically, but I have learned from this. I am not ashamed to say that I made a mistake,” Stark said.

During the same interview, Stark also drew attention for his surprisingly favorable comments about former IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot, indicating that United Torah Judaism could potentially cooperate with him following the upcoming Knesset elections.

“Eisenkot has many accomplishments to his credit. He is someone we can work with, someone who knows how to deliver solutions,” Stark said.

Stark further revealed that Eisenkot had effectively given his party a “blank sheet of paper” regarding the contentious military draft issue, suggesting that there could be room for negotiations over an arrangement addressing the status of yeshiva bochurim and avreichim.

The controversy began following remarks Stark delivered at an election gathering organized by the chassidishe campaign headquarters in Beit Shemesh.

Addressing the ongoing battle over the draft law and the restrictions being imposed on yeshiva bochurim who have not reported for military service, Stark described the difficulties that families are experiencing, particularly when attempting to arrange shidduchim involving prospective spouses living overseas.

Among the measures affecting those classified by the military as draft evaders are restrictions on leaving Eretz Yisroel, which have complicated travel for bochurim and avreichim.

“When people want to arrange a shidduch with someone from overseas, they have to come here because they cannot leave,” Stark told the gathering.

He then invoked the Holocaust, explaining that he had previously made a personal commitment to refrain from discussing Holocaust stories during the early years, before drawing a comparison between those historical experiences and the current circumstances of the chareidi community.

“I took it upon myself not to speak about Holocaust stories in the early years, but I find myself feeling that our situation is close to what happened during the Holocaust, and there is no other way to describe it. Our situation reminds me of the stories our grandparents told us about the Holocaust,” Stark said.

Those comments quickly sparked controversy, with the comparison drawing criticism because of the enormous difference between the systematic murder of European Jewry during the Holocaust and the current dispute over military conscription.

In his subsequent interview, Stark sought to clarify that he had not intended a literal comparison and conceded that his choice of words had been mistaken.

His remarks come as United Torah Judaism and the broader chareidi political leadership confront difficult questions ahead of the elections, with the draft crisis remaining one of the central issues affecting the community.

The possibility of cooperation with Eisenkot is particularly noteworthy given the continuing uncertainty surrounding the composition of the next government and the ability of chareidi representatives to secure legislation protecting the status of bnei yeshiva.

{Matzav.com}

The Bobover Rebbe has instituted a new takanah in the Bobover Bais Medrash, eliminating the longstanding practice of selling the shishi aliyah on Shabbos morning in an effort to strengthen the kedushah of the bais medrash and prevent unnecessary talking before Krias HaTorah.

The new takanah, which took effect on Shabbos Parshas Bereishis, completes an earlier initiative by the Rebbe to discontinue the sale of aliyos before Krias HaTorah. Until now, one exception had remained: the sale of shishi, the aliyah customarily received by the Rebbe himself.

The Rebbe explained that even the brief interruption required for selling that aliyah could lead to sichas chullin, idle conversation, which might continue as the tzibbur prepares for Krias HaTorah. By eliminating the sale entirely, the Rebbe hopes to preserve the atmosphere of kedushah and koved rosh throughout the davening.

For many years, the Bobover Bais Medrash had followed the practice of auctioning aliyos before Krias HaTorah, as is customary in numerous shuls. The Rebbe previously discontinued that practice out of concern that the proceedings created an unnecessary hefsek and encouraged conversation at a time when the tzibbur should be preparing for the reading of the Torah.

The one remaining exception was shishi, which is traditionally given to the Rebbe. The privilege of purchasing that aliyah was offered to the highest bidder, with bidding beginning at $3,600. The proceeds helped cover the considerable expenses involved in maintaining the Bais Medrash.

Following his aliyah, the Rebbe would also recite a special Mi Shebeirach for the individual who purchased the honor.

On Shabbos Parshas Bereishis, however, the Rebbe announced that this final exception would also be discontinued. Although the auction generally lasted only a few moments, and the aliyah was frequently arranged in advance anyway, the Rebbe felt that even those few moments should no longer interrupt the proceedings.

The Rebbe addressed the matter during his regular weekly shiur in the sefer Divrei Chaim, delivered before davening on Shabbos morning.

In his remarks, the Rebbe explained that the short period during which the aliyah was sold could provide an opening for unnecessary conversation. Once people begin speaking, he observed, it can be difficult to bring those conversations to an immediate halt when the time arrives for Atah Hareisa and Krias HaTorah.

The Rebbe emphasized that considerable efforts have already been invested in strengthening the kavod of the Bais Medrash and the seriousness with which tefillah is approached. He encouraged every member of the tzibbur to build upon those efforts by undertaking additional personal kabbalos concerning the kedushah of the bais haknesses.

In particular, the Rebbe urged the chassidim to maintain an atmosphere of koved rosh throughout their time in the Bais Medrash, recognizing that the sanctity of the place demands care and restraint even during moments when davening is not actively taking place.

Later, immediately before Krias HaTorah, the Rebbe again addressed the assembled tzibbur and formally announced that the sale of aliyos would be eliminated altogether.

He then went a step further, calling upon the mispallelim to undertake a kabbalah not to speak even bein gavra l’gavra, between one aliyah and the next.

The Rebbe pointed out that the Bais Medrash had already adopted the practice of shortening the Mi Shebeirachs recited during Krias HaTorah. As a result, the interval between one brachah and the next generally lasts less than 45 seconds.

Such a brief period, the Rebbe explained, is certainly something every person can manage without speaking. By exercising restraint for those few moments, each individual can contribute to maintaining the proper atmosphere during Krias HaTorah and further elevating the kedushah of the Bais Medrash.

The new takanah thus removes the last remaining auction from the Shabbos morning Krias HaTorah proceedings, while the Rebbe’s appeal for silence between aliyos places renewed emphasis on the responsibility of every mispallel to preserve the kavod and kedushah of the Bais Medrash.

{Matzav.com}

The U.S. Supreme Court agreed Monday to take up a constitutional challenge to a federal law that has prohibited Americans from distilling liquor in their homes for more than 160 years, setting the stage for a major ruling on the federal government’s authority to regulate alcohol production and protect billions of dollars in tax revenue.

The justices will review a lower court decision that struck down the longstanding prohibition, which dates to the Civil War era. The Trump administration appealed that ruling, arguing that the restriction is an essential part of the federal government’s system for collecting excise taxes on distilled spirits, including whiskey, vodka, and other alcoholic beverages.

In its petition to the Supreme Court, the administration accused the lower court of adopting a “blinkered view” of Congress’s constitutional powers and warned that the ruling could undermine federal taxation of an industry that generates substantial annual revenue.

Solicitor General D. John Sauer argued that the government’s ability to regulate where liquor is produced is closely connected to its constitutional authority to impose and collect taxes.

“The government has a substantial interest in its authority to safeguard a significant source of tax revenue—a source that was used to pay Revolutionary War debts at the Founding and now generates billions of dollars in tax revenue every year,” Solicitor General D. John Sauer wrote in the administration’s petition.

The Supreme Court is expected to hear oral arguments during its current term, most likely early next year, with a final decision anticipated by the summer of 2027.

At the center of the dispute is a federal statute enacted during the 1860s that makes it a felony to manufacture distilled spirits inside a private residence or in certain structures and areas connected to a home.

The law specifically prohibits distilling “in any dwelling house” or in an adjoining “shed, yard, or inclosure.” Individuals convicted of violating the prohibition can face prison sentences of up to five years.

Although Americans may legally produce limited quantities of beer and wine at home under federal law, distilling liquor for personal consumption remains subject to significantly stricter restrictions.

The federal government maintains that the prohibition is necessary to prevent unregistered distilling operations from escaping taxation and to ensure that authorities can properly monitor the production of alcoholic spirits.

The administration’s legal argument rests on Congress’s authority to impose taxes and enact laws needed to enforce those taxes. Under the Constitution’s Necessary and Proper Clause, Congress may adopt legislation that is reasonably connected to carrying out its enumerated constitutional responsibilities.

Federal taxes on distilled spirits have a history extending back to the earliest years of the United States, when the newly established government sought revenue to help repay debts incurred during the Revolutionary War.

One of the first major disputes over those taxes culminated in the Whiskey Rebellion of the 1790s, when resistance to a federal excise tax on distilled liquor escalated into violent protests and prompted President George Washington to mobilize forces to enforce federal law.

The Trump administration argues that the longstanding restrictions on residential distilling facilities are part of that broader historical framework of federal alcohol taxation.

However, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit rejected the government’s contention that the home-distilling ban could be justified under Congress’s taxation powers.

The appeals court concluded that the prohibition exceeded the scope of the authority granted to Congress under the Constitution, delivering a victory to individuals and organizations challenging the restriction.

In seeking Supreme Court review, Sauer argued that the appeals court failed to account for the practical difficulties authorities face when attempting to monitor distilling operations conducted inside private residences.

He maintained that prohibiting residential distilleries makes it harder for producers to conceal their activities, misrepresent the alcoholic strength of their products, or avoid paying the appropriate federal taxes.

“Those practical realities have not changed. Today, as at the time of enactment, a distiller can more easily conceal a distilling operation (or conceal a spirit’s strength and avoid the proper tax rate) if a still is located at a dwelling-house or another business,” he wrote.

The lawsuit was brought by the Hobby Distillers Association and four individuals who want to produce distilled spirits in their own homes.

The challengers contend that the federal government cannot impose a sweeping prohibition on home distilling merely because it has the constitutional authority to tax alcohol production.

They argue that Congress has other methods available to collect taxes and enforce compliance without criminalizing the activity simply because it takes place in a private residence.

The legal battle has also produced conflicting rulings in the federal appeals courts, with another appellate court reaching a different conclusion in a separate challenge involving the same federal restrictions.

That disagreement helped pave the way for Supreme Court review, with even the Hobby Distillers Association, despite prevailing in the Fifth Circuit, agreeing that the nation’s highest court should settle the constitutional question.

The challengers have compared the potential effects of legalizing home distilling to the expansion of home beer brewing, which they argue helped transform American beer culture and encouraged the growth of independent breweries.

“Homebrewing revitalized beer culture in the United States; home distilling could do the same for spirits, but for the prohibition,” they wrote in court filings.

The case, formally titled Department of Justice v. McNutt, originated in federal court in Texas, where the challengers filed suit in December 2023 against the Justice Department and the Treasury Department’s Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau.

One of the central figures in the litigation is Rick Morris, a bourbon enthusiast who owns a business manufacturing distilling equipment. Morris wants to experiment with bourbon recipes at home and founded the Hobby Distillers Association to advocate for the legalization of personal distilling.

Another plaintiff, Scott McNutt, already holds a permit to produce alcohol for fuel purposes at a facility away from his residence. He wants to experiment with producing beverage spirits at home, an activity federal law currently prohibits.

In April 2026, the Fifth Circuit upheld a lower court ruling against the prohibition, concluding that Congress could not use its taxation authority to impose a blanket criminal ban on distilling in residential settings. The government subsequently sought reconsideration, but the appeals court refused in June.

The Supreme Court’s decision to hear the case on October 19 followed a conflicting ruling from the Sixth Circuit, which upheld the federal restriction as a permissible means of enforcing alcohol taxes.

The federal law carries penalties of up to five years in prison and a $10,000 fine. Its origins date specifically to 1868, when Congress was attempting to combat widespread tax evasion by commercial liquor producers following the Civil War.

The case raises a constitutional question extending beyond alcohol production: whether Congress can prohibit an otherwise taxable activity in a particular location on the grounds that allowing it would make tax collection more difficult.

More than a dozen Republican-led states have supported the challengers’ position, arguing that the federal government has exceeded its constitutional authority.

Even if the Supreme Court ultimately strikes down the residential distilling prohibition, the decision would not necessarily eliminate other federal licensing requirements, excise taxes, or state restrictions governing liquor production.

The justices are expected to issue their ruling by the end of the Court’s term in June 2027.

{Matzav.com}

House Speaker Mike Johnson revealed that he had cautioned the White House about potential repercussions from President Donald Trump’s decision to suspend sanctions against Russia, as the administration faces growing criticism from Republican and Democratic lawmakers over its approach to ending the war in Ukraine.

Johnson, a Louisiana Republican and close Trump ally, said he had raised concerns with senior administration officials after the president signed an executive order last week waiving sanctions that Congress had recently approved with overwhelming bipartisan support.

The sanctions were part of legislation spearheaded by Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, who championed tougher economic penalties against Moscow as a means of pressuring Russian President Vladimir Putin to end the fighting in Ukraine.

Trump’s decision to set aside the restrictions prompted an unusually sharp response from members of his own party, several of whom accused the administration of weakening American leverage over Russia at a critical moment in the conflict.

Appearing on Fox News with Larry Kudlow, Johnson was asked whether he supported the sanctions waiver or believed the administration should reconsider its decision.

“Congress voted on this decisively just several weeks ago, and we understand that Putin cannot be trusted.”

“He demonstrates that over and over and over,” Johnson said. “So I did talk to several of my colleagues yesterday who had concerns about that. They’re on committees of jurisdiction, like intelligence and foreign affairs, and I didn’t talk to the president yesterday because he and I are both traveling nonstop and we’re on different schedules. But I told the White House team that we need to talk about it, and I think carefully consider the unintended consequences that may ensue from that.”

The speaker’s remarks indicated that concerns about the administration’s decision extend to lawmakers serving on congressional committees responsible for national security, intelligence, and foreign affairs.

Although Johnson said he had not spoken directly with Trump about the matter, he confirmed that he had conveyed those concerns to White House officials and wanted further discussions about the implications of suspending the sanctions.

At the same time, Johnson avoided a direct confrontation with the president, emphasizing his confidence that Trump was weighing the competing considerations involved in the decision.

Johnson said he understood that the “president’s evaluating this as he does everything else.”

“Look, he has two major objectives, as you know, Larry. Every day he wants to keep America safe, and he wants to bring down the cost of living for every American. He thinks outside the box with creative ideas all the time, and he carefully evaluates those. So I think the right decision will be made here in the end,” Johnson said.

The speaker’s comments reflected the difficult position facing congressional Republicans, many of whom have strongly supported imposing additional economic pressure on Russia while also backing Trump’s efforts to negotiate an end to the war.

Several Republican lawmakers, however, were considerably more outspoken in their criticism of the sanctions waiver.

Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina condemned the administration’s action and questioned why the White House would decline to enforce legislation that had received such overwhelming support in the Senate.

“What part of enforcing a law passed 86-11 by the Senate does the President and his advisors not understand? It’s unconscionable that this administration is capitulating to a Russian dictator who illegally invaded Ukraine and butchers innocent civilians every single day,” Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) wrote on the social platform X.

Rep. Don Bacon of Nebraska also criticized the decision, accusing Trump of “prolonging the war, not ending it.”

The backlash underscored continuing divisions within the Republican Party over how aggressively Washington should confront Moscow and whether economic sanctions should remain in place while negotiations are underway.

Trump has defended his decision as part of a broader diplomatic strategy intended to bring Russia and Ukraine to a negotiated settlement.

In a post on Truth Social, the president explained that he was “in the process of negotiating Peace in the war between Russia and Ukraine, and don’t want to do anything that will drive, foolishly, Russia away from the bargaining table.”

The legislation at the center of the dispute, the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026, was signed into law by Trump on September 18. It established sweeping new penalties targeting Russia and countries that continue purchasing Russian energy, including potentially steep tariffs on goods entering the United States.

Under the measure, Russian imports could face tariffs of 500 percent, while goods from the five largest purchasers of Russian oil and natural gas could be subjected to additional tariffs of 100 percent. The law also included penalties aimed at countries facilitating efforts to evade sanctions on Russian energy exports.

On October 16, just before the new restrictions were scheduled to take effect, Trump issued an executive order invoking a provision of the legislation allowing the president to waive the sanctions when he determines that doing so serves American national interests.

The White House submitted the required certification to Congress, explaining that the administration believed suspending the penalties was warranted under the circumstances.

Importantly, the executive order did not eliminate all existing American sanctions against Russia. It waived provisions of the newly enacted Graham legislation while leaving other sanctions imposed under earlier executive orders in place.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio subsequently described the administration’s decision as a 60-day pause intended to allow officials to evaluate the potential economic consequences of implementing the restrictions.

The administration has expressed concern that imposing sweeping penalties on countries purchasing Russian energy could disrupt international oil markets, increase fuel prices, and complicate Washington’s relationships with major trading partners.

Among the countries potentially affected is India, one of the world’s largest importers of Russian oil. The sanctions waiver has eased concerns in New Delhi about possible American tariffs and has improved prospects for ongoing trade negotiations between the two countries.

Rubio indicated that the administration’s broader trade discussions with India were among the considerations surrounding the decision.

The White House has also argued that immediately implementing the sanctions could interfere with Trump’s efforts to negotiate a settlement between Moscow and Kyiv.

Energy Secretary Chris Wright defended the waiver as a diplomatic incentive intended to encourage Russia to participate in peace negotiations, while critics argued that reducing economic pressure would give Putin fewer reasons to make concessions.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky expressed disappointment with the decision, warning that the sanctions could have played an important role in pressuring Russia to end its military campaign.

Several additional Republicans joined the criticism. Sen. John Cornyn of Texas argued that Graham, who had been a leading advocate for stronger sanctions before his death, would have strongly opposed the decision.

Rep. French Hill of Arkansas also called for maintaining economic pressure on Moscow and requested a classified briefing explaining the administration’s reasoning.

Democrats, meanwhile, accused Trump of disregarding the bipartisan intent of Congress and providing economic relief to Russia while the war continues.

The disagreement has created a political challenge for Republican lawmakers ahead of the November midterm elections, with some members of the party defending Trump’s negotiating strategy and others insisting that Congress’s sanctions legislation should be enforced.

For now, the administration has maintained that the waiver is intended to preserve diplomatic flexibility while officials assess its economic implications. Johnson, however, has made clear that lawmakers remain concerned about the possible consequences of easing pressure on Moscow, particularly while Putin has yet to agree to end the war.

[Video and photos below.] New York Governor Kathy Hochul made a high-profile campaign tour through three of the state’s largest chassidishe communities on Monday, receiving a massive welcome from more than 6,000 Satmar schoolgirls in Kiryas Yoel before traveling to Monsey for meetings with Vizhnitzer community leaders and concluding her day with a visit to the Skverer Rebbe in New Square.

The visits came just over two weeks before the November 3 gubernatorial election, in which Hochul is seeking another term against Republican challenger Bruce Blakeman. With the chareidi vote representing a significant electoral force in Orange and Rockland counties, the governor’s itinerary underscored the importance of these communities to her reelection effort.

Hochul began her day in Kiryas Yoel, where more than 6,000 students from the Bais Rochel girls’ schools assembled for an elaborate reception in her honor. The enormous gathering featured welcoming banners and a show of appreciation for the governor’s relationship with the Satmar community and her support for religious education.

Among the banners displayed at the event were messages reading “Kiryas Joel Welcomes Governor Kathy Hochul” and “Thank You Governor Hochul – For Protecting Our Schools.”

The governor was accompanied by Kiryas Yoel Village Administrator Gedalya Szegedin, Satmar political liaison Moshe Indig, and other prominent community representatives who participated in the reception.

According to Yoel M. Petlin, superintendent of the Kiryas Yoel School District, the event was intended to recognize Hochul’s support for religious education and her approval of a new federal education tax credit intended to benefit parents.

Petlin described the reception as a major expression of gratitude from the community, writing on social media that the governor had received a “royal welcome” from the thousands of students who participated.

The visit carried considerable political significance, as Satmar has already endorsed Hochul’s reelection bid. Kiryas Yoel, one of the country’s largest concentrated chassidishe communities, has long been an important destination for candidates seeking the support of Orthodox Jewish voters.

The large turnout at Bais Rochel provided Hochul with a particularly visible demonstration of communal support at a time when both parties are working to mobilize voters ahead of Election Day.

Following the Kiryas Yoel reception, Hochul traveled to Rockland County, where she continued her outreach with a series of stops in the Monsey area.

Her first visit was to the Vizhnitzer girls’ school, where she was welcomed as part of her tour of local chassidishe educational institutions.

The governor subsequently participated in a separate meeting with representatives of the Vizhnitzer kehilla, its mosdos, and officials from the Village of Kaser.

The meetings brought Hochul together with communal leaders involved in the operation of local schools and municipal institutions, providing another opportunity for direct engagement between the governor’s office and one of Rockland County’s prominent chassidishe communities.

During her time in the area, Hochul also paid a shivah visit to Kaser Mayor Elya Pinkasowitz, who is sitting shivah following the petirah of his brother, Reb Shlomo Moshe Pinkasowitz z”l.

The governor’s visit to the mourning family was included in her Rockland County itinerary alongside the meetings with Vizhnitzer communal representatives.

From Monsey, Hochul proceeded to New Square, where she visited the home of the Skverer Rebbe.

The meeting marked another significant stop on her tour, coming shortly after the Skverer kehilla formally announced its endorsement of Hochul for reelection on October 10.

New Square, home to the Skverer chassidus, is among the most politically organized chassidishe communities in New York, with communal leadership playing a central role in coordinating political participation and maintaining relationships with elected officials.

The governor’s meeting with the Skverer Rebbe followed a longstanding tradition of political candidates and public officials visiting prominent chassidishe leaders ahead of major elections.

Hochul’s three-community tour took place as her campaign seeks to consolidate support among Orthodox voters, particularly in areas where large numbers of residents vote in accordance with communal endorsements.

The visits also highlighted the continuing relationship between the governor and chassidishe leadership on matters of particular importance to Orthodox families, including educational autonomy, school funding, and government policies affecting religious institutions.

Religious education has been an especially prominent issue in New York politics in recent years, with chassidishe communities closely following state policies governing private schools and the ability of parents to educate their children in accordance with their religious beliefs.

For Hochul, the public reception in Kiryas Yoel and her meetings in Monsey and New Square provided opportunities to reinforce those relationships while encouraging voter participation in the upcoming election.

The governor’s outreach comes as Blakeman, the Nassau County executive and Republican gubernatorial nominee, works to challenge her across the state, including among constituencies that have historically supported Republican candidates in national elections.

{Matzav.com}

What started as one bochur’s idea has grown into one of the world’s largest shidduch resource organizations, helping thousands of singles every year.

It wasn’t exactly the headquarters you’d expect for a nationwide organization.

No office. No employees. No elaborate business plan.

Just a bochur, a dorm room in the Irv at BMG, and an idea.

In January 2022, Elimelech Weinreb noticed something interesting. While countless shadchanim worked tirelessly to make shidduchim, very little support existed for what happened after someone said yes to a date.

Where should a bochur go? How should he plan the evening? Where could he borrow a GPS or other dating necessities?

So he started a hotline.

There was no grand vision of building a nationwide organization. Just a willingness to help.

And then the phone started ringing.

A Small Idea That Refused to Stay Small

What began as a date-planning hotline quickly expanded into a network of gemachs providing everything from GPS devices and umbrellas to drinks and games.

Today, the Dating Resources Network (DRN) operates 16 gemachs, used over 25,000 times this year, while its hotline assists with more than 4,000 dates annually.

What started in a dorm room has become what its founder believes is the largest organization of its kind in the world.

But as DRN grew, it uncovered a much bigger problem.

When the Biggest Obstacle Is the Cost

Imagine a bochur who finally receives a promising shidduch suggestion.

Both sides say yes. The date is arranged.

There’s just one problem.

He can’t afford to go.

Between car rentals, gas, tolls, and parking, even a simple first date can cost $165 or more. For families struggling to cover basic necessities, repeated dating expenses can be overwhelming.

That’s why DRN established its Financial Aid Program, discreetly assisting bochurim whose families cannot afford the cost of dating.

Today, DRN distributes over $20,000 every month in financial assistance, with applicants carefully vetted through rabbanim.

The goal is simple: No bochur should have to put shidduchim on hold because he can’t afford another date.

The People Behind the Date

Perhaps most remarkable is that DRN remains almost entirely volunteer-run, with only a part-time bookkeeper on payroll.

Elimelech, now married, continues running the organization together with his wife, Chani, and a dedicated team of volunteers.

What began as a dorm-room project has become a family mission, quietly helping thousands of singles navigate the dating process.

And that brings us to this year’s campaign.

Behind the Date: Keeping the Show Going

DRN’s annual fundraising campaign, “Behind the Date,” takes its inspiration from the theater.

When the curtains open, the audience sees what’s happening on stage. What they don’t see are the countless people working behind the scenes to make it possible.

Dating is much the same.

When a young man and woman sit down together, they should be focused on getting to know each other, not worrying about logistics or whether they can afford another date.

That’s where DRN comes in.

Four years ago, it was one bochur in a dorm room trying to help someone plan a date.

Today, it’s thousands of dates, tens of thousands of gemach visits, and hundreds of families receiving critical assistance.

And somewhere right now, there’s another bochur preparing for a date who has no idea how many people are working behind the scenes to help him.

Help DRN keep the show going.

Support the Behind the Date campaign

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has joined more than 100 Democratic officials in an effort to make it harder for federal immigration authorities to operate in New York, urging private parking garage and lot owners to refuse overnight parking accommodations to Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents and other federal officers.

The initiative represents another confrontation between New York’s Democratic leadership and the Trump administration over immigration enforcement in the sanctuary state. Rather than seeking to restrict federal agents through legislation, the officials are calling on private property owners to deny ICE access to facilities that could be used to store vehicles involved in immigration operations.

According to Gothamist, Mamdani and the other elected officials signed a letter asking parking facility operators across New York to make clear that federal immigration enforcement personnel are not permitted to use their properties.

“Make it known to ICE that it is not authorized to use your garages and lots,” the mayor says in his letter.

The request specifically targets parking arrangements that could allow federal agents to keep their vehicles in convenient locations overnight, potentially complicating the logistical preparations for immigration enforcement operations.

The letter follows a recent confrontation involving ICE officers and Oscar Belgal, a Dominican national described in the original report as an illegal immigrant with a criminal background. Belgal was wounded during an encounter in which authorities alleged that he attempted to use his vehicle against federal immigration agents seeking to arrest him.

Mamdani and the other signatories cited the shooting in their appeal to parking garage operators, presenting the incident as part of their argument against allowing federal immigration authorities to use privately owned parking facilities.

The effort has attracted support from some of New York’s most prominent Democratic officeholders, extending well beyond City Hall.

Among those signing the letter were Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, Senator Kirsten Gillibrand, and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, along with numerous state and local Democratic officials.

New York City Council Speaker Julie Menin also added her name, as did most members of the City Council, demonstrating the breadth of political support for the initiative among the city’s Democratic leadership.

The Department of Homeland Security responded by making clear that immigration enforcement operations would continue regardless of whether individual parking facility owners agreed to accommodate ICE vehicles.

A DHS spokesperson sharply criticized Mamdani, arguing that federal immigration officers were performing important public safety work in New York and would not be deterred by the proposed restrictions.

“Mayor Mamdani should be grateful to our brave law enforcement officers for cleaning up the streets of NYC since he won’t,” the DHS spokesperson said, according to The Hill. “Luckily, no terminated parking will stop ICE from deporting criminal illegal aliens to make New York safe again.”

The dispute also underscores the limits of New York City’s existing sanctuary policies. Municipal rules already restrict the use of city-owned property for federal civil immigration enforcement, but privately owned parking lots and garages are not automatically subject to the same prohibition.

Mamdani’s letter, released October 16 and directed to more than 1,000 parking facility owners and operators, seeks to extend those restrictions through voluntary action by private businesses rather than a new citywide legal requirement.

The controversy intensified after the October 8 shooting of Belgal in the Marble Hill section of the Bronx. Belgal, 28, was shot in the neck during an ICE operation while his five-year-old son was inside the vehicle. Federal officials have maintained that the officers faced a threat involving the vehicle, while local officials have questioned the circumstances of the shooting.

Local elected officials alleged that immigration agents had used a nearby Target parking lot as a staging location. Target said it had no agreement with federal immigration authorities, while DHS disputed claims that the lot had been used as a staging area on the day of the shooting.

The mayor’s appeal also identified other locations where immigration officers have reportedly parked or assembled vehicles, including two bank parking lots on Northern Boulevard in Queens and a garage on Morton Street in Manhattan.

The Morton Street garage had already become a flashpoint in the controversy. Its operator ended a parking arrangement with ICE in May after immigration activists protested the agency’s presence at the property. The new letter points to that decision as an example for other parking businesses to follow.

Similar pressure has emerged elsewhere in the Northeast. In August, Democratic officials in Boston sought to prevent ICE from obtaining parking accommodations for its vehicles, despite the absence of an ICE detention facility in the city.

The latest confrontation comes amid a broader legal and political battle over New York City’s sanctuary protections. A federal judge recently dismissed a Trump administration lawsuit challenging the city’s restrictions on cooperation with federal immigration enforcement, leaving those local policies in place.

For now, the parking initiative remains a request directed at private businesses, which must decide individually whether to accommodate federal immigration officers. DHS has indicated that ICE will continue its enforcement activities in New York regardless of the response from garage and parking lot operators.

U.S. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth reportedly traveled to Israel on Monday for an undisclosed meeting with Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, just eight days before the country’s Knesset elections and amid ongoing discussions between Washington and Yerushalayim about the possibility of renewed military action against Iran.

According to Axios, which cited two individuals familiar with the visit, Hegseth met with Netanyahu during a trip that had not been publicly announced. The reported meeting comes at a particularly sensitive moment, with the Trump administration weighing its next steps toward Tehran while President Donald Trump has openly thrown his support behind Netanyahu’s reelection campaign.

Neither the Pentagon nor Israel’s embassy in Washington provided comment on the reported meeting. Netanyahu’s office also did not immediately respond to inquiries, leaving the precise agenda of the discussions undisclosed.

The visit came one day after Trump issued a forceful endorsement of Netanyahu on Truth Social, portraying the Israeli prime minister as an indispensable partner in the American-led effort to confront the Iranian regime.

Trump praised Netanyahu’s leadership and credited the combined military and economic pressure exerted by Washington and Israel with inflicting severe damage on Iran’s capabilities.

At the same time, the president made clear that additional military action remains a possibility if Tehran refuses to alter its course.

“It would have been only a question of time until Iran would have put that ominous phrase into effect, but they have been systematically destroyed, both Militarily and Financially, and unless they change their ways, rapidly, we will soon finish the job.”

Trump also tied the outcome of Israel’s upcoming election to the broader confrontation with Iran, arguing that Netanyahu’s continued leadership is critical to maintaining the close military and strategic cooperation between the two countries.

“If Israel has the wrong Leader, which would be anyone other than Bibi, America will have to do this work ourselves, and I am not inclined to do so,” Trump warned.

On Monday, Netanyahu spoke with Trump by telephone to express his appreciation for the endorsement. During the conversation, Trump reiterated his confidence that Netanyahu would emerge victorious in the October 27 election and reaffirmed his support for the Israeli leader.

Netanyahu responded with effusive praise for Trump, describing him as an extraordinary ally of Israel and a powerful leader on the international stage.

“I’m so grateful for this incredible endorsement,” Netanyahu told Trump. “You’ve been an incredible leader of the free world, of America, by far the greatest friend Israel has ever had or will have in the White House, and all of civilization is emboldened by your boldness.”

The Israeli prime minister also echoed Trump’s suggestion that the confrontation with Iran has not necessarily reached its conclusion, emphasizing their shared determination to complete the objectives of the American-Israeli campaign.

“Donald, we have a job to finish, you said it, and we’ll finish it together. We’ll finish it, and no one else will do it,” Netanyahu added.

The unannounced visit follows reports that senior American defense officials have been preparing options for another round of strikes against Iran, although Trump has not authorized a new offensive.

According to earlier reporting, Netanyahu and Trump discussed the possibility of renewed joint military operations targeting Iranian nuclear and military facilities. Israeli officials have expressed concern that Tehran is attempting to rebuild elements of its nuclear program, including potentially developing uranium enrichment capabilities at the underground Pickaxe Mountain complex.

Hegseth and senior commanders at U.S. Central Command have reportedly been among the strongest advocates of renewed military action, while other administration officials have favored continuing economic pressure and diplomatic efforts.

The administration has also undertaken military preparations that would give Trump additional options should he decide to authorize another operation. American forces have been placed on heightened alert, and the Pentagon has reportedly been instructed to prepare for possible strikes.

Nevertheless, Netanyahu said last week that he was not seeking a preemptive attack on Iran before Israel’s October 27 election, rejecting suggestions that he intended to initiate another military confrontation for electoral purposes. He maintained that Israel would respond forcefully to any attack by Iran or its regional allies.

The timing of Hegseth’s visit has drawn particular attention because of the close proximity of Israel’s election and the American midterm elections in November. Netanyahu is facing a closely contested race against opposition parties led by figures including Gadi Eisenkot, while Trump has now made clear that he considers Netanyahu’s reelection important to American strategic interests.

Although the precise contents of Monday’s meeting have not been disclosed, Hegseth’s arrival underscores the continuing high-level military coordination between Washington and Yerushalayim as both governments assess Iran’s capabilities and consider whether further military action will be necessary.

{Matzav.com}

A disturbing incident in Beit Shemesh has sparked widespread outrage throughout the chareidi community after a group of extremists hurled stones and other objects at the vehicle of the Stoliner Rebbe as he departed a wedding on Sunday evening.

According to eyewitnesses, the troublemakers gathered outside the wedding hall and confronted the Rebbe as he was preparing to leave the simcha. They shouted insults and threw stones and various objects toward his vehicle, creating a dangerous and deeply disturbing scene.

The Rebbe’s attendants acted quickly, escorting him into the vehicle and ensuring that he was able to leave the area safely. Boruch Hashem, the Rebbe was not injured.

The attack was the latest in a series of incidents involving fringe extremist elements who have harassed the Stoliner Rebbe on previous occasions, including in the vicinity of Meah Shearim in Yerushalayim.

Despite the repeated provocations, the Rebbe has consistently instructed his chassidim not to respond with violence or retaliate against those responsible. His approach has been to avoid confrontation even in the face of repeated harassment.

The latest incident has drawn sharp condemnation from rabbonim, public representatives, and members of the chareidi community, who expressed outrage over the bizayon of a prominent admor and the dangerous conduct of those involved.

MK Meir Porush contacted Yerushalayim District Police Commander Major General Avshalom Peled following the incident and demanded immediate action against the perpetrators. Porush urged police to identify and arrest those responsible and to treat the attack with the seriousness it deserves.

Noam Party chairman MK Avi Maoz also issued a strong condemnation, invoking the words of Chazal that “Yerushalayim was destroyed only because Torah scholars were treated with contempt there.”

Maoz called on the Israel Police to act decisively, apprehend the attackers, and ensure that they face the full consequences of their actions.

Additional details emerging from the incident indicate that the Rebbe had been attending a family wedding at the home of his mechutan in Beit Shemesh when the attack occurred. Footage circulating from the scene shows the disturbance surrounding his departure.

The episode follows previous confrontations involving the Rebbe in Meah Shearim, including incidents when he attended simchos of his descendants and when he departed his Bais Medrash.

In one incident in August, extremists gathered outside the Rebbe’s Bais Medrash in Yerushalayim during a sheva brachos for his grandson, shouting insults and attempting to prevent him from leaving. The confrontation escalated into clashes between demonstrators and Karlin-Stolin chassidim.

Following that episode, the Rebbe publicly addressed the matter and emphasized the importance of avoiding violent retaliation, despite the deeply offensive conduct directed against him.

The latest attack has renewed calls for a firm response from rabbonim and community leaders, with widespread condemnation of the violence and the bizayon talmidei chachamim involved.

As of Monday evening, no arrests had been reported in connection with Sunday’s attack, and there were no reports of injuries.

{Matzav.com}

[Video below.] Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir is warning that Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu could shut Otzma Yehudit out of the next government and instead bring Gadi Eisenkot into his coalition, despite Netanyahu’s assurances that Ben Gvir would receive a senior ministerial position if he returns to power.

Speaking in an extensive interview with Arutz Sheva-Israel National News in Yerushalayim, the Otzma Yehudit chairman said his party must secure at least ten Knesset seats in the upcoming elections to prevent Netanyahu from pursuing a coalition that would sideline the right-wing agenda Ben Gvir has been promoting.

“If Otzma Yehudit doesn’t win double-digit seats, they’ll leave us out. Don’t have any illusions about that,” Ben Gvir said.

Although Netanyahu has publicly expressed his intention to include Ben Gvir in a future government, the national security minister said he remains deeply skeptical. He pointed to comments by Israeli Ambassador to the United States Yechiel Leiter, Minister Miki Zohar, and other discussions surrounding Eisenkot’s possible inclusion in a future coalition as indications that Netanyahu’s plans may differ from his public assurances.

“I hope Netanyahu is right,” Ben Gvir said, while observing that Netanyahu has never explicitly promised to reject a coalition arrangement involving Eisenkot.

Ben Gvir suggested that Netanyahu may be looking toward a less contentious term as prime minister, one in which he would face fewer demands from coalition partners seeking major changes in security and government policy.

“Netanyahu may want his next term to be calmer and quieter,” he said. “If we’re strong, if we’re big, we’ll make sure it’s a term filled with challenges.”

The Otzma Yehudit leader was particularly adamant that he would refuse to participate in a government that placed Eisenkot in a powerful security position.

“A government with Gadi Eisenkot is a government of paralysis. It’s a government I cannot be part of,” he said.

According to Ben Gvir, bringing Eisenkot into the government would effectively halt efforts to reform the judiciary and prevent the adoption of the policies he favors in Gaza and Yehuda and Shomron.

Nevertheless, Ben Gvir insisted that his political concerns should not be mistaken for personal hostility toward Netanyahu, whom he said he continues to support as prime minister.

“I love you, I want you to remain Prime Minister, but the right-wing standard-bearer must, must, must be Otzma Yehudit,” he declared in a direct message to Netanyahu.

Ben Gvir pointed to the coalition negotiations following the 2013 elections as a warning about relying on political assurances. Recalling his time as a parliamentary aide to former MK Michael Ben Ari, he said he witnessed the National Union being excluded from the government despite promises that had led its members to expect otherwise.

“I love him, I respect him, I appreciate him. And I know that if I’m not strong, he’ll leave us out,” Ben Gvir said of Netanyahu.

He also emphasized that Otzma Yehudit was instrumental in assembling the parliamentary majority that allowed the current government to take office following the previous election. His objective now, he said, is to substantially increase the party’s strength and ensure that its demands cannot be disregarded.

A major portion of the interview focused on Ben Gvir’s dissatisfaction with Israeli policy toward Hamas and the Palestinian Authority, despite what he acknowledged were substantial military accomplishments during the war.

“This government has done many good things,” he said, referring to the elimination of large numbers of terrorists and Israel’s control over extensive territory in Gaza.

However, Ben Gvir maintained that these military gains fall short of the decisive outcome he believes Israel must achieve. He called for Hamas to be completely destroyed, the Gaza Strip to be conquered, and emigration from the territory to be encouraged.

He also reiterated his determination to dismantle the Palestinian Authority and fundamentally change Israel’s approach toward Yehuda and Shomron.

Ben Gvir was sharply critical of the continued movement of humanitarian aid into Gaza and financial arrangements that benefit the Palestinian Authority, policies he said he has consistently opposed.

Confronted with the question of why these measures have continued while he serves as both national security minister and a member of the Security Cabinet, Ben Gvir argued that he has fought against them from within the government.

“I’m the only one in the Cabinet who voted against the aid trucks. That was me,” he said.

He further maintained that he opposed proposals designed to preserve Palestinian Arab banking operations and shield them from economic measures that could disrupt their activities.

Turning to his record at the National Security Ministry, Ben Gvir argued that even a relatively small parliamentary faction can bring about far-reaching changes when its representatives are determined to use their political influence.

He highlighted tougher conditions for security prisoners, the expansion of civilian emergency response squads, demolitions of unauthorized structures in the Negev, and changes concerning Jewish activity on Har Habayis.

“With five or six seats, look at the changes I made in the prisons. With five or six seats, look at the changes I made with the emergency response squads, on the Temple Mount, and with demolishing houses in the Negev,” he said.

Ben Gvir said a larger Otzma Yehudit faction would allow him to pursue additional objectives, including confiscating weapons held by Palestinian Authority forces, providing free land to soldiers in the Negev and Galilee, and revising the IDF’s rules of engagement.

“I want to dismantle the Palestinian Authority. Yes, I want to take away their weapons. Yes, I want to give soldiers free land in the Negev and Galilee,” he said.

He also repeated his support for encouraging voluntary emigration from Gaza and Yehuda and Shomron, presenting the policy as an essential component of his broader security agenda.

Another issue raised during the interview was former senior IDF officer Ofer Winter’s decision to remain in the Knesset election contest rather than withdraw his candidacy.

Ben Gvir warned that Winter’s continued participation could divide right-wing voters and potentially damage the bloc’s chances of securing a parliamentary majority.

“A big mistake. Winter must demonstrate responsibility for the sake of the right-wing bloc,” Ben Gvir said.

He argued that political leaders sometimes have an obligation to abandon their individual ambitions when doing so is necessary to protect the broader ideological camp.

Recalling previous election campaigns, Ben Gvir said he had repeatedly sought agreements with the Religious Zionist Party, even during periods when polling suggested that Otzma Yehudit was in a stronger electoral position.

“I always tried to unite. I always tried to join forces,” he said.

Asked why he had not at least reached a surplus-vote agreement with Winter, Ben Gvir said he would not enter an arrangement that might ultimately benefit a candidate willing to join a government with Naftali Bennett, Eisenkot, or Avigdor Liberman.

“What do you think, that people will vote for me and end up getting someone who goes and sits with Eisenkot, or Bennett, or Liberman? Absolutely not,” he said.

The interview also addressed criticism from Zehut chairman Moshe Feiglin, who had appeared earlier in the Arutz Sheva studio and questioned Ben Gvir’s decision to wear a noose-shaped lapel pin symbolizing his campaign to impose the death penalty on terrorists.

Feiglin argued that a noose does not convey a positive national vision, contrasting it with the aspiration to rebuild the Bais Hamikdosh.

Ben Gvir responded by expressing personal respect for Feiglin while questioning whether his years in the Knesset had produced meaningful accomplishments.

“First of all, I have tremendous respect for my friend Moshe Feiglin,” he began.

He then challenged Feiglin’s political record.

“Moshe was a Knesset member for four years. He talked about a vision, talked about the Holy Temple. Did he do even one thing that actually moved things forward?”

Ben Gvir contrasted Feiglin’s emphasis on ideological aspirations with his own efforts to change longstanding practices on Har Habayis, including expanding opportunities for Jewish prayer and permitting worshippers to bring prayer sheets onto the site.

He claimed that implementing these measures required him to overcome objections from the police, the Shin Bet, and, on certain occasions, Netanyahu himself.

“I appreciate Feiglin, but I suggest to him that if we’re talking about the world of action and politics, this is the world of action,” he said.

Ben Gvir also pointed to changes in prison administration, the easing of civilian firearms licensing requirements, the creation of additional emergency response squads, the development of the National Guard, and salary increases for police officers as examples of the practical results he believes distinguish his political approach.

Relations with the Religious Zionist Party were another subject of discussion. Ben Gvir praised Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich for his activities on behalf of Jewish communities in Yehuda and Shomron but objected to suggestions from within Smotrich’s party that its representatives achieve results quietly while Ben Gvir merely attracts publicity.

He argued that such characterizations dismiss substantial policy changes that he has worked to implement.

“What, making all those changes on the Temple Mount is just making noise? What, bringing forward the death penalty law for terrorists is just making noise? What, making life hell for terrorists in prison is just making noise?” he asked.

Ben Gvir again cited the civilian emergency response squads and firearms licensing changes, insisting that these initiatives have produced tangible results rather than simply generating headlines.

He was also asked about criticism from Likud MK Moshe Saada, who had described him as a TikTok artist. Ben Gvir responded that although he respects Saada, politicians should ultimately be evaluated according to their accomplishments rather than their public image.

The conversation subsequently turned to criticism from Rav Yitzchak Yosef, who had issued a ruling instructing voters not to support Otzma Yehudit.

Rather than engage in a public confrontation with the former Sephardic chief rabbi, Ben Gvir emphasized his respect for rabbonim and declined to challenge the ruling directly.

“I have tremendous respect for rabbis. I don’t speak against rabbis, whatever they may say,” he said.

Ben Gvir explained that he grew up in a family where rabbonim were treated with respect even when their statements were at odds with the family’s views. He indicated that he would maintain that approach while continuing his political work.

The minister also weighed in on the controversy surrounding television personality Yinon Magal, who had referred to Eisenkot using the word “monkey.”

Ben Gvir acknowledged that the expression was offensive and should not have been used, but rejected accusations that Magal’s comment demonstrated racial prejudice.

“I didn’t like the use of the word ‘monkey’ either. It’s inappropriate. But, and this is the big ‘but,’ Yinon Magal is not a racist,” he said.

Drawing on his own family background and his longstanding personal acquaintance with Magal, Ben Gvir said he had visited Magal’s home on numerous occasions and had never encountered discriminatory behavior.

“Yes, he made a mistake in his wording. You don’t speak that way,” he said.

At the same time, Ben Gvir defended the broader political criticism of Eisenkot, accusing him of attempting to cultivate a right-wing image while maintaining positions that Ben Gvir considers inconsistent with right-wing policies.

He further alleged that wealthy individuals associated with Israel’s political left were backing Eisenkot.

Referring to discussions held by the Security Cabinet during the war, Ben Gvir claimed that Eisenkot had opposed certain military operations in Gaza. His remarks represented his own account of those deliberations, and no cabinet transcripts were presented during the interview to substantiate the claims.

Toward the conclusion of the interview, Ben Gvir was asked about posters reportedly displayed in northern Tel Aviv that depicted him with a mustache resembling Adolf Hitler’s.

Ben Gvir said that although he frequently encounters hostile demonstrations and personal attacks, he also receives considerable public support.

He recalled incidents at Tel Aviv University in which, according to his account, activists attempted to disrupt his appearances and prevent him from speaking.

The minister accused his political opponents of applying a double standard, arguing that Arab politicians are treated differently while his own appearances are met with shouting and efforts to silence him.

“It won’t help them. They’ll keep shouting, and I’ll keep getting things done,” he said.

Ben Gvir ended the interview by reaffirming his intention to continue pursuing changes through the National Security Ministry while working to increase Otzma Yehudit’s Knesset representation, which he believes will determine how much influence the party can exercise over Israel’s next government.

The dispute has intensified in the final days before Israel’s October 27 election. At a press conference in Yerushalayim on Sunday, Ben Gvir went further than his previous warnings, alleging that Netanyahu’s office had privately assured European officials that Otzma Yehudit would be excluded from the next coalition. Ben Gvir said he had received information about such communications and expressed shock at the possibility that Netanyahu was preparing to abandon his existing coalition partner.

Likud rejected the accusation, describing it as a political maneuver and reiterating Netanyahu’s commitment to preserving the current coalition’s core partners. The party also indicated that additional Zionist factions could be invited to join a government if they accepted its policy guidelines.

The possibility of Netanyahu joining forces with Eisenkot has also been discussed by political commentator Amit Segal, who recently outlined scenarios in which the two leaders could establish a unity government, including a possible rotation arrangement if neither political bloc emerges with a clear majority.

The tensions have been compounded by Netanyahu’s recent statements that Ben Gvir would not receive either the defense or police portfolio in the next government, positions the Otzma Yehudit chairman has sought. Netanyahu has also pressed Ben Gvir and Smotrich to unite their electoral lists, warning that a divided right-wing vote could ultimately benefit Eisenkot and his allies.

With the election approaching, Ben Gvir is seeking to turn the dispute into a central campaign argument: voters who want Netanyahu to remain prime minister while ensuring that Otzma Yehudit’s policies continue to shape the government must give his party sufficient parliamentary strength to make its participation indispensable.