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Concern has spread throughout the Gerer chassidus following reports that the Gerer Rebbe, Rav Yaakov Aryeh Alter, is scheduled to undergo medical treatment on Sunday, October 25, at Hadassah Ein Kerem Hospital in Yerushalayim. According to sources, the treatment involves dialysis, which the Rebbe is expected to undergo during the coming period.

The news has prompted calls for tefillos throughout the chassidus and the broader Torah community for the Rebbe’s complete refuah sheleimah.

On Motzoei Shabbos, four of the Rebbe’s sons traveled to the ohel of the Gerer Rebbes in Yerushalayim to daven for their father’s health ahead of Sunday’s scheduled treatment.

Those participating included Rav Avrohom Mordechai Alter, Rav Nechemia Alter, Rav Yisroel Menachem Alter, and Rav Dovid Alter.

The four gathered at the resting places of the Imrei Emes and the Pnei Menachem, where they recited the entire fourth book of Tehillim and offered special tefillos for the Rebbe’s recovery.

Another son, Rav Shlomo Tzvi Alter, was not present at the gathering, as he is currently overseas accompanying orphaned bochurim from the Gerer chassidus.

The Rebbe has undergone medical treatment on several occasions over the past year. In September 2025, he was hospitalized at Hadassah Har Hatzofim Hospital in Yerushalayim after developing pneumonia. He was subsequently released to his home, where he continued receiving medical care and recuperating.

Earlier this year, the Rebbe also underwent treatment relating to difficulties affecting his eyes and vision, including a medical procedure in May followed by a period of rest and recovery.

In June, the Rebbe returned to a medical facility in the Tel Aviv area for additional treatment connected to his eyesight.

The latest reports indicate that Sunday’s scheduled treatment concerns dialysis, a medical procedure used when the kidneys are unable to adequately filter waste products and excess fluid from the blood.

No further details have been publicly confirmed regarding the underlying medical condition, the anticipated duration of treatment, or whether the Rebbe will remain hospitalized afterward.

The public is asked to be mispallel for the refuah sheleimah of Rav Yaakov Aryeh ben Yuta Hena besoch she’ar cholei Yisroel.

{Matzav.com}

Israel officially returned to Winter Time early Sunday morning, October 25, turning clocks back one hour and bringing earlier sunsets across the country. The change took effect at 2 a.m., when the time reverted to 1 a.m., giving residents an additional hour overnight. The new schedule will remain in place until March 26, 2027.

Under Israel’s Time Determination Law of 2013, the country ends Daylight Saving Time annually on the final Sunday in October. Clocks are moved forward again on the Friday preceding the final Sunday in March, marking the return of the longer daylight hours associated with spring and summer.

Most cellphones, computers, and other internet-connected devices should have made the adjustment automatically, provided their time settings are configured for automatic updates and the correct Israeli time zone. Residents using traditional clocks, watches, and appliances without automatic time adjustments must change them manually.

The return to Winter Time shifts an hour of daylight from the afternoon to the morning, meaning sunrise and sunset will both occur approximately one hour earlier according to the clock. The change is intended to better accommodate the shorter daylight hours of the winter months.

For workers and students, the adjustment means more daylight during the early morning commute. However, it also brings darkness earlier in the afternoon, shortening the amount of daylight available after school and work.

The earlier sunset can affect afternoon travel, outdoor activities, and daily schedules, particularly as the days continue to shorten toward the winter solstice in December. More commuters will find themselves traveling home after dark, while families will have fewer daylight hours available for activities later in the day.

The time change also temporarily affects the difference between Israel and the United States. Because most of the United States will not turn its clocks back until Sunday, November 1, Israel will be six hours ahead of New York and New Jersey for the coming week, rather than the usual seven. The seven-hour difference will resume when American clocks are adjusted next Sunday.

Israel’s current system dates to legislation approved by the Knesset in 2013, which extended Daylight Saving Time through the end of October. Previously, Israel often returned to standard time before Yom Kippur, a practice that generated recurring political disputes over the appropriate timing of the seasonal change.

The earlier arrangement was particularly complicated because Yom Kippur falls on different dates of the secular calendar each year. As a result, Israel sometimes ended Daylight Saving Time several weeks before European countries made their own adjustments.

Under the present schedule, Israel’s autumn clock change coincides with the European transition to standard time, while the United States follows a different timetable. The arrangement will remain in effect throughout the winter, with clocks in Israel scheduled to move forward again at 2 a.m. on Friday, March 26, 2027, when the country returns to Daylight Saving Time.

With Israel’s Knesset elections scheduled for Tuesday, October 27, tens of thousands of Israelis living or traveling overseas are making their way back to the country to cast their ballots, in an unusual election-season travel rush that has prompted special flight arrangements, expensive last-minute bookings, and political controversy.

Estimates circulating ahead of the election suggest that approximately 50,000 Israelis abroad may return specifically to participate in the vote, although that figure is a projection rather than a confirmed count of travelers.

Unlike Americans, who can generally vote by absentee ballot while living overseas, most Israeli citizens must be physically present in Israel to participate in national elections. Israeli law provides limited exceptions for certain official representatives stationed abroad, but ordinary citizens living or vacationing overseas generally cannot cast their ballots from another country.

That requirement has created a significant logistical challenge for Israelis determined to participate in an election that could determine whether Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu remains in office or an opposition coalition takes power.

For Israelis residing in the United States, Europe, and other countries, voting requires more than simply registering or mailing a ballot. They must arrange transportation to Israel, reach their assigned polling stations on Election Day, and, in many cases, return overseas shortly afterward.

The resulting demand has generated interest in special flights and organized travel initiatives intended to bring eligible voters home before polling stations open Tuesday morning.

The arrangements have also attracted political attention because the arrival of large numbers of voters from overseas could have an impact in a closely contested election, particularly if those travelers are concentrated among supporters of particular parties.

A fresh survey released by Fly&Vote on Thursday has raised the estimated number of returning voters to approximately 67,000, up from the 53,000 projected earlier this month. The updated figure suggests that interest in traveling to Israel for the election has continued to grow as Election Day approaches.

The survey, conducted between October 12 and October 21, included approximately 23,000 Israelis living abroad. Of those surveyed, 79.6 percent said they intended to travel to Israel to vote. The figures reflect the responses of participants in the initiative’s survey and should not be understood as a confirmed count of people who will ultimately arrive.

The organization behind the effort, the American-based AID Coalition, operates an initiative known as Fly&Vote, which helps Israelis overseas identify flights and arrange their return to Israel.

The organization describes itself as nonpartisan and maintains that its purpose is to encourage Israeli citizens to exercise their voting rights, regardless of which political party they support.

Nevertheless, the initiative became the subject of a legal challenge from Netanyahu’s Likud party, which argued that certain forms of assistance provided to overseas voters could violate Israeli election laws.

Likud attorney Ilan Bombach contended that the organization was effectively providing benefits to potential voters through coordinated flight arrangements and related logistical services.

The dispute was heard by Supreme Court Justice Noam Sohlberg, chairman of the Central Elections Committee, on October 6.

Following the hearing, the parties reached a compromise under which Likud withdrew its petition and Fly&Vote agreed to several restrictions on its activities.

Under the agreement, the initiative may not subsidize airfare, provide discounted tickets, arrange free transportation or accommodations, or organize additional flights beyond the six that had already been advertised.

Tickets for those flights must be sold at regular market prices established by the airlines.

The organization also agreed to pay 10,000 shekels toward Likud’s legal expenses.

The settlement allows Fly&Vote to continue providing information about flights, travel documentation, and other logistical matters, provided that its assistance does not constitute a financial benefit to voters.

The organization may also operate informational WhatsApp groups and offer general legal assistance to travelers.

According to information presented during the proceedings, approximately 500 to 600 people were receiving direct assistance through the initiative’s organized flight arrangements, substantially fewer than the tens of thousands estimated to be returning independently.

The distinction is important because the projected 67,000 returning voters are not all passengers on flights organized by Fly&Vote. Most are expected to make their own travel arrangements through commercial airlines.

AID Coalition president Yonatan Bar-Sadeh defended the initiative following the legal proceedings.

“The data clearly show that Israelis living abroad are still Israelis first and foremost – involved and caring, not only in words but also in actions,” he said.

“Fly&Vote will continue working to reduce and remove the obstacles on their way to the ballot box, and to enable every Israeli citizen, woman and man, to exercise their basic right to vote.”

The election-related travel has also generated debate over whether Israelis who have established permanent lives overseas should participate in determining the government that will govern citizens living in Israel.

Supporters of overseas voting argue that Israeli citizenship carries the right to participate in national elections, regardless of where an individual currently resides.

Critics contend that people who live permanently outside Israel do not necessarily bear the same consequences of government decisions concerning military service, taxation, security, and other domestic matters.

The debate became particularly heated after Makor Rishon editor-in-chief Kalman Libeskind questioned whether Israelis who have permanently relocated abroad should return solely to influence the election.

Others rejected that argument, pointing out that Israeli citizens remain legally entitled to vote when physically present in the country, regardless of how long they have lived overseas.

The political implications have added another dimension to the controversy.

Likud officials have expressed concern that many Israelis returning from overseas may support parties seeking to replace Netanyahu.

The Fly&Vote initiative, however, maintains that it does not inquire about travelers’ political preferences and does not endorse any party or candidate.

There is no reliable basis for assuming that every returning voter will support the opposition, and the precise political preferences of those making the journey remain unknown.

Still, the numbers could prove significant in a closely contested election.

The latest estimate of approximately 67,000 returning voters represents a potential voting bloc large enough to affect the allocation of Knesset seats, particularly if the election produces a narrow margin between the competing political camps.

The Jerusalem Post reported that the estimated number of returning voters is roughly equivalent to 1.7 Knesset seats, although the actual electoral impact will depend on how many travelers vote and which parties receive their ballots.

The travel effort has attracted considerable participation from Israelis living in the United States.

Earlier reports indicated that approximately half of those who initially registered interest in returning were based in America, with additional participants residing in Britain, France, Canada, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Australia, and other countries.

Some travelers have reportedly spent thousands of dollars on airfare and accommodations to participate in the election.

Earlier in the campaign, Fly&Vote advertised a direct round-trip flight from New York to Tel Aviv for approximately $1,800, while a round-trip flight from Lisbon was offered for approximately $580.

Those advertised fares illustrate the financial commitment required of voters who must cross international borders to participate.

For some Israelis, the expense has been compounded by the need to take time away from work, arrange childcare, or travel long distances to reach an airport offering flights to Israel.

A previous Fly&Vote survey identified airfare costs as the most frequently cited obstacle to returning, followed by limited flight availability and concerns about the security situation.

The organization’s September survey, which included approximately 17,500 Israelis overseas, found that 72 percent of respondents intended to return for the election and 58 percent reported that they had already purchased tickets or completed their travel arrangements.

The newer survey indicates that the proportion expressing an intention to return has increased.

The legal controversy surrounding the initiative has not prevented Israelis from independently purchasing airline tickets and traveling home to vote.

Nor does the agreement with Likud impose restrictions on the number of Israeli citizens who may enter the country before Election Day.

The dispute concerned the assistance provided by the organization, rather than the voting rights of returning citizens.

For voters arriving in Israel, the remaining requirement is to cast their ballots at the appropriate polling locations on Tuesday.

Israel’s election system does not permit most citizens to vote at an airport simply because they have arrived from overseas. They must generally reach the polling station where they are registered.

Israel’s Shin Bet security agency has uncovered and disrupted a foreign influence operation targeting the country’s upcoming Knesset elections, removing numerous fraudulent social media accounts used to spread misleading information and manipulate political discussions just days before Israelis head to the polls on Tuesday, October 27.

The operation, announced Thursday, October 22, was carried out in cooperation with the Cyber Department of the State Attorney’s Office and the Central Elections Committee. Security officials said the accounts had been identified as part of attempts by foreign actors to interfere with Israel’s electoral process.

The announcement came as a separate investigation by Israel’s Institute for National Security Studies revealed that networks associated with Iran, Russia, and an Islamist organization operating from Turkey have been exploiting divisions within Israeli society in the weeks leading up to the election.

According to the Shin Bet, the accounts identified during the joint operation were removed from social media platforms after investigators determined that they were being used for improper foreign influence activities.

“As part of the joint effort to safeguard the integrity of the elections and thwart attempts at improper foreign influence, these accounts were removed from the internet,” the security agency said.

The Shin Bet emphasized that it would continue working with the relevant government agencies to identify and prevent additional attempts at foreign interference.

Officials did not disclose the precise number of accounts removed, identify the countries responsible for the specific accounts targeted in the operation, or provide details about the messages they had circulated.

However, the broader threat was outlined in a detailed report released Thursday by the Institute for National Security Studies, which examined foreign activity on Israeli social media ahead of the election.

The researchers identified three prominent sources of influence operations: Iranian-linked networks, a Turkey-based Islamist network known as Isnad, and a Russian operation called Doppelgänger.

The report found that these networks have been attempting to deepen existing divisions within Israeli society by inserting provocative material into political discussions, impersonating Israeli citizens, and encouraging ordinary users to circulate their messages.

Among the issues exploited by the foreign networks are the failures surrounding the October 7 massacre, the military draft of chareidi yeshiva students, religious and secular tensions, Israel’s relationship with the United States, and public confidence in the country’s political leadership.

The researchers stressed that the principal objective of many of these operations appears to be undermining public trust rather than securing victory for any particular political party.

Foreign actors, they explained, can benefit from widespread distrust, political instability, and public anger regardless of which party ultimately wins the election.

Iran has been particularly active in attempting to influence Israeli public opinion through social media, having employed similar methods during the 2022 Knesset elections.

According to the report, Iranian-linked accounts have circulated messages appealing to opposing political camps, sometimes promoting contradictory positions on the same issues.

The apparent inconsistency reflects a broader strategy of encouraging confrontation and suspicion among Israelis rather than advancing a single political platform.

The foreign accounts frequently present themselves as ordinary Israeli citizens, using Hebrew names, photographs taken from other sources, or profile pictures generated through artificial intelligence.

Some accounts were created shortly before the election, while others had existed for extended periods before being repurposed for political influence activities.

Investigators discovered one account that had published material in Persian until April 2026 before abruptly beginning to present itself as an Israeli user posting in Hebrew.

Such accounts can be particularly difficult for ordinary social media users to identify because they participate in discussions already taking place among genuine Israeli citizens.

Rather than relying exclusively on their own followers, the operators often post replies beneath messages published by prominent journalists, politicians, and accounts with large audiences.

When Israeli users share those replies or repeat the claims contained in them, the foreign-origin material can spread to much larger audiences without its original source being recognized.

The researchers described this method as a particularly effective way to conceal the involvement of hostile foreign actors.

In some cases, multiple accounts publish nearly identical messages within a short period, creating the appearance that large numbers of people independently share a particular opinion.

One example involving the Isnad network showed seven accounts distributing closely related messages over a two-day period, using language that researchers did not identify in the authentic Israeli discussions they examined.

The report cautioned, however, that coordinated posting is not necessarily evidence of foreign interference, since domestic political organizations also organize social media campaigns.

Investigators therefore examined additional indicators, including account histories, patterns of activity, and connections between suspicious profiles.

The Russian operation identified in the report, known as Doppelgänger, has previously been attributed to Russia by American and European authorities.

According to the cybersecurity and intelligence companies involved in the research, the operation expanded its activity around the Israeli election while simultaneously conducting influence efforts connected to political developments in the United States and France.

The Russian-linked network reportedly operated dozens of accounts that distributed material and more than 1,000 additional accounts that helped amplify it.

One component involved a website designed to resemble a recognizable Israeli news outlet, complete with fabricated Hebrew-language articles.

Researchers determined that the website had been registered in May 2025 and remained available for approximately a year and a half before being used in the period preceding the election.

The material circulated through the Russian-linked network focused heavily on claims that Israel’s relationship with the United States was deteriorating.

Other recurring subjects included the possibility of confrontation with Turkey, economic instability, and Israelis leaving the country.

Unlike some Iranian-linked activity, the Russian operation did not appear to concentrate on specific Israeli parties or candidates.

Instead, researchers concluded that its messaging was directed primarily at weakening confidence in Israel’s relationship with Washington and creating a broader sense of national instability.

The Institute for National Security Studies reported that the accounts it examined as part of the Russian campaign had been suspended by October 19, and its subsequent review did not identify a new wave of Hebrew-language activity from that particular network.

The Turkey-based Isnad network employed a somewhat different approach, concentrating on messages intended to generate pessimism, frustration, and distrust.

Researchers described Isnad as an Islamist volunteer network associated with the Muslim Brotherhood movement, while emphasizing that they had not established that a foreign government directly controlled its activities.

The report also identified a troubling development in which foreign-linked accounts moved beyond online propaganda and attempted to establish direct contact with Israeli citizens.

In several cases, suspicious profiles approached political activists and offered to prepare campaign posters, organize competitions involving prizes, or obtain photographs and videos of their activities.

Other accounts attempted to communicate with journalists through WhatsApp groups.

One profile linked to Iran offered Israeli users “work for good pay,” a tactic resembling recruitment methods previously identified by Israeli security authorities in cases involving suspected Iranian operatives.

The findings are particularly concerning because Israeli authorities have repeatedly warned about attempts by Iranian intelligence agents to recruit Israelis through social media and messaging applications.

Such approaches have included offers of money for seemingly minor assignments, with some cases subsequently developing into requests involving surveillance, photography of sensitive locations, or other activities of intelligence value.

The election-related influence operations therefore raise concerns extending beyond the circulation of misleading political messages.

The researchers warned that foreign networks may also attempt to exploit events on Election Day itself, including technical problems at polling stations, delays in publishing results, or allegations of voting irregularities.

An isolated incident, they noted, could be presented without its original context and circulated widely as supposed evidence of a larger conspiracy.

Accounts that have remained inactive for extended periods could also be activated during or immediately after the election to amplify such claims.

The Institute for National Security Studies emphasized that there is no established evidence that the Iranian, Russian, and Islamist networks are coordinating their activities with one another.

Nevertheless, the groups frequently exploit the same domestic controversies, allowing their messages to reinforce broader feelings of mistrust even when their immediate objectives differ.

The researchers also stressed the importance of distinguishing legitimate political criticism from covert foreign interference.

Israeli citizens are entitled to express sharp disagreements about their government, military policies, religious issues, and political leaders. The security concern arises when foreign operators conceal their identities, impersonate Israelis, and attempt to manipulate those discussions from abroad.

The report further noted that not all material circulated by foreign-linked accounts is necessarily false.

In some cases, the operators distribute accurate information or repeat genuine criticism, relying on the concealed identity of the source and the manner of distribution to influence public opinion.

Separately, Israeli television reported that security authorities have increased preparations for possible disturbances during the election period.

Those preparations include additional security deployments and strengthened command centers in Yehuda and Shomron, where officials are concerned about possible attempts to exploit heightened political tensions.

The IDF has also reportedly restricted leave for combat units until after Election Day as part of its broader security arrangements.

The Shin Bet’s announcement follows increasing cooperation between Israeli authorities and social media companies to identify suspicious accounts and remove content associated with foreign influence operations.

TikTok recently reported that it had removed material violating its policies concerning election integrity, including misleading artificial intelligence content and fake profiles impersonating public officials.

Information concerning Iranian influence campaigns was also shared with Israel’s Central Elections Committee as part of ongoing cooperation between the platform and election authorities.

The latest revelations underscore the growing role of digital platforms in efforts by foreign adversaries to exploit Israel’s domestic political disagreements.

For the Shin Bet and the Central Elections Committee, the immediate priority is preventing covert foreign operations from interfering with Tuesday’s vote.

The Institute for National Security Studies warned that the danger may continue after the ballots are counted, particularly if foreign networks attempt to undermine public acceptance of the results.

Israel’s Supreme Court has handed down a significant ruling just days before Tuesday’s Knesset elections, prohibiting political party representatives stationed at polling locations from electronically collecting voter turnout figures and transmitting them directly to party headquarters. The decision, issued Thursday by a 2–1 majority, overturns an earlier authorization by the Central Elections Committee and could force political parties to revise their Election Day operations at the last minute.

The ruling represents another development in a legal dispute over the information political parties are permitted to obtain from polling stations and how they may use that information to encourage supporters to vote.

For years, Israeli political parties have relied on information gathered by representatives stationed at polling places to determine which supporters have already cast their ballots and which individuals should be contacted before the polls close.

Such information has been especially valuable to parties with extensive voter databases and organized Election Day operations, allowing campaign workers to concentrate their efforts on neighborhoods and communities where turnout appears lower than expected.

Thursday’s ruling restricts the ability of those representatives to provide real-time information to their parties, even when the information consists only of numerical turnout totals rather than the identities of individual voters.

The decision was issued by Supreme Court Justices Khaled Kabub, Ruth Ronnen, and David Mintz. Kabub and Ronnen supported the prohibition, while Mintz dissented.

Because the matter was decided under considerable time pressure ahead of the October 27 election, the court issued its operative ruling without immediately publishing its full legal reasoning. The justices indicated that a detailed explanation would follow.

The latest dispute arose after the Likud party, led by Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, sought permission for its representatives at polling stations to electronically count how many people had voted and report those figures to campaign headquarters.

On October 14, Dean Livne, acting director-general of the Central Elections Committee, issued a clarification allowing party representatives to transmit numerical turnout information, provided that the reports did not identify individual voters.

The clarification followed a request submitted by Likud attorney Ilan Bombach, who argued that political parties should be permitted to gather general turnout statistics to assist their efforts to encourage voter participation.

The distinction was significant because the Supreme Court had already ruled in September that polling station representatives could not transmit information identifying individual citizens who had cast ballots.

Under the earlier ruling, parties were barred from using information obtained through official polling station duties to identify voters and report their participation to campaign headquarters.

The court determined that party-appointed representatives, while serving at polling stations, perform official functions connected to the administration of elections and are not authorized to disclose personal voter information for political purposes.

That September decision was unanimous and overturned an earlier Central Elections Committee ruling that had permitted the practice under certain restrictions.

Following that setback, Likud sought to preserve the ability to collect general turnout figures without recording the identities of individual voters.

The party maintained that numerical information presented a different legal question because it did not disclose which particular citizens had voted.

Livne accepted that distinction and authorized the transmission of anonymous turnout totals.

However, the Israel Democracy Guard organization challenged the decision, arguing that polling station personnel should not be permitted to use information obtained through their official responsibilities to assist the political parties that appointed them.

The organization maintained that removing voters’ names from the reports did not resolve the underlying issue of whether election officials could collect and transmit information for partisan purposes.

The petition ultimately reached the Supreme Court, which overturned Livne’s authorization.

The ruling means that party-appointed polling station committee members and observers may not use electronic systems to count voters and provide continuous turnout updates to their respective parties.

It does not prohibit political parties from encouraging citizens to vote or from conducting ordinary campaign activities outside the official responsibilities of polling station personnel.

The distinction is particularly important for parties that have invested heavily in computerized Election Day operations.

In recent election campaigns, Israeli parties have used applications such as Elector to manage voter databases, coordinate campaign workers, and identify supporters who have not yet voted.

These systems have enabled campaign headquarters to compare information received from polling stations with existing voter lists, allowing workers to contact individuals believed to be likely supporters.

Likud has been among the parties making extensive use of such technology, and its representatives argued during the legal proceedings that restrictions imposed shortly before an election could interfere with campaign preparations.

The dispute has also drawn attention to a new Likud election application known as Victory 26.

According to a report concerning the court proceedings, a former Likud campaign official submitted a sworn affidavit alleging that the application contained capabilities that could enable users to monitor activity inside polling stations and collect detailed voter information.

The allegations included claims concerning a feature that could permit covert listening to activity at polling locations.

Those allegations have not been established as findings of fact by the court, but they became part of the broader controversy over the use of electronic technology during the election.

Israel Democracy Guard argued that such capabilities could potentially violate laws governing unauthorized surveillance and undermine the court’s earlier restrictions on the collection of voter information.

Following Thursday’s ruling, the organization welcomed the decision, emphasizing that polling station personnel have responsibilities that must remain separate from the interests of the parties that appointed them.

The organization said polling station officials “perform a public, politically neutral role on election day—and do not serve as an operational arm of political party headquarters.”

It also called on the Central Elections Committee to ensure that the new restrictions are properly communicated and enforced.

“It is now incumbent upon the Central Elections Committee to ensure that the guidelines provided to all personnel at polling stations are clear, uniform, and enforceable,” the organization said.

The legal battle began in August, when Supreme Court Deputy President Noam Sohlberg, who serves as chairman of the Central Elections Committee, moved to prohibit the transmission of identifiable voter information from polling stations to political parties.

Likud challenged that decision, arguing that Sohlberg could not unilaterally impose the restriction and that the issue should be considered by the full Central Elections Committee.

The committee subsequently voted to permit the reporting of individual voter participation under certain limitations.

Those conditions included restrictions on how the information could be used, prohibitions against sharing it with outside parties, and requirements to destroy the collected data after the election.

Nevertheless, the Supreme Court overturned that arrangement on September 17, ruling that longstanding practice did not provide sufficient legal authorization for the disclosure of personal voter information.

The justices concluded that the official duties of polling station representatives did not authorize them to transfer information obtained in that capacity to political parties for campaign purposes.

The court also determined that the practice raised concerns under Israel’s privacy laws.

Justice Minister Yariv Levin sharply criticized the September decision, accusing the judiciary of interfering with the election process and changing established procedures shortly before voters were scheduled to go to the polls.

“As far as they are concerned, any means are legitimate to tilt the election results,” Levin said at the time.

He also accused the court of “changing the rules of the game in the middle of the game” and attempting to suppress voter participation.

The court, however, maintained that the absence of explicit legal authorization prevented the Central Elections Committee from permitting the disclosure of such information, regardless of how frequently the practice had been used in previous elections.

The latest ruling extends the restrictions beyond identifiable voter information to include electronic reporting of anonymous turnout totals by party representatives stationed at polling locations.

The decision does not mean that turnout information will be unavailable altogether.

Under an arrangement previously established by Sohlberg, the Central Elections Committee is expected to publish official turnout figures for ordinary polling stations at least four times during Election Day.

Those figures will provide political parties and the public with periodic information about voter participation, although they will not offer the continuous updates that party representatives would have been permitted to transmit under Livne’s October 14 authorization.

The difference could be important for parties attempting to organize their Election Day activities around changing turnout patterns.

With the election approaching Tuesday, political parties will have limited time to adjust their systems and instruct representatives about the information they may collect and transmit.

The ruling applies to all political parties, although the legal proceedings have focused heavily on Likud because of its efforts to preserve the reporting arrangements.

It also comes during an election campaign in which turnout could be especially important for smaller parties seeking to cross the electoral threshold and for larger parties attempting to maximize support in closely contested areas.

The 3.25 percent electoral threshold means that parties receiving fewer votes than the required minimum will not enter the Knesset, making Election Day voter mobilization an important part of campaign operations.

For chareidi parties such as Shas and United Torah Judaism, which traditionally rely on organized community-based efforts to encourage voting, the ruling will also require attention to the restrictions governing representatives stationed inside polling locations.

The court’s decision does not prevent those parties from contacting supporters, arranging transportation to polling stations, or conducting other lawful activities designed to encourage voter participation.

It does, however, prohibit their representatives from electronically gathering turnout figures while performing official polling station duties and immediately forwarding those numbers to campaign headquarters.

A major disagreement has emerged among Israel’s opposition leaders just three days before Tuesday’s Knesset elections, with Gadi Eisenkot exploring the possibility of establishing a minority government even without 61 seats, while Naftali Bennett and Avigdor Liberman insist they will not participate in a coalition dependent on the support of Arab parties.

The dispute could become a significant obstacle to efforts to replace Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, particularly if the election produces another divided Knesset in which neither the current coalition nor the opposition parties secure a clear majority.

According to a report published Saturday, October 24, the opposition parties are already discussing possible arrangements for forming a government after the election. Although they share the objective of replacing Netanyahu, they remain divided over how to accomplish that goal if their combined strength falls short of the 61 seats needed for a majority in the 120-member Knesset.

Eisenkot, chairman of the Yashar party, has raised the possibility of establishing a government supported by only 58 or 59 Knesset members, provided it can obtain enough votes to win an initial confidence vote.

Under Israeli parliamentary rules, a new government does not necessarily need the affirmative support of 61 Knesset members to take office. It must receive more votes in favor than against in the confidence vote, meaning that abstentions or absences could allow a minority government to be approved.

Eisenkot’s proposal would involve establishing such a government and subsequently attempting to expand its parliamentary support by attracting additional lawmakers from parties outside the original coalition.

The plan, however, faces strong opposition from Liberman, chairman of Yisrael Beytenu, who has repeatedly declared that he will not support any government lacking a majority of what he describes as Zionist parties.

Liberman made his position explicit earlier this month, rejecting Eisenkot’s suggestion that a minority government could serve as an interim arrangement until additional coalition partners were secured.

“We will not support any minority government, not even a temporary minority government. We need a Zionist majority government, period,” Liberman declared.

He also ruled out participation in a coalition involving Arab parties or the chareidi parties Shas and United Torah Judaism.

“Our position is clear and unequivocal: We will establish a coalition made up exclusively of Zionist parties. Without Ra’am, without the Joint List, without Shas and without United Torah Judaism,” Liberman said.

The position places Liberman at odds with Eisenkot’s willingness to consider alternative parliamentary arrangements if the opposition fails to win an outright majority.

Bennett and Yair Lapid, who are running together on the B’Yachad list, have also insisted that any government they establish must be based on a Zionist parliamentary majority rather than the votes or abstentions of Arab parties.

Their position creates a substantial challenge for Eisenkot, whose proposal could require at least some cooperation from Arab lawmakers if the Jewish opposition parties secure fewer than 61 seats.

Eisenkot has previously indicated that he would be prepared to pursue the formation of a government even if the opposition wins only 58 or 59 seats.

“If we don’t reach 60, under the circumstances, I will move to swear in a government even with 58 or 59 Knesset members. We will establish that government and immediately try to expand it with additional mainstream Zionist votes,” Eisenkot said in an interview with Kan 11 earlier this month.

At the same time, Eisenkot has maintained that he does not intend to include Arab parties in his coalition and has expressed a preference for establishing a government composed entirely of Zionist factions.

The distinction between formally including Arab parties in a coalition and relying on their votes or abstentions during a confidence vote has become one of the central issues dividing the opposition.

A government could theoretically be approved with fewer than 61 affirmative votes if enough lawmakers abstain, but such an arrangement would leave it vulnerable to future parliamentary challenges.

Eisenkot has not ruled out the possibility of receiving outside parliamentary assistance from Ra’am, led by Mansour Abbas, although no agreement has been announced.

Liberman and Bennett, however, have rejected the idea of establishing a government whose formation would depend on Arab parties, even if those parties remained outside the coalition itself.

Democrats chairman Yair Golan has taken a different position, indicating that he would not automatically reject cooperation with Ra’am.

The disagreement reflects broader divisions among the opposition parties over the composition of a future government, despite their common opposition to Netanyahu.

Liberman has suggested another possible route to forming a majority: persuading Likud Knesset members to break with Netanyahu and join a government led by the opposition.

He has claimed that some Likud lawmakers could be prepared to participate in such an arrangement, although he has not publicly identified any individuals willing to do so.

There have also been no publicly confirmed negotiations with Likud members concerning a possible defection after the election.

Liberman has indicated that he would consider Likud a potential coalition partner if Netanyahu were no longer leading the party.

His proposal would therefore require a significant political realignment within Likud or the broader right-wing bloc, rather than reliance on Arab parliamentary support.

The differences between the opposition leaders have become particularly important because recent election surveys have shown a fragmented political landscape, with the precise distribution of seats varying considerably between polls.

Some surveys have placed the opposition ahead of Netanyahu’s current coalition without giving the Jewish opposition parties enough seats to establish a government independently.

Other surveys have suggested that Netanyahu’s coalition could reach a majority, underscoring the uncertainty surrounding Tuesday’s vote.

The electoral threshold could also play a decisive role in determining the final distribution of Knesset seats.

Under Israeli election law, a party must receive at least 3.25 percent of the national vote to enter the Knesset. Votes cast for parties that fail to cross that threshold do not translate into seats, potentially changing the balance between competing political blocs.

With several smaller parties polling near the threshold, relatively modest shifts in voter support could significantly affect the coalition negotiations that follow the election.

Meanwhile, opposition representatives are discussing another parliamentary initiative that could be pursued even before a new government is formed.

According to today’s reports, there is growing agreement among the parties seeking to replace Netanyahu on an effort to remove Knesset Speaker Amir Ohana, a senior Likud member, from his position.

Unlike the formation of a new government, electing a Knesset speaker does not require a completed coalition agreement.

The opposition could attempt to assemble a parliamentary majority around an agreed candidate for speaker, potentially with the assistance of Arab lawmakers, even if negotiations over forming a government remain unresolved.

Replacing Ohana would give the opposition greater control over the Knesset’s parliamentary agenda, including the scheduling of debates and the advancement of legislative initiatives.

Such a move could also alter the balance of power between the Knesset and Netanyahu’s government if he remains prime minister in a caretaker capacity while coalition negotiations continue.

Several names have reportedly been discussed as possible candidates to replace Ohana.

Among them are Chili Tropper, Matan Kahana, and Elazar Stern of Eisenkot’s Yashar party; Meirav Ben-Ari and Eitan Ginzburg of the Bennett-Lapid alliance; Efrat Rayten of the Democrats; and Oded Forer of Yisrael Beytenu.

No agreement has been announced on a single candidate, and the success of such an effort would depend on the final election results and the willingness of the various parties to cooperate.

The proposal to replace Ohana illustrates how opposition leaders are examining ways to exercise parliamentary influence even if they cannot immediately agree on the composition of a new government.

For Netanyahu, the disagreements among his political opponents could become an important factor in post-election negotiations if the opposition wins more seats than his coalition but remains unable to assemble a governing majority.

The prime minister’s existing coalition includes Likud, Shas, United Torah Judaism, Otzma Yehudit, and Religious Zionism, although the parties have faced disagreements over military conscription legislation and other issues.

The chareidi draft controversy has also become a central point of division between Netanyahu’s coalition and several opposition leaders, particularly Liberman, who has strongly opposed exemptions for yeshiva students.

Eisenkot has likewise excluded the chareidi parties from his preferred coalition framework, citing disagreements over military service and other principles he considers essential to the next government.

Those positions further complicate the parliamentary arithmetic by limiting the number of parties available for potential coalition agreements.

The opposition’s difficulties have drawn comparisons to the political negotiations that followed earlier Israeli elections, when competing party leaders struggled to reconcile ideological differences despite agreeing on the need for a change in government.

In 2021, Bennett and Lapid established a coalition that included Ra’am, marking the first time an independent Arab party formally joined an Israeli governing coalition.

The current opposition leaders, however, are divided over whether any comparable arrangement should be considered following Tuesday’s election.

Tens of thousands of Israelis filled Tel Aviv’s Hostages Square on Motzoei Shabbos, just three days before the country’s Knesset elections, demanding the establishment of an independent state commission of inquiry into the failures that allowed Hamas to carry out its October 7, 2023, massacre. Organizers estimated that more than 100,000 people participated, although police did not provide an official attendance figure.

The massive demonstration, attended by leading opposition politicians, brought together bereaved families, survivors of the Hamas attacks, and former hostages who are demanding a comprehensive investigation into the security, intelligence, and government failures surrounding the deadliest terrorist attack in Israel’s history.

The rally was organized by the October Council, an organization representing families affected by the massacre that has spent years pressing for an independent investigation. Organizers deliberately scheduled the gathering for the final Motzei Shabbos before Tuesday’s election, seeking to make the issue of accountability a central subject of the campaign.

Participants crowded Hostages Square outside the Tel Aviv Museum of Art, with the gathering spilling into surrounding streets. Many carried Israeli flags, while others displayed photographs of relatives murdered during the Hamas attacks or killed while being held captive in Gaza.

The demonstration attracted several of the most prominent figures in Israel’s opposition, including Yashar chairman Gadi Eisenkot, Yisrael Beytenu leader Avigdor Liberman, Democrats chairman Yair Golan, and B’Yachad leaders Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid.

Eisenkot received an enthusiastic reception when he arrived at the square, with sections of the crowd chanting, “Who’s coming? The next prime minister.”

Golan led supporters of his party in a march from Rabin Square to the main gathering at Hostages Square, where speakers repeatedly called for the establishment of a commission with the authority to examine the decisions and failures preceding the October 7 massacre.

The central demand of the demonstration was the creation of a state commission of inquiry, Israel’s highest-level independent investigative body, which would have the power to summon witnesses, obtain documents, examine government and military conduct, and issue findings concerning responsibility for the disaster.

Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu has resisted establishing such a commission under the existing framework, arguing that a panel whose members are selected by the judiciary would be biased against his government.

Opposition leaders and many bereaved families maintain that only an independent state commission can provide a credible accounting of the events leading up to October 7 and the failures that enabled thousands of Hamas terrorists to infiltrate southern Israel.

Among the speakers was Elhanan Danino, whose son Ori was one of six hostages murdered by Hamas terrorists in captivity in August 2024.

Danino accused the government of failing to take the necessary steps to uncover the truth about the massacre, more than three years after the attack.

“A little over three years after that bitter and terrible day on which our sons and daughters, our brothers and sisters, were abducted, massacred, burned, raped and murdered, the leadership has still not made the decision to carry out the most important and necessary thing — an investigation into the truth,” Danino said.

He questioned why successive efforts to establish an official investigation had not produced a commission capable of examining the government’s conduct.

“Whoever evades forming a state commission of inquiry probably has a reason,” he said. “It’s been three years, and they still haven’t found the time to form even a parliamentary or governmental commission of inquiry, probably because there’s something to hide.”

Danino also described the personal anguish that has accompanied him since his son’s abduction, explaining that he has struggled even with the customary Motzei Shabbos greeting of wishing others a good week.

“But I’ll wish us all a week of good news,” he told the crowd, drawing applause.

Another speaker, Mali Zender, whose daughter Noa was murdered by Hamas terrorists at the Nova music festival, spoke about the national implications of the massacre and the responsibility of the government to investigate what happened.

“Tonight I am not standing here just to tell about my personal pain, because the massacre that took place here is not a private tragedy — it is the greatest national disaster in the history of the country,” she said.

Zender urged Israelis to participate in Tuesday’s election, emphasizing that her appeal was not intended as an endorsement of any particular candidate.

“I stand here three days before the most fateful elections of our entire lives here, and I am not asking you to vote for one candidate or another. First and foremost, I am asking you to go out and vote, to do what our children cannot do themselves and vote on their behalf as well — to choose responsibly,” she said.

Eyal Eshel, whose daughter Roni was among the female IDF surveillance soldiers killed at the Nahal Oz military base on October 7, also addressed the demonstrators.

Eshel has been among the bereaved parents demanding answers about the failures that preceded the attack, including the handling of warnings and intelligence concerning Hamas activity along the Gaza border.

“No one has taken responsibility to this day. I want to remind everyone that this was the greatest disaster in the history of the State of Israel,” Eshel said.

He questioned the government’s position that it should determine the mechanism through which its own actions would be investigated.

“How is it possible that those who are required to provide answers want to decide for themselves who will investigate? Is this what accountability looks like? I am a bereaved and broken father, but I am also a father who will never stop fighting for the truth.”

Former hostage Danielle Aloni, who was abducted to Gaza with members of her family and released after 49 days, spoke about the lasting consequences of the attack for the families who endured Hamas captivity.

“On that day, it wasn’t just people who were taken from us. We were also robbed of the basic sense of security that allows us to wake up in the morning, send our children to kindergarten or school, and know they will come home,” Aloni said.

Referring to her daughter Emilia, who was also held hostage, Aloni said the coming election represented an opportunity to shape the future facing the next generation.

“I cannot give [my daughter] Emilia back the childhood that was taken from her, but I can fight for the childhood that still lies ahead of her. In three days, we can start writing a different story for our children.”

Opposition leaders used the gathering to reiterate their commitments to establish an independent investigation if they are able to form the next government.

Golan declared that his party would seek to begin that process immediately following the election.

“Starting this coming Wednesday, we will work to establish a state commission of inquiry that will bring the truth to light and do justice to the families,” Golan said. “This is our duty. This is our mission. We will rehabilitate, build and repair. This is our calling.”

The demonstration also became the subject of a legal dispute in the days leading up to Motzei Shabbos.

Netanyahu’s Likud party submitted a petition to the Central Elections Committee on Thursday seeking to prevent major television networks from broadcasting the gathering, arguing that its proximity to Election Day and the involvement of opposition politicians made it a form of election propaganda.

Justice Noam Sohlberg, chairman of the Central Elections Committee, rejected the petition, determining that the request lacked a sufficient factual foundation to justify the proposed restrictions.

Ahead of the gathering, the October Council also contacted Israel Police Commissioner Danny Levy, warning that individuals allegedly connected to coalition parties might attempt to disrupt the demonstration.

Organizers said they had received information suggesting that provocateurs could attempt to introduce unauthorized signs or flags and create disturbances intended to undermine the rally’s message.

Those allegations were not independently verified, but the organizers requested additional police precautions to prevent disruptions.

The gathering took place amid an intense final stretch of campaigning ahead of Tuesday’s election, with Netanyahu and the opposition parties sharply divided over the government’s handling of the war, the events of October 7, and the question of political accountability.

Several families of October 7 victims have announced plans to stand near polling stations on Election Day holding photographs of their murdered relatives, hoping to keep the memory of the massacre at the forefront of voters’ minds.

{Matzav.com}

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With neither family able to cover the wedding expenses, HaGaon Rav Moshe Sternbuch shlit”a calls upon Klal Yisroel to help this yasom reach his chuppah.

A chasunah is supposed to be one of the happiest days in a family’s life. For a mother marrying off her son, it’s a moment she has waited years to experience. But for one widow, that long-awaited simcha has become a source of overwhelming worry. Her son is preparing to get married, and she simply doesn’t have the money to make it happen.

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This chosson’s situation was brought before HaGaon Rav Moshe Sternbuch shlit”a, who described the opportunity to help him as an exceptional mitzvah and urged Klal Yisroel to contribute. When a gadol of Rav Sternbuch’s stature personally calls attention to the plight of a yasom preparing for his chasunah, it underscores just how much is at stake — and what an extraordinary zechus it is to take part in helping him.

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Help this yasom reach his chuppah with dignity and simcha.

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Two Chabad bochurim remain in Israeli military custody following a major enforcement operation at Ben Gurion Airport in which 42 young men were detained over their military draft status, setting off protests and renewed criticism from chareidi representatives over the army’s treatment of yeshiva students.

The arrests, which took place as the bochurim were attempting to travel abroad, have intensified the controversy surrounding the IDF’s enforcement of conscription requirements against members of the chareidi community. While 40 of those detained were subsequently released, two bochurim remained imprisoned because of longstanding outstanding draft violations.

According to information released by the IDF, the two remaining detainees had been classified as draft avoiders for more than 540 days, a distinction military authorities cited in explaining why their cases were being handled differently from those of the other bochurim.

The army reported that the other 40 young men were released after agreeing to begin the enlistment process. That account has become a significant point of controversy, particularly among those concerned about the circumstances under which the agreements were obtained.

The operation has drawn attention because of the unusually large number of Chabad bochurim detained at one location and because the arrests occurred at Israel’s principal international airport, where young men seeking to leave the country have increasingly encountered difficulties over unresolved military draft matters.

The incident comes amid a broader crackdown on chareidi draft avoiders, as military authorities face pressure to enforce enlistment requirements following court rulings and government disputes over the legal status of yeshiva students.

For decades, arrangements governing military service for full-time yeshiva students allowed large numbers of bochurim to continue their Torah studies without being inducted into the IDF. The legal framework surrounding those arrangements has since become the subject of extensive litigation and political confrontation.

The resulting uncertainty has left many young men facing the possibility of detention when they encounter military authorities, particularly at border crossings and airports.

The arrests took place Tuesday morning, October 20, when approximately 80 Chabad bochurim arrived in Eretz Yisroel after spending more than a year learning at the central Tomchei Temimim yeshiva at 770 Eastern Parkway in Crown Heights.

The returning bochurim had participated in the Chabad program known as kevutzah, during which young men from Eretz Yisroel spend an extended period learning in Crown Heights. Many of their families had come to Ben Gurion Airport to welcome them home after approximately 14 months abroad.

Instead, military police officers were waiting at the airport. Authorities had received advance information about the group’s arrival and had deployed additional personnel to carry out the arrests.

Forty-two of the returning bochurim were detained over their unresolved military draft status. Several had their passports confiscated, and the detainees were transported under military supervision to the IDF induction center at Tel Hashomer.

According to reports from the Chabad community, some of the young men were handcuffed as they were taken into custody, prompting anger and distress among relatives who had been waiting to greet them.

Military authorities subsequently divided the detainees into groups based on their willingness to comply with enlistment requirements and the length of time their draft obligations had remained unresolved.

The first group consisted of 27 bochurim who, according to the IDF, expressed willingness to enlist and were found medically fit for military service.

They appeared before a military judge, signed commitments relating to their future enlistment, received suspended sentences, and were permitted to return home.

Another 13 bochurim initially refused to cooperate with the enlistment process. Military authorities sentenced them to imprisonment, and they faced transfer to Military Prison 10.

However, following several hours of intervention by Chabad askonim and further discussions with military officials, those 13 were also released later Tuesday.

According to the IDF’s account, the additional detainees agreed to future enlistment procedures, allowing them to receive suspended sentences rather than remain imprisoned.

Chabad representatives, however, described the circumstances surrounding the commitments as coercive, arguing that the young men had been confronted with the prospect of imprisonment unless they agreed to the army’s demands.

The remaining two bochurim were treated differently because military authorities classified them as having failed to comply with enlistment requirements for more than 540 days.

They were transferred directly to Military Prison 10, where they faced further proceedings over their draft status.

The arrests prompted extensive efforts by Chabad askonim, including attorney Menachem Stauber and R’ Shimon Shisha, who worked to secure the release of the detainees.

The Beis Din Rabbonei Chabad was also involved in the matter and had reportedly been in contact with military authorities even before the bochurim’s flight landed.

Those involved in the intervention sought to prevent the young men from being imprisoned and to address the legal complications arising from their draft classifications.

The developments also raised questions within the Chabad community about the practical implications of the agreements signed by the 40 released bochurim.

Although the military reported that the young men had undertaken to enter the enlistment process, Chabad representatives expressed concern about the pressure exerted on them and the potential consequences for their continued learning.

Israeli media reported that some of those released were also subjected to restrictions, including limitations on their ability to leave the country.

The IDF defended the operation as part of its enforcement of the Defense Service Law, maintaining that individuals who had failed to comply with their military obligations were subject to detention and disciplinary proceedings.

The army stated that it would continue enforcing enlistment requirements in accordance with the law.

The incident has attracted particular attention because the bochurim were detained immediately upon returning from a year of learning abroad, rather than during routine encounters with military authorities inside Israel.

The advance preparations by military police, including the deployment of additional officers and transportation for the detainees, indicated that the operation had been organized before the flight arrived.

The arrests also highlighted the increasing difficulties faced by chareidi bochurim whose draft status remains unresolved, particularly when traveling internationally.

Under earlier arrangements, many Chabad bochurim were able to defer military service while learning in yeshiva, including during extended periods of study abroad.

A 26-year-old Chabad chossid who was attacked with a syringe while conducting mivtzoim in Manhattan’s Diamond District returned to the very same streets less than 24 hours later, determined to continue helping fellow Yidden put on tefillin despite the frightening incident.

The attack, which is being investigated by the NYPD as a possible hate crime, occurred while the young man was engaged in his regular outreach activities in Midtown Manhattan, an area frequented by Jewish businessmen and visitors.

According to reports, the victim was approached by an individual who stabbed him with a syringe. The circumstances surrounding the assault raised immediate concerns that he had been deliberately targeted because of his visibly Jewish appearance and religious activities.

The young man received medical attention following the incident, with the use of a syringe raising additional concerns about possible exposure to infectious substances. The contents of the syringe and whether it posed any further medical danger were not immediately established.

Despite the ordeal, the chossid was back in the Diamond District the following day, resuming his regular rounds and offering Jewish men the opportunity to put on tefillin.

His decision to return so quickly attracted considerable attention within the Chabad community, where mivtzoim, the Rebbe’s campaign to encourage Yidden in the observance of mitzvos, has long been a central part of daily life.

For decades, Chabad chassidim have maintained a regular presence in Manhattan’s commercial districts, visiting offices, stores, and businesses to help Jewish men fulfill the mitzvah of tefillin and strengthen their connection to Yiddishkeit.

The Diamond District, centered around West 47th Street between Fifth and Sixth Avenues, has been a particularly active location for these efforts because of its substantial Jewish business community.

The assault has heightened concerns about the safety of visibly Jewish individuals in New York City, particularly those who regularly conduct religious outreach in public spaces.

Surveillance footage from the area captured the disturbing encounter. The video shows a woman following the chossid along the sidewalk, apparently passing other pedestrians while continuing to pursue him.

At one point, the young man attempted to distance himself from the woman by moving around a parked vehicle. She continued following him, and as he stepped toward the street, he felt a sudden, sharp pain in the lower right side of his back.

The attack occurred shortly before 6 p.m. Wednesday, October 21, near West 47th Street and Fifth Avenue.

The suspect, described by police as a woman believed to be in her 40s, was reportedly speaking Russian and making harassing remarks before the assault. Investigators are examining surveillance footage as they attempt to identify and locate her.

Yosef, who requested that his surname not be published, was treated by Hatzolah and transported to Bellevue Hospital. Doctors determined that he had not suffered internal bleeding and did not require stitches. He was released after approximately three hours.

Although the injury was not considered life-threatening, the nature of the weapon caused particular concern. Investigators believe the attacker may have used a large needle or syringe, but it remains unclear whether the object contained any substance.

The NYPD’s Hate Crimes Task Force is investigating the incident as a possible antisemitic assault. As of the latest reports, the attacker remained at large.

Yosef, a Crown Heights resident who recently received semicha, has spent approximately three years visiting Jewish merchants and employees in Manhattan’s Diamond District, encouraging them to put on tefillin and distributing Shabbos candles.

His father works in the jewelry business and had enlisted his son’s assistance after finding that the demand for these activities had grown beyond what he could handle himself.

Yosef subsequently established a regular schedule, traveling from Brooklyn to Manhattan four days a week to visit stores and businesses throughout the neighborhood.

On Thursday afternoon, less than a day after being stabbed, he returned to West 47th Street and resumed those visits.

Several of the businessmen he encountered recognized him from the widely circulated surveillance footage of the attack.

“They were in shock. They were obviously scared for me,” Yosef told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

He acknowledged that the experience had left him shaken but explained that he had no intention of allowing the incident to prevent him from continuing his work.

“We can’t allow some hate to stop us,” he said.

Yosef added that he believed it was especially important to continue encouraging Yidden to perform mitzvos in the aftermath of the attack.

“We need more mitzvahs in the world, we need more light in the world,” he said.

Speaking separately with Chabad.org, Yosef described the fear and disbelief he experienced following the assault.

“I’m still shaken,” he said. “I never imagined I’d be stabbed simply for being Jewish, right here in New York City.”

He explained that his response was shaped by the example of his grandparents, Holocaust survivors who endured the horrors of Nazi persecution and subsequently rebuilt their lives and established a Jewish family.

“I know what they’d tell me now: Don’t back down. Go back out there and help another Jew put on tefillin. Do another mitzvah. Stand taller and prouder than ever.”

Yosef said that remembering their determination strengthened his resolve to return to the streets where he had been attacked.

“That’s why I came back today,” he continued. “Their answer to hatred was more Jewish life. Mine will be too. We’ll never back down. We’ll just keep spreading more light.”

On Friday, another group of Chabad chassidim established a tefillin stand at the location of the stabbing, giving additional Yidden an opportunity to perform the mitzvah and demonstrating their determination to continue Jewish outreach in the neighborhood.

The incident comes amid heightened concerns over antisemitic violence in New York City. According to NYPD statistics reported this month, anti-Jewish incidents accounted for more than half of the hate crimes recorded in the city during the first nine months of 2026.

Manhattan Shomrim has been assisting police in the investigation and has appealed to members of the public who may have witnessed the assault or possess relevant video footage.

Anyone with information about the incident, including recordings from security cameras, vehicle dashcams, or cellphones, is urged to contact Manhattan Shomrim at 212-430-2024.

A 29-year-old man has been arrested following an alleged attempt to set fire to the Young Israel of West Hempstead on Long Island.

According to Nassau County police, the suspect allegedly ignited a sign outside the Orthodox shul early Thursday morning, October 22, and attempted to push the burning material beneath a door leading into the building. Investigators say he also set fire to a nearby bush before leaving the scene.

The suspect was subsequently taken into custody and charged with arson and criminal mischief in connection with the incident.

The alleged attack targeted a shul serving West Hempstead’s large Orthodox Jewish community, where numerous families regularly gather for davening, Torah learning, and community activities.

Authorities have not publicly established whether the suspect specifically targeted the building because it was a Jewish institution. The incident nevertheless prompted concern among residents over the possibility of an antisemitic motive.

The attempted fire is particularly troubling because of the danger posed by deliberately igniting materials near an entrance to an occupied or potentially occupied building. Even a relatively small fire can spread rapidly if it reaches combustible materials or enters an enclosed space.

Police have identified the suspect as Azzm Khan, a 29-year-old resident of Lakeview, a community neighboring West Hempstead. He was arrested at the scene without incident and subsequently arraigned Thursday in First District Court in Hempstead.

Investigators say the incident began at approximately 11:30 p.m. Wednesday, when a witness spotted a man damaging the side mirror of a Nassau County Police Department auxiliary vehicle parked near Hall’s Pond Park on Hempstead Avenue. The witness contacted 911, prompting officers to search the surrounding area.

While police were looking for the individual responsible, another person approached the officers and reported seeing someone starting a fire nearby.

Officers proceeded to the Young Israel of West Hempstead, located at 630 Hempstead Avenue, where they encountered Khan and discovered a bush burning outside the building.

According to investigators, Khan had removed a lawn sign from the surrounding neighborhood, set it ablaze, and attempted to slide the burning material beneath the shul’s entrance door. When that effort failed, he allegedly placed the flaming sign into nearby shrubbery, causing the bush to catch fire.

Police say Khan then returned to the entrance and repeatedly kicked the door, damaging it.

In a message distributed to members of the shul, its security committee provided additional details about the incident, reporting that the suspect had initially attempted to force his way into the building by striking the glass entrance with a bat.

The reinforced glass held, preventing him from gaining entry.

The shul’s statement also indicated that the fire went out without spreading into the building, b’chasdei Hashem.

No injuries were reported, and the building did not sustain the extensive fire damage that could have resulted had the flames reached its interior.

Khan was charged with third-degree arson, fifth-degree arson, and two counts of third-degree criminal mischief. According to a report in Newsday, he pleaded not guilty at his arraignment before Judge Maria Boultadakis, who set bail at $500,000.

Authorities also linked Khan to the earlier damage to the police auxiliary vehicle, which had initially brought officers into the area.

Yisroel Szpigiel, first vice president of Young Israel of West Hempstead, expressed concern over the incident, telling News 12 that while the neighborhood has experienced minor vandalism in previous years, nothing comparable had occurred.

“There’s no place for hate in our town. Nobody should have to endure something like this,” Szpigiel said. “Whether it’s our shul or any of the churches or any of the organizations in the neighborhood. We’ll have to be here to protect each other.”

Nassau County Legislator Olena Nicks also condemned the incident and expressed solidarity with the congregation.

“An attack on any place where our neighbors gather to pray is an attack on the whole of our community, and I condemn it without reservation,” Nicks said.

She praised the response by Nassau County police and said law enforcement agencies were working together to protect the congregation and surrounding neighborhood.

“To the rabbi, the leadership, and every member of Young Israel: You are not alone,” Nicks said. “West Hempstead is a community that looks out for one another, and the people of the Fifth District stand with you.”

Following the incident, the shul’s security committee began coordinating with the Nassau County Police Department and the Department of Homeland Security to review existing security arrangements and determine whether additional precautions are necessary.

The committee also received surveillance footage of the incident, which was provided to investigators.

Community members were urged to remain vigilant, immediately report suspicious activity to police and the shul’s security personnel, and avoid confronting suspicious individuals themselves.

Local officials indicated that police patrols in the area would be increased ahead of religious services.

The investigation remains ongoing, and authorities have not publicly established a motive for the alleged attack. Although the circumstances have raised concerns about possible antisemitism, the police department’s initial announcement did not identify the incident as a hate crime.

Police said there were no known continuing threats to the community following Khan’s arrest.

The incident has nevertheless heightened security concerns in West Hempstead, a community with a substantial Orthodox Jewish population and numerous shuls, yeshivos, and other Jewish institutions.

For members of Young Israel, the fact that the suspect was unable to enter the building and that the fire did not spread beyond the immediate area was a source of considerable relief.

The congregation expressed appreciation to the Nassau County Police Department for its response and thanked community members for their concern and support.

Anyone with information about the incident is being asked to contact the Nassau County Police Department’s Fifth Precinct at 516-849-0266 or its Hate and Bias Hotline at 516-500-0657.

A major controversy erupted within the Sefardic chareidi community on Motzei Shabbos after reports emerged that Rav Moshe Tzadka, rosh yeshiva of Yeshivas Porat Yosef and one of the senior Sefardic roshei yeshiva, had signed a letter opposing voting for Shas in Tuesday’s Knesset elections. The development prompted an extraordinary intervention by five members of the party’s Moetzes Chachmei HaTorah, who traveled to Rav Tzadka’s home in Yerushalayim in an effort to resolve the dispute.

The controversy took a significant turn later in the evening when Rav Tzadka reportedly clarified to the visiting rabbonim that although he and his father had never participated in Knesset elections, his personal position should not be interpreted as opposition to Shas. According to a report published following the meeting, Rav Tzadka stated that those who do vote should support Shas in order to protect the Torah world.

The episode unfolded just three days before Israelis are scheduled to head to the polls, creating considerable concern within Shas over the possibility of a public disagreement involving one of the most respected figures in the Sefardic yeshiva world.

The initial controversy centered on a letter reportedly signed by Rav Tzadka opposing support for Shas because of the party’s reported willingness to accept a military draft arrangement under which chareidi young men who are not actively learning in yeshiva would be required to enlist.

That position has become a particularly contentious issue within the chareidi community, where rabbonim and political leaders have expressed differing views about the implications of distinguishing between full-time yeshiva students and other chareidi young men.

According to sources, the letter was prepared following the involvement of Rav Benayahu Shmueli, the noted mekubal and rosh yeshiva of Yeshivas Nahar Shalom, who maintains a close relationship with Rav Tzadka.

News of the letter immediately prompted efforts by Shas chairman Aryeh Deri to prevent its publication or secure a clarification before Election Day.

Deri reportedly contacted senior rabbonim associated with Shas, seeking their assistance in arranging a meeting with Rav Tzadka and addressing his objections to the party’s position on the draft issue.

The efforts resulted in an unusual gathering at Rav Tzadka’s home on Motzei Shabbos, attended by five of the seven members of the Moetzes Chachmei HaTorah.

Among those who participated were Rav Yitzchak Yosef, president of the Moetzet Chachmei HaTorah and former Sefardic chief rabbi; Rav Moshe Maya, the senior member of the Moetzes; Rav Avraham Salim; Rav Yehuda Cohen; and Rav Shmuel Betzalel.

The presence of so many senior members of the Moetzes underscored the importance Shas leaders attached to resolving the disagreement before the election.

During the meeting, the rabbonim discussed Rav Tzadka’s longstanding position regarding participation in Knesset elections and the concerns surrounding the proposed military draft arrangements.

According to sources, Rav Tzadka explained to Rav Yitzchak Yosef and Rav Moshe Maya that neither he nor his father had voted in Knesset elections. He nevertheless clarified that this did not constitute opposition to Shas and that individuals who participate in elections should vote for Shas to help safeguard the Torah world.

The clarification represented a significant development following the earlier reports that Rav Tzadka had signed a letter expressly prohibiting support for the party.

However, the matter did not immediately conclude with the departure of the Moetzes members.

According to the same source, sons of Rav Benayahu Shmueli, who had been involved in arranging the original letter, subsequently returned to Rav Tzadka’s home.

The purpose and outcome of that additional visit were not immediately clear.

Deri addressed the controversy during an appearance on the Israeli television program The Patriots on Motzei Shabbos.

“Rav Moshe Tzadka has never supported elections. We are dealing with it,” Deri said.

The Shas chairman’s remarks reflected the party’s efforts to place the controversy in the context of Rav Tzadka’s longstanding personal approach toward electoral participation rather than treating it as a new rejection of Shas.

Rav Tzadka is widely regarded as one of the senior figures in the Sefardic yeshiva world, and his views carry considerable weight among talmidim and families associated with traditional Sefardic Torah institutions.

His involvement in the election controversy is particularly noteworthy because Shas has historically relied on the guidance and public support of leading Sefardic rabbonim, with its Moetzes Chachmei HaTorah serving as the party’s central rabbinic authority.

The dispute also highlights the growing sensitivity surrounding the military draft issue, which has dominated much of the chareidi political discussion ahead of the elections.

Shas has faced criticism over reports that it is prepared to support legislation distinguishing between bochurim who are actively learning in yeshivos and those who are not enrolled in a recognized Torah study framework.

Opponents of such an arrangement argue that accepting compulsory enlistment for any category of chareidi young men could establish a precedent with broader consequences for the community.

Others within the chareidi political establishment have maintained that securing legal protection for full-time yeshiva students remains an essential priority amid increasing judicial and political pressure over the draft.

Rav Tzadka has previously expressed strong opposition to compromises involving military enlistment quotas and government oversight of yeshivos.

In a 2024 letter addressed to Deri, he warned against agreeing to draft targets or arrangements that would subject the yeshiva world to increased government control.

The latest controversy therefore reflects longstanding disagreements over the appropriate response to efforts to expand military conscription within the chareidi population.

The timing has made the issue especially sensitive for Shas, which is seeking to maintain support among Sefardic chareidi voters as the election campaign enters its final days.

The party has also been confronting broader political challenges, including efforts by smaller Sefardic religious movements to attract voters who traditionally supported Shas.

Against that backdrop, reports of a letter opposing Shas from a senior rosh yeshiva prompted immediate efforts to clarify the matter and prevent further disagreements from developing.

The extraordinary Motzei Shabbos meeting, involving five members of the Moetzes Chachmei HaTorah, demonstrated the lengths to which the party’s rabbinic leadership was prepared to go to address the situation.

By late tonight, the reported clarification from Rav Tzadka had altered the picture considerably, with the rosh yeshiva distinguishing his personal practice of not voting from the question of how those who do participate in elections should cast their ballots.

It remained unclear whether the original letter would be formally withdrawn, amended, or released with an accompanying clarification.

With Election Day approaching on Tuesday, the episode has placed the dispute over the draft law at the center of another major discussion within the Sefardic chareidi community, even as Shas leaders seek to demonstrate unity among the rabbonim guiding the party.

Iran has reportedly prepared plans to destroy critical underwater internet cables in the Persian Gulf if the United States and Israel carry out another round of military attacks, raising concerns that a renewed confrontation could disrupt communications, banking systems, and major technology operations across the Middle East.

Two senior Iranian security officials disclosed the plans to Reuters, saying Tehran is considering attacks on submarine communications infrastructure as part of a broader response to any renewed American or Israeli military campaign. The officials indicated that Iran would also attempt to prevent damaged cables from being repaired, potentially extending the disruption long after the initial strikes.

The warnings come amid growing uncertainty surrounding diplomatic efforts between Washington and Tehran, with Iranian officials signaling that the collapse of negotiations and a return to military confrontation could lead to attacks against targets that were previously considered off-limits.

One of the Iranian officials warned that Tehran would no longer recognize restrictions on the types of facilities it could attack if its territory were struck again.

“If Iran is attacked, there will be no more red lines, from undersea cables to military bases, including covert ones,” the official said, warning Washington not to “play with fire.”

The official further asserted that Iran possesses the means to reach and destroy the underwater cables, although neither official provided specific information about the proposed operations or the locations that might be targeted.

The threats were reinforced Wednesday by Yadollah Javani, the deputy political affairs chief of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, who warned that seven major submarine internet cables running beneath the Strait of Hormuz could be attacked if Iranian infrastructure were targeted.

The Strait of Hormuz, which connects the Persian Gulf with the Gulf of Oman, is among the world’s most strategically important waterways. In addition to serving as a major passage for international energy shipments, the surrounding region contains communications infrastructure linking Gulf countries to global internet networks.

Undersea fiber-optic cables form the backbone of modern international telecommunications, carrying approximately 99 percent of the world’s internet traffic, according to the International Telecommunication Union.

Despite the importance of submarine cable networks overall, experts say that an attack on the cables passing through the Strait of Hormuz would likely have a more concentrated regional impact rather than causing a worldwide internet shutdown.

The cables in that particular area account for less than one percent of global international bandwidth, meaning that the consequences would depend largely on which connections were damaged and whether telecommunications companies could redirect traffic through other routes.

Alan Mauldin, research director at telecommunications analysis firm TeleGeography, explained that the severity of an outage would depend on the capacity of alternative connections and the ability of network operators to reroute communications.

Even a geographically limited attack could have serious consequences for Gulf countries that rely heavily on digital connectivity to support their economies.

Simultaneous damage to several cables could interfere with internet access, electronic banking, financial transfers, online commerce, and cloud-based business operations. Companies operating major data centers in the region could also face interruptions if critical international connections were lost.

Restoring damaged infrastructure during an active military confrontation would present additional difficulties. Repair vessels could encounter security threats, insurance premiums could increase sharply, and operators might struggle to obtain the government approvals necessary to conduct work in territorial waters.

Iranian officials have suggested that prolonging those difficulties would be part of their strategy, turning an initial attack on communications infrastructure into a more sustained economic and technological disruption.

The U.S. State Department and Iran’s Foreign Ministry did not immediately respond to requests for comment from Reuters, while governments in the Gulf region had not publicly addressed the reported plans when the information emerged.

The submarine cable warnings are part of a broader series of Iranian threats directed at American-linked technological infrastructure throughout the Middle East.

Earlier in October, senior Iranian security official Mohsen Rezaei warned that facilities associated with American technology companies, including data centers and artificial intelligence installations, could become targets if fighting resumes.

A second Iranian security official told Reuters that Gulf countries investing heavily in American technology should blame Washington for any resulting damage to their communications networks.

The message appears designed to increase pressure on governments in the region that maintain close economic and security relationships with the United States while simultaneously investing billions of dollars in technology projects involving American companies.

Alex Vatanka, who directs the Iran program at the Middle East Institute in Washington, said Tehran is seeking to turn the economic interests of Gulf governments and major corporations into a source of pressure on President Donald Trump.

“Tehran wants Gulf states and corporate executives to press Trump over the risks his policies pose to their investment plans,” Vatanka said.

Iran’s potential ability to threaten international communications infrastructure is not necessarily limited to the Persian Gulf.

Security analysts have also identified the Red Sea as a particularly sensitive location because of the concentration of submarine cables connecting Europe, Africa, and Asia.

The possibility of attacks in that region has attracted attention because of Iran’s relationship with the Houthis in Yemen, who operate near strategically important maritime routes. Tehran, however, has not publicly declared an intention to attack Red Sea communications cables.

According to Mauldin, submarine routes through the Red Sea carry approximately three percent of worldwide international bandwidth demand and roughly ten percent of communications traffic traveling between major geographic regions.

Damage to several cables in that area could therefore have broader consequences for international connectivity than similar attacks confined to the Strait of Hormuz.

The reported Iranian plans come at a particularly sensitive time for Gulf countries, which have been spending heavily to develop advanced technology industries and reduce their economic dependence on oil and gas.

Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and other regional governments have pursued major investments in artificial intelligence, cloud computing, and digital infrastructure, frequently partnering with leading American technology companies.

Those investments have made the region increasingly important to the global technology industry while also creating infrastructure that could become vulnerable during a military confrontation.

The danger is not entirely hypothetical. During the fighting in March, Iranian strikes directly hit two Amazon Web Services facilities in the United Arab Emirates and damaged infrastructure near another AWS facility in Bahrain.

Those attacks demonstrated the vulnerability of major commercial technology installations during a regional conflict and raised concerns about the consequences of further strikes against facilities supporting international business operations.

At the height of the March confrontation, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps also publicly identified several prominent American technology companies, including Microsoft, Google, Apple, and Nvidia, as potential targets.

Iran’s latest threats suggest that Tehran may now be considering a wider range of targets, extending beyond buildings and data centers to the physical networks responsible for carrying international communications.

Governments and telecommunications providers have consequently been exploring ways to strengthen the resilience of regional internet systems, including the development of additional land-based connections that could provide alternatives if submarine cables were damaged.

Such routes could allow operators to redirect at least some traffic around damaged underwater infrastructure, although their effectiveness would depend on available capacity and the extent of any coordinated attack.

Microsoft has announced plans to invest more than $400 million in submarine and terrestrial communications connectivity throughout the Middle East by 2030, reflecting the growing importance of the region to international digital networks.

The effectiveness of any Iranian campaign against undersea cables would ultimately depend on how many connections were severed, which countries and facilities relied on those routes, and how quickly telecommunications companies could restore or redirect service.

The reported cable-attack plans have emerged alongside additional warnings about Iranian retaliation. A U.S. intelligence memorandum dated October 23 reportedly warned that Tehran has intensified efforts to target American personnel, including plots that have advanced beyond preliminary planning. The warning has contributed to heightened security precautions at American diplomatic facilities across the Middle East.

President Trump has also indicated that further military action against Iran remains under consideration, while reports suggest that American military officials have presented additional strike options. No decision to launch another major operation has been publicly confirmed.

For now, the threatened attacks on undersea cables remain contingency plans described by Iranian officials rather than operations that have been carried out. Nevertheless, the warnings underscore the possibility that another round of fighting could extend beyond conventional military targets, placing the communications networks relied upon by millions of people and businesses directly in the path of the conflict.

Israeli officials are moving forward with plans to establish two new Jewish communities and six agricultural farms in the southern Chevron Hills following Friday’s deadly terrorist shooting, which claimed the lives of two IDF soldiers. The initiative, announced by the Har Chevron Regional Council, is intended to expand Jewish settlement throughout the area and strengthen security in the wake of the attack.

The eight proposed sites are being advanced in cooperation with the Defense Ministry’s Settlement Administration and the Amana settlement organization, with local officials presenting the initiative as a response to the terrorist attack and an effort to reinforce Israel’s presence in the region.

According to the regional council, the new communities and farms will help connect existing Jewish population centers, safeguard state-owned land, and strengthen security along roads and across open areas that have presented challenges for residents and security forces.

The two planned communities are Magad, which will be situated between Negohot and Eshkolot, and Nofei Gulot, to be established between Otniel and Afeka. Both locations are intended to strengthen the network of Jewish communities in the southern Chevron Hills.

The proposal also calls for six agricultural farms at strategically selected locations throughout the region, with one of them planned near the scene of Friday’s deadly shooting.

Mitzpe Tzur Farm is slated to be established near Telem, in close proximity to the location where the two soldiers were killed. Another site, Noi Farm, is planned between Karmei Yehuda and Adora, while Lev Amit Farm is to be developed between the recently established community of Makeda and Adora.

Three additional farms are planned farther south and east. Eshel Farm will be located between Negohot and Eshkolot, near the proposed community of Magad. Lema’an Achai Farm is planned between Otniel and Shima, while Mitzpe Or Farm will be established between Carmel and a nearby nature reserve in the Judean Desert.

The agricultural farms are intended to serve a broader purpose than farming alone. Such outposts have increasingly become part of efforts to maintain a Jewish presence across large stretches of rural territory, particularly in areas between established communities where access, land use, and security have been longstanding concerns.

The announcement follows Friday’s shooting near the Judea Junction area, where two IDF soldiers were killed in a terrorist attack that prompted widespread mourning and renewed attention to security conditions in the Chevron region.

The attack has also intensified calls among local Jewish leaders for additional security measures and expanded settlement activity, with regional officials arguing that a stronger permanent presence can help improve conditions for residents.

Har Chevron Regional Council head Eliram Azulai said the decision to establish the eight sites reflects the determination of local residents to continue developing the area despite the deadly attack.

“Terrorism seeks to destroy lives, spread fear, and undermine our hold on our homeland, but our historic and Zionist response is being written on the ground. We will not retreat or give in,” Azulai said.

He emphasized that the initiative was being advanced amid the grief surrounding the deaths of the two soldiers, describing the expansion plans as an expression of the community’s resolve.

“Out of the immense pain and grief over the loss of our heroic soldiers, we choose life and deepen our roots. The establishment of two communities and six farms sends a clear message: We are here to stay, build, and grow,” he added.

The announcement marks a significant proposed expansion of Jewish settlement in the southern Chevron Hills, an area that includes established communities, agricultural outposts, and large stretches of open terrain.

Although the council has announced the locations and identified the organizations supporting the initiative, a detailed construction timetable has not been provided. The announcement also does not establish that all necessary government approvals have been completed.

For the residents of Har Chevron, the proposal represents a concrete response to Friday’s tragedy, with regional leaders seeking to turn the aftermath of the attack into an opportunity to strengthen the Jewish presence in the area.

The announcement comes as Israeli security forces conduct a broader counterterrorism operation in the Chevron area following Friday’s shooting. The two fallen soldiers have been identified as Staff Sergeant Ron Yonatan Roytman, 23, of Ashkelon, a squad commander in the Ari Battalion of the Search and Rescue Brigade, and Sergeant Yuval Shai Svilem, 20, of Hod Hasharon, who served in the same battalion. Three additional soldiers were lightly wounded in the attack.

According to the IDF, the two terrorists arrived at the junction in a vehicle bearing Israeli license plates and opened fire on soldiers stationed in the area. The attackers, who were armed with an M-16 rifle and a handgun, were subsequently eliminated by Israeli forces. Military officials said a substantial quantity of ammunition was discovered in their vehicle, raising concerns that the terrorists had intended to carry out additional attacks.

IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir said the soldiers’ response prevented a potentially greater loss of life, while Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu ordered intensified security operations in the region.

Israeli forces have since launched searches, arrests, and operations against suspected terrorist infrastructure in and around Chevron. The military has also carried out demolitions in areas near the attack site, while Palestinian officials have reported that large numbers of residents were displaced during the operation.

The proposed construction of two communities and six agricultural farms adds a civilian development initiative to the Israeli government’s broader response to the attack, with regional leaders emphasizing their determination to expand the Jewish presence in the southern Chevron Hills.

A 21-year-old American yeshiva bochur who spent four months in an Israeli prison over allegations of contact with an Iranian foreign agent was released to house arrest on Friday, just hours before the Shabbos on which he was originally scheduled to celebrate his aufruf, and two days before his planned wedding.

Eli L., an American citizen studying in Yerushalayim, walked out of Gilboa Prison on Erev Shabbos Parshas Lech Lecha following a hearing in the Yerushalayim District Court, bringing an end to four difficult months behind bars.

His release followed a ruling by Israel’s Supreme Court permitting him to be transferred to house arrest, subject to substantial financial guarantees and strict conditions.

Eli had been detained on suspicion of maintaining contact with an Iranian foreign agent. His imprisonment attracted considerable attention among askonim working on behalf of individuals incarcerated in Israel, particularly because of his young age, American citizenship, and approaching wedding.

Friday’s development came after months of legal proceedings and extensive behind-the-scenes efforts coordinated by the Tzedek Association.

The organization retained prominent Israeli attorneys Uri Korb and Menachem Stauber to represent Eli and pursue his release. The legal team worked through the courts to secure an arrangement that would allow the young man to leave prison while the proceedings against him continue.

According to sources, the effort required continuous consultations between Tzedek’s leadership and Yerushalayim askan Reb Shimon Shisha, who worked closely with the organization to explore possible legal solutions and coordinate the various parties involved.

The breakthrough ultimately came when the Supreme Court authorized Eli’s release to house arrest, paving the way for Friday’s District Court hearing to finalize the conditions.

Those conditions included a financial guarantee of 750,000 shekels, approximately $200,000, together with additional security in the form of a residential property valued at approximately 3 million shekels, or more than $800,000.

The property was pledged by a Yerushalayim benefactor who agreed to place his home as collateral to help secure the young man’s freedom.

Arranging such substantial guarantees required considerable effort, with Tzedek and other askonim working to assemble the necessary commitments in time for the court proceedings.

An additional challenge was finding a suitable residence where Eli could remain under house arrest in accordance with the court’s conditions.

That obstacle was resolved when Yerushalayim askan Reb Chaim Meir Hirsch agreed to open his home to the young man, allowing the release arrangement to proceed.

Hirsch’s willingness to provide accommodations proved crucial, since the court required an approved location where Eli could remain while the legal case continues.

On Friday morning, Tedek’s Moshe Margaretten and Shisha held another coordination call to review the final arrangements. Shisha was present at the Yerushalayim courthouse and personally accompanied the proceedings as the release was finalized.

Although the release does not resolve the allegations against him, it means that he will no longer have to remain behind bars as the legal process continues.

Eli will remain under house arrest at Hirsch’s home in Yerushalayim, subject to the restrictions imposed by the court.

His release should not be confused with an acquittal or dismissal of the allegations. The legal proceedings concerning the suspected contact with an Iranian agent remain unresolved.

{Matzav.com}

Chewing gum could eventually disappear from store shelves across New Jersey under sweeping new legislation that would prohibit the sale of certain everyday products containing or releasing microplastics, including some chewing gum, tea bags, cosmetics, cleaning supplies, and other household items.

The proposal, known as the Protecting Against Microplastics Act, was introduced on September 14 by Democratic Assemblywomen Shama Haider of Bergen County and Margie Donlon of Monmouth County. The measure would establish new labeling requirements for products containing microscopic plastic particles before eventually prohibiting the sale of several categories of products that contain or release the substances.

The legislation, Assembly Bill A5452, comes amid growing scientific concern over microplastics, tiny particles that have been detected in drinking water, food, blood, and various human tissues. Researchers have been investigating whether repeated exposure to these particles poses long-term health risks, although many questions about their effects on human health remain unanswered.

One of the most attention-grabbing provisions concerns chewing gum, a product consumed daily by millions of Americans.

Researchers have found that chewing gum can release hundreds or even thousands of microscopic plastic particles into saliva during chewing, raising concerns that consumers may unknowingly swallow those particles.

A study presented at a meeting of the American Chemical Society earlier this year found that both synthetic and natural chewing gums released microplastic particles during chewing. Researchers observed that much of the release occurred during the first several minutes, with additional particles released as chewing continued.

The findings have attracted attention because many popular chewing gums contain synthetic polymers that give the product its familiar elastic texture.

Under the proposed New Jersey law, chewing gum containing intentionally added microplastics, or capable of generating certain secondary microplastics, could eventually be prohibited from being sold in the state.

The legislation does not specifically ban all chewing gum. Rather, it targets products containing or generating microplastics as defined by the bill, meaning that gum manufacturers could potentially continue selling products that meet the proposed requirements.

Tea bags are another product specifically identified in the legislation.

Certain tea bags are manufactured using plastic-based materials or contain plastic components that help maintain their shape and durability. Research has suggested that some of these products can release microscopic plastic particles when exposed to hot water, potentially allowing consumers to ingest the particles along with their tea.

The legislation also covers coffee grounds, talcum powder, pet food, cosmetics, and products that may be swallowed, inhaled, or applied to the face.

Cleaning supplies and a broad range of food-related products would also face new regulations.

Plastic plates, disposable forks and knives, food containers, and other foodware would be subject to labeling requirements if they contain intentionally added microplastics or materials capable of releasing them.

However, the bill makes an important distinction between foodware and other covered products. Although foodware would be subject to disclosure and labeling requirements, it is excluded from the legislation’s eventual sales prohibition.

The proposal would be implemented gradually rather than immediately removing affected products from stores.

During the first year after enactment, manufacturers of covered products would be required to disclose the presence of intentionally added microplastics or the potential for their products to generate secondary microplastics.

Beginning two years after enactment, affected products would have to carry a more explicit warning in both English and Spanish stating, “This product contains microplastics.”

The warning would also have to appear in online product listings, extending the disclosure requirements to internet retailers selling products to New Jersey consumers.

Manufacturers would additionally be prohibited from marketing products as free of microplastics if the substances had been intentionally added during production.

Three years after the law takes effect, the sale of certain cleaning products, cosmetics, and potentially ingestible products containing or generating covered microplastics would be prohibited.

The legislation includes an exception for technically unavoidable trace quantities, meaning that manufacturers would not necessarily face penalties for minute contamination that cannot reasonably be eliminated.

If approved, the measure could have far-reaching implications for retailers, manufacturers, and distributors doing business in New Jersey.

Supermarkets, pharmacies, convenience stores, and other businesses could be required to review their inventories and remove products that fail to comply with the new standards.

Manufacturers could also face pressure to reformulate products or modify packaging to continue selling them in the state.

The proposal would give the New Jersey Division of Consumer Affairs authority to investigate violations, conduct audits, and impose financial penalties.

Civil administrative penalties could range from $1,000 to $20,000 per violation, with additional enforcement measures available for continuing violations.

The bill also proposes spending $3 million on microplastics-related initiatives, including $2.5 million for environmental research, monitoring, and programs designed to reduce microplastic contamination, and $500,000 for enforcement activities.

Supporters of stronger microplastics regulations argue that government intervention is necessary because microscopic plastic particles have become increasingly widespread in the environment and are difficult for consumers to avoid.

Microplastics can originate from the breakdown of larger plastic items, synthetic clothing fibers, industrial processes, packaging materials, and numerous other sources.

Scientists have detected the particles in oceans, rivers, drinking water, soil, and food products, prompting growing interest in their potential effects on human health.

At the same time, researchers caution that detecting microplastics in the human body does not, by itself, establish that the particles cause particular diseases. Additional research is needed to determine the risks associated with different types, sizes, and concentrations of plastic particles.

The legislation also raises questions about how broadly the proposed restrictions would be applied, particularly because the bill covers products capable of generating secondary microplastics rather than limiting its provisions to products with deliberately added plastic particles.

That distinction could significantly expand the number of consumer goods affected by the measure.

For New Jersey residents, the proposal could ultimately change which brands and varieties of familiar products remain available in stores, although no immediate restrictions have taken effect.

The Assembly bill has been referred to the Assembly Environment and Solid Waste Committee, where lawmakers may consider testimony, amendments, and questions about implementation before deciding whether to advance it.

A companion measure, Senate Bill S4836, sponsored by Democratic State Senator Linda Greenstein, was introduced on October 15 and referred to the Senate Environment and Energy Committee.

Both chambers would have to approve the legislation before it could be sent to Governor Mikie Sherrill for consideration.

For now, New Jersey residents can continue purchasing chewing gum, tea bags, and other products covered by the proposal.

But if the legislation eventually becomes law, some of the most familiar products found in supermarket checkout aisles, kitchen cabinets, and bathroom drawers could face new warning labels and, in certain cases, disappear from store shelves altogether.

The proposal remains in its early legislative stages, and neither an implementation date nor a final ban has been established. The chewing-gum research cited in coverage of the proposal was presented in March 2025, rather than earlier in 2026.

In a significant last-minute development ahead of Israel’s national elections, the Sefardic chareidi Achi party, led by Rav Chaim Yosef David Abergel of Netivot, announced Friday that it is withdrawing from the race for the Knesset and throwing its support behind Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s Likud party. The decision came following intense negotiations involving Netanyahu, senior Likud officials, prominent rabbonim, and municipal leaders, amid concerns that the party could draw thousands of votes away from the right-wing bloc without winning enough support to enter the Knesset.

The withdrawal, announced just four days before Israelis head to the polls on Tuesday, October 27, followed an intensive effort personally directed by Netanyahu to persuade Rav Abergel to abandon his independent political campaign. As part of the agreement, Netanyahu reportedly promised that a representative of the Achi movement would receive a deputy ministerial position in a future government, along with commitments to advance several of the party’s principal demands.

The negotiations were led by Education Minister Yoav Kisch at Netanyahu’s request. A decisive meeting on Friday brought together Rav Abergel, former Sefardic Chief Rabbi Rav Shlomo Moshe Amar, Netivot Mayor Yechiel Zohar, Ofakim Mayor Itzik Danino, and attorney Lior Katsav, who participated on Netanyahu’s behalf. Deputy Minister Almog Cohen was also involved in efforts to secure the withdrawal.

Following the meeting, the Achi movement issued an official statement explaining that its decision had been reached in consultation with Rav Amar and after obtaining assurances regarding its political priorities.

“In light of the gravity of the hour and out of genuine concern for the fate and existence of the State of Israel and Israeli society, the leader of Achi, Rav Chida Abergel, in consultation with the leading Torah authority, former Chief Rabbi Rav Shlomo Moshe Amar, announces that all the goals of the Achi movement have been fully achieved, that the movement has secured very significant accomplishments, and that it will not participate in the upcoming elections,” the statement declared.

The party said that the understandings reached with Netanyahu’s representatives include commitments to address the military draft controversy, support economically disadvantaged families, provide funding for early childhood education and daycare, strengthen assistance to senior citizens, and promote Jewish education and the Jewish character of the state.

One of the most consequential elements of the agreement concerns the military draft law, which has become a central issue in Israel’s election campaign and a source of deep tensions between chareidi parties and other political factions.

According to reports on the negotiations, Netanyahu agreed to advance a framework under which full-time yeshiva students would be permitted to continue learning without military service, while those not engaged in Torah study would be required to enlist.

During a recorded telephone conversation with Rav Abergel and the participants in Friday’s meeting, Netanyahu praised the decision to withdraw and acknowledged the agreements reached between the sides.

“I cannot tell you how much I appreciate this serious and responsible step, which is concerned with the future of our people, the future of our state, and the future of the heritage of Israel,” Netanyahu said.

Addressing Rav Abergel directly, the prime minister added, “I know, Rav, that you truly care about our people and that you want those who study Torah to continue studying, and everyone else to enlist, and that is exactly the agreement between us. Moreover, I will be happy to advance both this and the other matters included in our joint statement.”

Rav Abergel reportedly expressed hope that the commitments would be fulfilled, with Netanyahu responding affirmatively.

Another major component of the agreement involves the appointment of a deputy minister who would represent the movement’s interests.

Under existing Israeli law, deputy ministers must be members of the Knesset. Since Rav Abergel is not currently a Knesset member, fulfilling the reported promise of appointing him or an outside representative would require legislative changes.

According to the understandings announced by Likud, a deputy minister could alternatively be appointed from among Likud’s own Knesset members to advance the shared objectives of the two movements. Another possibility would involve appointing a representative of Achi if the necessary legal changes are enacted.

The reported promise has already generated controversy. Yaya Fink, a candidate from the Democrats party, filed a police complaint Friday alleging that the offer of a government position in exchange for Achi’s withdrawal constituted election bribery. The allegation remains a political and legal claim, and no finding of wrongdoing has been established.

The withdrawal is particularly significant because Achi had sought to establish itself as an alternative political address for Sefardic chareidi voters, operating outside the traditional Shas framework.

Rav Abergel, a son of the late Rav Yoram Abergel of Netivot, established the movement with an emphasis on Torah education, Sefardic religious identity, and a distinctive approach to relations between the chareidi community and the state.

The party had also promoted greater integration of certain chareidi populations into state-supported educational frameworks and military programs, positions that distinguished it from the established chareidi political parties.

Despite its ambitions, Achi had not crossed the electoral threshold in published opinion polls. Political officials on the right feared that votes cast for the party would consequently be excluded from the allocation of Knesset seats, potentially affecting the distribution of mandates between competing blocs.

Education Minister Kisch described the withdrawal as an important achievement for the Netanyahu camp.

“At the request of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, Education Minister Yoav Kisch led negotiations with the Achi movement over the past several days regarding its withdrawal from the Knesset race,” Kisch’s office said.

The statement confirmed that the agreement had been finalized at Friday’s meeting and that the movement’s principal demands would be advanced by Likud.

“This is an important move that prevented the loss of tens of thousands of votes from the right-wing bloc, which would have assisted in the formation of a left-wing government headed by Eisenkot, Yair Golan, and Abbas,” the minister’s office declared.

Likud also issued a statement welcoming the decision and urging other smaller right-wing parties that are unlikely to pass the electoral threshold to follow Achi’s example.

The party said it had agreed that a deputy minister in the Prime Minister’s Office would be appointed to promote the principles shared by Likud and Achi, either from among Likud Knesset members or from Achi in accordance with applicable law.

Likud called on other parties facing similar electoral difficulties to withdraw immediately, arguing that votes for lists failing to cross the threshold could affect the balance of power following the election.

Friday’s development comes amid a broader effort by Netanyahu to consolidate support across the religious and right-wing electorate before Election Day.

The prime minister has been working to prevent smaller parties from dividing the vote, particularly in a closely contested election in which the ability of either political bloc to assemble a governing coalition could depend on a relatively small number of Knesset seats.

The Achi withdrawal removes one such party from the contest and gives Likud an additional source of support among voters who had previously considered backing the independent Sefardic movement.

The agreement does not, however, guarantee that all Achi supporters will ultimately vote for Likud. While the movement has transferred its political backing to Netanyahu’s party, individual voters remain free to choose other lists, including the established chareidi parties.

The negotiations have also attracted attention because Rav Abergel was arrested in August 2025 amid an investigation into allegations of sexual offenses involving women. He has denied the allegations. The investigation and the allegations surrounding it are separate from the political agreement announced Friday.

For Netanyahu, the immediate significance of the withdrawal is the removal of a potential source of lost votes from the right-wing camp.

President Donald Trump unleashed a blistering attack Friday on the Utah judge overseeing the murder case against Charlie Kirk’s accused assassin, demanding that the trial begin within a month rather than allowing the proceedings to drag on for years. The president accused the judge of mishandling the case and disrespecting Kirk’s memory as attorneys for the defendant seek to postpone the trial until 2029.

Trump’s remarks came amid an escalating dispute over when 23-year-old Tyler Robinson, who is charged with murdering Kirk during a public appearance at Utah Valley University in September 2025, should face a jury. Robinson’s attorneys have requested nearly three additional years to prepare their defense, while prosecutors and Kirk’s widow are pushing for a substantially earlier trial.

In a sharply worded Truth Social post Friday, Trump declared:

“The judge in the Charlie Kirk case is doing a terrible job! This case should be tried within a month, not three years — and it should be over with! The judge is desecrating the memory of the Great Charlie Kirk, while taking forever to ask questions that people already know the answer to. The whole Country is mocking him and our ‘Legal’ System. JUSTICE FOR CHARLIE!”

The president’s criticism was directed at Utah Fourth District Judge Tony Graf, who scheduled a hearing Friday afternoon to determine the timetable for Robinson’s trial. The judge has been considering competing proposals from prosecutors, defense attorneys, and lawyers representing Kirk’s family.

Robinson’s defense team filed court papers Wednesday requesting that the trial begin during the third quarter of 2029, approximately four years after Kirk was assassinated. The attorneys contend that the extraordinary complexity of the case, combined with the possibility of a death sentence, requires extensive preparation.

Defense lawyers estimate that the trial itself could last six to seven months. They argue that they must review tens of thousands of documents and other evidence provided by prosecutors, conduct additional investigations, prepare witnesses, and examine whether Robinson can receive a fair trial in Utah County.

They also anticipate significant legal disputes over jury selection, the possibility of moving the proceedings to another jurisdiction, and challenges involving Utah’s death penalty laws.

The prosecution has proposed a considerably shorter schedule. Utah County prosecutors say they could be prepared to begin trial by October 4, 2027, although they have recommended January 31, 2028, as the preferred starting date to avoid conducting lengthy proceedings during the Thanksgiving and Christmas holidays.

Prosecutors estimate that the trial would last approximately 17 weeks.

Kirk’s widow, Erika Kirk, has strongly opposed the defense’s proposed timetable, arguing that postponing the trial until 2029 would impose an unacceptable burden on her family and unnecessarily prolong the legal proceedings.

In a motion submitted Thursday, her attorney, Jeffrey Neiman, urged the court to enforce the family’s right to a speedy resolution and schedule the trial no later than October 4, 2027.

The filing described the defense’s requested delay as unreasonable and emphasized the emotional consequences for Kirk’s two young children.

“Under the Defendants’ proposed schedule, Mr. Kirk’s two children, who were one and three at the time he was murdered, will be six and eight years old by the time the trial concludes,” Neiman wrote. “They will face the uncertainty of this criminal proceeding longer than they had their father in their lives. Each hearing induces anxiety, pain, and mourning. The Kirk family deserves to have this matter resolved expeditiously.”

The family’s attorneys also raised concerns about the enormous financial cost of prolonging the case.

According to court filings citing reporting by The Salt Lake Tribune, Robinson’s defense attorneys have already received approximately $1.6 million in taxpayer-funded compensation during the first year of the proceedings.

Neiman argued that the defense has sufficient financial resources to prepare its case without requiring years of additional delays.

“With seemingly no limits on spending, the Defense has the resources to prepare for trial on a reasonable schedule,” he wrote. “Charlie’s death should not lead to the lawyers defending his assassin becoming millionaires.”

Robinson is accused of fatally shooting Kirk on September 10, 2025, while the 31-year-old conservative activist was addressing thousands of people at an outdoor event at Utah Valley University in Orem.

Investigators allege that Robinson fired a rifle from the rooftop of a nearby building, approximately 415 feet from where Kirk was speaking.

Kirk, the co-founder of Turning Point USA and a prominent political ally of Trump, was struck by the gunfire and died from his injuries. His assassination prompted widespread condemnation and renewed concerns about politically motivated violence in the United States.

Robinson surrendered to authorities the following day and was subsequently charged with seven criminal offenses, including aggravated murder, felony discharge of a firearm causing serious bodily injury, obstruction of justice, and witness tampering.

Prosecutors have alleged that Robinson targeted Kirk because of his political beliefs. Robinson has pleaded not guilty, and his attorneys have challenged aspects of the prosecution’s case.

During a September hearing, Judge Graf determined that prosecutors had presented sufficient evidence for Robinson to stand trial on the charges.

The judge also ruled that the circumstances of the shooting satisfied the legal requirements permitting prosecutors to pursue the death penalty, including evidence that other individuals were placed at risk.

The ruling cleared the way for the case to advance toward trial, but it did not resolve the increasingly contentious question of when those proceedings should begin.

The next phase of the case is expected to involve extensive pretrial motions concerning evidence, witnesses, jury selection, and other legal questions that could significantly affect the eventual trial.

Trump’s intervention Friday added presidential pressure to a dispute that had already generated intense public attention. His demand for a trial within one month goes substantially beyond even the schedule sought by Kirk’s family, which has requested an October 2027 start.

Although the president has called for immediate proceedings, the decision rests with the Utah court, which must consider the prosecution’s request for a timely trial alongside the defendant’s constitutional right to adequate preparation and a fair hearing.

For Kirk’s family, the central concern remains the possibility that the criminal case could continue for years before a verdict is reached.

With the defense seeking a 2029 trial, prosecutors proposing January 2028, and the Kirk family insisting on October 2027, Judge Graf faces competing demands over the timetable for one of the country’s most closely watched murder prosecutions.

Trump, meanwhile, made clear that he considers the prospect of a multiyear delay unacceptable, ending his public denunciation with an emphatic demand: “JUSTICE FOR CHARLIE!”

{Matzav.com}

Passengers aboard an El Al flight traveling from Eretz Yisroel to Newark found themselves unexpectedly stranded in Paris on Friday after one of the aircraft’s pilots suffered a medical emergency during the flight, forcing an unscheduled landing in the French capital. With Shabbos approaching and insufficient time to complete the transatlantic journey, El Al arranged hotel accommodations and Shabbos provisions for passengers who could not continue their trip, with a replacement flight scheduled for Motzei Shabbos.

The incident occurred aboard El Al Flight LY27, which departed Ben Gurion Airport shortly after midnight Thursday night, early Friday morning, October 23, bound for Newark Liberty International Airport in New Jersey.

According to Israeli aviation reports, the Boeing 787-9 Dreamliner took off at approximately 12:39 a.m. Israel time. Several hours into the journey, one of the pilots became ill and was unable to continue performing his duties, prompting the flight crew to divert the aircraft to Paris Charles de Gaulle Airport.

The aircraft landed safely in Paris at approximately 5:30 a.m. local time, bringing the medical emergency to an end but creating an unexpected predicament for the passengers, many of whom were traveling to the New York area for Shabbos.

The pilot’s precise medical condition has not been publicly disclosed, and no confirmed information has been released regarding the severity of the illness or whether hospitalization was necessary. There were no reports of injuries among the passengers or mechanical problems with the aircraft.

The diversion immediately created a complicated logistical situation for El Al, particularly because the incident occurred on Friday morning, leaving only a limited window before the onset of Shabbos.

With the aircraft now in Paris and the original flight unable to proceed as scheduled, the airline began arranging alternative transportation for passengers who still wished to reach the United States before Shabbos.

El Al offered passengers the opportunity to transfer to flights operated by other airlines departing Paris on Friday. Those who preferred to remain with El Al and avoid traveling during Shabbos were offered hotel accommodations near Charles de Gaulle Airport, with arrangements to resume their journey after Shabbos.

The airline also established a dedicated communication line to assist affected passengers with their travel arrangements and immediate needs.

For the frum passengers, the diversion meant an entirely unexpected Shabbos in France, far from the homes, relatives, and destinations where they had planned to spend the weekend.

As the situation unfolded, efforts were undertaken to ensure that those remaining in Paris would have the necessary accommodations for Shabbos, including kosher food, a place to daven, and rabbinic assistance.

Chabad representatives became involved in helping coordinate arrangements for the stranded travelers. A Chabad rav was scheduled to join the passengers at their hotel for Shabbos, and preparations were made to provide kosher meals and a designated room for tefillos.

The arrangements allowed passengers who had been planning to spend Shabbos in the United States to remain together in Paris with their religious needs addressed.

The unexpected circumstances also presented considerable challenges for passengers traveling with children, those with connecting itineraries, and individuals who had made advance arrangements for Shabbos in the New York and New Jersey areas.

El Al’s decision to provide accommodations and arrange a Motzei Shabbos departure reflects the airline’s longstanding policy of avoiding scheduled flight operations during Shabbos.

Under the arrangements announced Friday, passengers remaining in Paris are expected to board a replacement El Al flight on Motzei Shabbos and continue to Newark.

The airline has not publicly provided a detailed medical update on the affected pilot, and the precise departure time of the replacement flight has not been independently confirmed.

The incident illustrates how an unexpected medical emergency aboard an international flight can create complications extending well beyond the initial diversion, particularly when Shabbos observance becomes a factor in arranging onward travel.

For the passengers of Flight LY27, what began as a routine overnight journey from Eretz Yisroel to Newark turned into an unplanned stop in Paris and an unusual Shabbos spent together in an airport hotel.

In a further update Friday afternoon, sources indicated that the Shabbos arrangements had expanded to include a separate kosher dining area, a designated shul with a Sefer Torah, a minyan, and the assistance of a local rav. These preparations were intended to provide the stranded passengers with a more complete Shabbos environment despite the unexpected disruption.

The replacement flight remains scheduled for Motzei Shabbos, although confirmation of its actual departure will depend on subsequent airline updates.

{Matzav.com}

[Video below.] New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani released a Spanish-language video Friday instructing residents on how to refuse entry to federal immigration agents, remain silent during encounters with Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers, and challenge requests to search private property, as his administration intensifies its opposition to President Donald Trump’s immigration enforcement policies.

The video, released October 23, comes amid escalating tensions between City Hall and federal immigration authorities following a controversial ICE shooting in Manhattan earlier this month. Mamdani has repeatedly demanded that federal immigration operations cease in New York City and has openly called for the agency’s abolition.

In his latest message, Mamdani explains that residents generally have the right to deny ICE agents entry into their homes, schools, houses of worship, and private workplace areas unless the officers possess a judicial warrant signed by a judge or another recognized legal exception applies.

The mayor advises residents to demand proper documentation before allowing agents inside and to explicitly refuse permission if the necessary judicial authorization is not presented.

The guidance distinguishes between judicial warrants, which are issued by judges, and administrative immigration warrants, which are issued by federal immigration authorities themselves. An administrative warrant generally does not authorize agents to enter a private home without consent.

Mamdani also instructs residents to remain calm when approached by federal officers, ask whether they are free to leave, and decline consent to searches when they are legally entitled to do so.

He encourages individuals to consult an attorney before signing immigration-related documents and directs viewers to free, confidential legal assistance hotlines.

The latest video follows a similar message Mamdani released in December 2025, shortly before taking office, in which he explicitly encouraged New Yorkers to stand up to federal immigration enforcement by exercising their legal rights.

“We can all stand up to ICE if you know your rights,” Mamdani declared in that earlier video.

“If ICE does not have a judicial warrant signed by a judge, you have the right to say, ‘I do not consent to entry,’ and the right to keep your door closed,” he said.

Mamdani also warned residents about the tactics federal immigration officers may employ when attempting to gain cooperation.

“ICE is legally allowed to lie to you, but you have the right to remain silent,” he stated.

Addressing individuals detained by immigration authorities, Mamdani advised them to ask, “Am I free to go?” and to repeat the question until officers respond.

The mayor additionally encouraged residents to document immigration enforcement operations, explaining that filming officers is generally permitted as long as individuals do not interfere with their work.

He emphasized that residents should avoid physically obstructing officers or resisting arrest.

“It is important to remain calm during any interaction with ICE or law enforcement. Do not impede their investigation, resist arrest or run,” Mamdani said in the December recording.

The mayor’s campaign against federal immigration enforcement has become increasingly confrontational following an October 8 incident in Marble Hill, where an ICE agent shot 28-year-old Oscar Belgal, a Dominican national, during an attempted immigration arrest.

According to New York City Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch, federal agents were conducting a targeted enforcement operation when they approached Belgal’s vehicle, which also contained his five-year-old son.

At least one federal officer fired seven rounds, striking Belgal in the neck. The child was not physically injured.

Federal authorities maintain that Belgal refused commands to exit his vehicle and struck government vehicles, prompting agents to fire because they feared for their safety. Belgal’s attorneys dispute the federal account, and the circumstances surrounding the shooting remain under investigation.

Mamdani responded with an extraordinary denunciation of ICE, accusing the agency of endangering New Yorkers and demanding an immediate end to its operations throughout the five boroughs.

“What happened today was an outrage,” Mamdani declared during an October 8 press conference.

“We know that ICE is rotten to its core,” the mayor said. “Today’s shooting is only further devastating confirmation of what we have long known, that ICE operates with impunity, that they sow chaos and terror across our country, that they have killed far more of our neighbors than they could ever have claimed to save.”

Mamdani disclosed that he had spoken directly with President Trump and Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin following the shooting, unsuccessfully seeking Belgal’s release from federal custody.

He also demanded that ICE personnel withdraw from the city.

“This city wants ICE out. We want ICE out of our city, ICE out of our schools, ICE out of our hospitals, ICE out of our streets, ICE away from our kids,” Mamdani said. “We want that because we want to keep the city safe. We do not need them to do so. All they do is terrorize this city.”

The mayor’s latest video reinforces his administration’s commitment to New York City’s sanctuary policies, which generally limit cooperation between municipal agencies and federal authorities in civil immigration enforcement matters.

Those policies, which predate Mamdani’s administration, restrict the circumstances under which city employees and law enforcement personnel may assist federal immigration officers. They do not, however, eliminate federal immigration authorities’ legal power to conduct enforcement operations within New York City.

Mamdani has made protecting the city’s estimated three million immigrants a central priority since assuming office on January 1, 2026.

Federal officials, meanwhile, have defended ICE operations as necessary to enforce immigration laws enacted by Congress and apprehend individuals subject to federal immigration proceedings.

The Trump administration has maintained that local sanctuary policies complicate immigration enforcement and can interfere with efforts to remove individuals who pose public safety threats.

{Matzav.com}