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The United States has acknowledged for the first time that it already has weapons deployed in orbit, with Air Force Secretary Troy Meink revealing the previously undisclosed capability as the Pentagon confronts growing space-based threats from China and Russia. Meink did not disclose what the weapons can do, how many have been deployed, when they were launched, or whether they are kinetic or non-kinetic systems.

The disclosure comes amid heightened U.S. concern about the military use of satellites by Beijing and Moscow, including recent allegations that Chinese entities supplied Iran with satellite imagery of American military facilities.

Meink made the revelation Monday during the Air & Space Forces Association’s annual Air, Space & Cyber Conference in Maryland, publicly confirming the existence of American orbital weapons while keeping virtually all operational details classified.

“Today, we continue to ensure we remain ready to meet the challenges of evolving threats wherever they exist,” said Meink, per DefenseScoop.

“This is why the United States now has on-orbit space control weapons capable of defending the joint force against hostile adversary actions.”

Meink said publicly revealing that the weapons exist was intended in part to strengthen deterrence, even as the Pentagon continues withholding information about their capabilities.

“It’s important from a deterrence perspective,” the secretary added. “It is critically important that we maintain our dominance not only in the air, but in space, and so we’ve had to take steps to make sure that when we’re threatened, we can take care of that.”

President Donald Trump has placed a major emphasis on expanding America’s military capabilities in space. He established the U.S. Space Force during his first term and has since championed the Golden Dome missile-defense initiative, which envisions a network of sensors and space-based interceptors designed to protect the United States from missile attacks.

Under current Pentagon plans, Golden Dome is expected to eventually include a constellation of orbital missile interceptors along with sophisticated detection and tracking systems capable of identifying incoming threats before they reach American territory. Meink said the Space Force’s space-based interceptor program has already advanced from an initial contract to flight-ready hardware in less than a year.

Defense officials are aiming to field an initial space-based interceptor capability as early as 2028, although Golden Dome remains a developing system and the weapons Meink disclosed Monday were not identified as those future interceptors.

China reacted sharply to the announcement, arguing that Washington was contributing to the militarization of outer space.

“China has long been committed to the peaceful use of outer space and safeguarding the security in space,” Foreign Ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun told reporters.

“We oppose any arms race in outer space or any attempts to weaponize it or turn it into a war zone. We urge the U.S. to stop expanding military buildup in outer space and safeguard global strategic stability with concrete actions.”

American officials, however, have repeatedly pointed to China and Russia’s own development of counter-space technologies as a reason the United States needs capabilities capable of protecting its satellites and other assets. Meink said Monday that both countries have been pursuing such systems for more than a decade.

Both Moscow and Beijing have pursued technologies that have generated concern among U.S. military officials, including anti-satellite systems and highly maneuverable spacecraft capable of operating near other countries’ satellites. The increasing dependence of modern militaries on satellites for communications, intelligence, navigation and targeting has made control of space an increasingly important element of military planning.

In 2024, then-House Intelligence Committee Chairman Mike Turner (R-Ohio) triggered widespread attention when he issued an unusually cryptic warning about a Russian capability under development. U.S. officials subsequently said intelligence indicated Moscow was considering a nuclear anti-satellite capability that could threaten large numbers of satellites.

Russia has denied that it intends to place such a nuclear weapon in orbit. At the same time, Moscow has repeatedly confronted the military implications of commercial satellite constellations such as Starlink, which has provided crucial communications capabilities to Ukraine during its war with Russia.

Starlink’s architecture makes disabling the network particularly difficult because it consists of a large constellation rather than a small number of individual satellites. An adversary attempting to eliminate the service would therefore have to disable numerous spacecraft rather than destroying a single satellite.

Exactly what the newly acknowledged American weapons are capable of doing remains unknown. Possible space-control technologies can include kinetic systems designed to physically damage an adversary’s spacecraft as well as non-kinetic capabilities such as electronic jammers, spoofing systems or directed-energy technology. Meink specifically declined to say which category the deployed American systems fall into.

The 1967 Outer Space Treaty prohibits placing nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction in orbit. The treaty does not, however, impose a blanket prohibition on conventional weapons in space, leaving considerable legal and strategic territory surrounding emerging military space capabilities.

Meink indicated that the Pentagon intends to keep the details of the newly revealed systems secret, arguing that disclosing their existence can contribute to deterrence while revealing their precise capabilities could undermine that purpose.

“We’re not going to talk about the specifics of what we’re doing, whether we’ve tested, not tested, or anything else,” Meink said. “I would just say that the space environment is critical for military and economic security, and we need to make sure that the U.S. can operate freely there.”

Newly disclosed FBI records are offering an unusually detailed look at the upbringing, personality and interests of Thomas Matthew Crooks, the 20-year-old gunman who tried to assassinate President Donald Trump at a campaign rally in Butler, Pennsylvania, on July 13, 2024. Interviews contained in the files portray Crooks as exceptionally withdrawn from childhood, highly intelligent and increasingly absorbed in firearms, technology and privacy in the years before the attack. His motive, however, remains unresolved.

Crooks opened fire from the roof of a nearby building during Trump’s rally, killing rally attendee Corey Comperatore and wounding Trump and two other spectators before being killed by a Secret Service counter-sniper. Congressional investigators later concluded that Crooks fired eight rounds and that major security failures contributed to his ability to carry out the attack.

“When Thomas was born he did not scream and he was always quiet from that point on,” his father, Matthew, told federal investigators.

The newly surfaced material was provided to Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) as part of his continuing examination of the Butler assassination attempt and was reviewed by the New York Post.

Among the records are FBI interviews with Matthew Crooks, who told investigators he “never really had a father/son bond” with Thomas. He described his son as stoic and exceedingly difficult to read, saying he seldom displayed powerful emotions and rarely laughed.

Crooks sometimes misbehaved during elementary school because “he was bored,” according to his father. In one incident Matthew recalled, his son damaged a desk and other school property in an effort to attract attention.

By middle school, Matthew and his wife, Mary, “thought Thomas had ADHD,” according to the interview. They also worried for a time that he had begun associating with a “bad” group of children.

Matthew described another incident at home in which Thomas, following an argument, emptied an entire container of fish food into his sister’s betta fish tank.

His son’s seeming lack of emotion frustrated him so much that Matthew said he “pushed” Thomas until the boy finally began crying, in an attempt to draw an emotional response from him.

Matthew noticed additional changes between Thomas’ freshman and sophomore years of high school. His son became “a little more quiet and reserved” and began having “issues with speaking to his teachers.”

At the same time, Matthew said he often observed Thomas talking to himself, behavior that “became more noticeable over the years.”

Looking back, Matthew expressed regret that his “work schedules” prevented him from regularly driving his son to and from extracurricular activities. He wondered whether greater involvement in those activities might have provided Thomas, who largely kept to himself, with a healthier social outlet.

Academically, Thomas placed considerable pressure on himself. His father told investigators that he immersed himself in college-preparation classes because he “feared he may not get into college.” Matthew added, “He was putting a lot of pressure on himself.”

Thomas may have lacked social skills and “street smarts,” as his father put it, but he demonstrated significant academic ability.

According to Matthew, his son earned a 1400 on the SAT the first time he took the exam without preparing for it. On a later attempt, he raised his score to nearly 1500.

Thomas periodically mentioned possible careers but apparently never developed a firm commitment to any of them.

“At one point, Thomas wanted to join the military to work in nuclear submarines, but this was more of just an idea as Thomas thought it would be ‘cool,’” according to FBI notes from an interview with the gunman’s father.

Matthew also told investigators that his son apparently never had a romantic relationship and “never showed interest in girls.” According to his father, Thomas “repeatedly denied” being gay when the subject arose over the years.

Thomas developed a growing interest in firearms and shooting during his teenage years, although that fascination apparently did not extend to traditional outdoor activities. His father said Thomas briefly showed interest in hunting but that he could not picture his son actually killing an animal. Thomas also “hated” fishing.

Matthew said many of his conversations with Thomas during those years were short and centered on guns. At one point, his teenage son asked whether “he would have to do a background check” if he purchased Matthew’s Glock. His father later told investigators that he considered the question “odd.”

Thomas also asked about obtaining firearms that belonged to his grandfather.

Around the time of the COVID-19 pandemic, Thomas began visiting a gun club. Initially, according to his father, he was a “terrible” shooter — “he could not hit the paper [target].” Matthew estimated that it took his son four or five years of practice before his shooting improved significantly.

Over time, however, Thomas developed considerable skill. He began bringing targets home from the range to show his father how accurately he could shoot from distances exceeding 100 yards.

When Matthew asked why he was “going out so far,” Thomas told him “he wanted to see how far he could shoot with rudimentary sights.”

After purchasing a prism sight, Thomas began practicing at even greater distances. His father said he eventually became “very knowledgeable” about measuring distances and zeroing a firearm, learning precisely how many adjustments were necessary to alter the sight angle. Separate reporting on the newly disclosed federal records has also described Crooks’ increasing focus on long-distance shooting.

As his fascination with firearms intensified, Thomas began receiving numerous Amazon deliveries containing “parts, tools and items to increase the capacity of his rifle.”

He began addressing deliveries to the pseudonym “Bob Dole,” adopting the name after his father’s Citizens Bank checking account was hacked and fraudulent BetMGM transactions appeared on it.

Thomas apparently concluded that buying products under a false name — in this instance, that of the late Republican presidential candidate — would prevent someone from hacking the purchaser. Matthew tried to explain that using an assumed delivery name would make no difference because the payment would still be charged to a bank account bearing the account holder’s real identity.

Thomas rejected his father’s explanation and continued ordering products under pseudonyms, believing the practice provided protection against having his accounts compromised.

His interest in digital privacy extended further. Thomas showed his father how to use tools including CyberGhost VPN and the Bravenet Browser, arguing that they made users “less likely to be compromised by outside actors.”

Matthew also recalled that his son maintained accounts with several privacy-oriented encrypted email services, including GMX and Mailfence.

Around the same period, Thomas acquired a 3D printer. His father recalled him once arriving home with a large container holding an unidentified substance that Thomas said he needed to clean the printer.

Thomas also attempted to manufacture his own handgun, according to his father, an experiment Matthew said nearly went disastrously wrong.

“Using carbon fiber plastic, a dryer and a toaster oven, Thomas did once create a Glock 19,” Matthew told investigators.

After a single round was fired from the homemade weapon, Matthew became concerned that its frame could explode and refused to allow his son to fire it again.

Thomas’ technical interests went beyond firearms. He assembled his own gaming computer despite his father suggesting that a laptop would be more practical, and he constructed a security camera using a Raspberry Pi, a small and inexpensive computer.

When investigators asked who Thomas considered a role model, Matthew said the closest answer was probably the Marvel character Iron Man.

The newly disclosed records also depict Crooks’ political views as difficult to place neatly within one ideological camp. One person interviewed by investigators, whose identity was redacted, characterized Thomas as a “big history buff” who was “interested in politics,” although he generally discussed political matters in a “nonchalant” manner.

That individual recalled that Thomas “spoke often about Trump and [former President Joe] Biden back when Trump initially got elected,” including things he “liked and disliked” about Trump and other political figures. He also reportedly discussed Secretary of State Marco Rubio frequently.

Matthew gave investigators a similar account two days after the shooting, saying his son did not display particularly strong loyalty to either major political party. When political subjects came up at home, father and son would often end up “making fun of the politicians.”

“Thomas called himself a Republican. Thomas did not like the welfare state and was against the ‘woke’ ideology but never really espoused the Republican ideology,” Matthew said. According to his father, Thomas was more inclined to debate “government policies in a general sense.”

Matthew said his son “expressed shock” over the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol and “did not believe the 2020 presidential election was rigged.”

Crooks was registered as a Republican, although Matthew told investigators he thought his son had registered that way because Matthew himself was affiliated with the GOP. The father described himself as more critical of Trump’s policies than Thomas was and said he criticized both Trump and Biden.

Matthew was therefore surprised when he learned that his son had made a $15 contribution in 2021 to the Progressive Turnout Project, a Democratic-aligned voter-mobilization organization. The combination of Crooks’ registration, donation and statements described by his father has not produced evidence establishing a political motive for the assassination attempt. The FBI previously said it had not identified a motive or found evidence that Crooks had been directed by a foreign entity.

Thomas was also deeply interested in computer games during high school, playing “Grand Prix, strategic-style military confrontation and first-person shooter games.” After graduating, however, his enthusiasm faded, and he sometimes regretted the amount of time he had invested in building his gaming computer.

His entertainment interests included war and action movies. According to his father, he watched films including “Saving Private Ryan,” “Full Metal Jacket,” “Heartbreak Ridge,” “Anger Management” and the “John Wick” series.

His musical tastes changed as he grew older. Matthew said Thomas enjoyed rap and country music in elementary school but gravitated increasingly toward country music in high school. His father remembered that Thomas would sometimes dance by himself in his bedroom with the door shut.

Despite the behaviors and interests now described in detail in the FBI interviews, Matthew said the family did not view them at the time as warning signs that Thomas was preparing to commit violence.

Matthew told investigators that family members were “racking” their brains trying to understand why Thomas had decided to attempt to kill Trump, an attack that killed one rally attendee and seriously wounded two others in addition to injuring Trump.

Thomas “never showed any signs indicating something was wrong,” his father told investigators.

More than two years after the Butler shooting, the question at the center of the case therefore remains unanswered: what ultimately drove Crooks to climb onto the roof overlooking Trump’s rally and open fire? The FBI has publicly said that its investigation uncovered extensive evidence about Crooks’ activities and interests but did not establish a definitive motive.

Iran-backed Houthi forces are increasingly positioned to threaten some of Saudi Arabia’s most critical energy infrastructure, including its 745-mile East-West Pipeline and the Abqaiq oil processing complex, as the rebels’ rapid gains along Yemen’s Red Sea coast deepen concerns about global oil supplies. The latest escalation comes after an attack forced the kingdom to shut down the East-West Pipeline, a route that has become increasingly important amid severe disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz.

The Houthis’ rapid territorial advance has given the group control of key positions around the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, including Perim Island and territory along Yemen’s Red Sea coast. Those gains have placed the Houthis in a substantially stronger position to threaten vessels passing through one of the world’s most important shipping chokepoints.

Security analysts say the danger extends beyond shipping. Saudi Arabia’s East-West Pipeline, the Abqaiq processing facility, and other major pieces of fixed energy infrastructure could face attacks from Iran-aligned forces. The pipeline was recently struck by drones launched from Iraq, according to Saudi authorities, forcing its shutdown while damage was assessed and repairs undertaken.

“There is an inherent problem in trying to defend large, fixed infrastructure from the Houthi attacks,” said Kelly Campa, the head of the Middle East team for the Institute for the Study of War.

“Attacks on the pipeline are very concerning… and its clear that this is an Axis of Resistance effort to go after Saudi oil and impose more economic pains.”

President Donald Trump, meanwhile, has signaled reluctance to deepen direct American military involvement, suggesting that the confrontation involving the Houthis and Saudi Arabia could ultimately be resolved. The United States has continued providing assistance to the kingdom, including intelligence support, while Washington has also been in direct contact with the Houthis.

The Houthis emerged as a dominant force in Yemen after seizing the capital, Sanaa, in 2014, setting off years of warfare against Yemen’s internationally recognized government, which has been supported by Saudi Arabia.

A ceasefire beginning in 2022 significantly reduced hostilities for several years, but the conflict erupted again this summer after Saudi-linked forces bombed a runway near Sanaa to prevent an Iranian aircraft from landing.

The aircraft was subsequently reported to have been carrying Iranian military equipment and advisers intended to assist the Houthis.

That episode was followed by renewed Houthi attacks against Yemen’s internationally recognized government and Saudi Arabia. The Houthis also declared a maritime blockade targeting Saudi vessels in the Red Sea.

Iran and the Houthis had repeatedly threatened action involving the Bab al-Mandeb Strait amid continued U.S. strikes against Iran. The Houthis then poured thousands of fighters into the area around the strategic port city of Mokha, part of an offensive that dramatically expanded their position along Yemen’s Red Sea coastline.

The Houthis’ advance has potentially major consequences for international energy supplies because Saudi Arabia has increasingly depended upon Red Sea export routes as traffic through the Strait of Hormuz has been severely disrupted by the wider regional conflict. The Bab al-Mandeb is one of the principal maritime links between the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden.

A prolonged disruption of the Bab al-Mandeb would leave commercial vessels with significantly fewer viable options and could force many ships onto much longer routes around Africa, adding considerable time and expense to voyages between Europe and Asia.

The impact is already being seen in Saudi crude exports. Shipments through the kingdom’s principal Red Sea outlet have become increasingly important since the regional war began, while the recent pipeline attack has heightened fears over Saudi Arabia’s ability to maintain those exports.

Complicating any effort to protect shipping is the geography of the Bab al-Mandeb. The waterway is narrower than the Strait of Hormuz, and the Institute for the Study of War has said that its dimensions leave little prospect for creating the type of protected alternative transit route that the United States has helped facilitate off Oman.

The threat is also coming from land. Saudi energy installations have come under attack, including the East-West Pipeline, which Saudi Arabia said was hit by several drones launched from Iraqi territory.

“It does send a message that goes beyond the Strait of Hormuz… that the Axis of Resistance can threaten energy markets in the region beyond the strait,” Campa said.

The East-West Pipeline is especially important because it stretches roughly 745 miles across Saudi Arabia, connecting oil-producing areas near the Persian Gulf with the Red Sea port of Yanbu. That gives Riyadh a route for moving crude that does not depend on passage through the Strait of Hormuz.

Since the war began, Saudi Arabia has used the pipeline to transport roughly 4 million to 5 million barrels per day, equivalent to approximately 4% to 5% of global oil supply. The pipeline’s role has consequently become even more critical as normal Gulf shipping routes have faced escalating disruption.

The Institute for the Study of War has warned that defending such an enormous piece of infrastructure poses a particular challenge, “given that damage to a single segment along the pipeline would render the entire pipeline inoperable.”

The latest strike caused extensive damage and forced the pipeline offline. Industry estimates of the repair timeline have varied, although U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright said Tuesday that Washington expects the pipeline to resume operations within days. Before that assessment, industry sources had warned that export stocks available at Yanbu could cover only a limited period if the pipeline remained shut.

Another major concern is Abqaiq, the enormous Saudi facility that processes crude oil by removing gases and impurities so the oil can be safely transported and stored. The complex is considered the world’s largest crude oil processing facility and handles a significant share of global supply.

Thomas Warrick, who served as deputy assistant secretary for counterterrorism policy at the Department of Homeland Security during Trump’s first term, previously described Abqaiq as the “Panama Canal” of global energy markets while discussing the facility’s importance following the 2019 attack against it.

Abqaiq is linked to the East-West Pipeline system that Saudi Arabia has relied upon to move crude away from the disrupted Strait of Hormuz. Any serious interruption there would therefore threaten another crucial component of the kingdom’s ability to keep oil flowing to international markets.

The growing threat to Saudi infrastructure has already rattled energy markets. Brent crude climbed above $108 a barrel following the pipeline attack, as traders weighed the possibility of prolonged Saudi export disruptions and further attacks on regional energy facilities.

The United States previously conducted a 53-day military campaign against Houthi targets before the operation ended under a ceasefire reached with the group.

Trump has appeared reluctant to commit additional American forces directly to the latest fighting, even as Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has sought greater U.S. assistance. Washington is providing intelligence support, but U.S. officials have not announced direct American strikes in response to the latest attacks.

Reports indicate that Trump told the Saudi crown prince that Washington would provide substantial assistance while stopping short of launching offensive military action.

Trump also said over the weekend that the Houthis had contacted the United States and urged Washington not to intervene, while expressing confidence that the confrontation could be resolved. Reuters reported Tuesday that Trump confirmed recent communication involving the Houthis and the Saudi crisis.

“I can just say, it’s going to work out fine and dandy. It’s going to be very good,” Trump said of the talks.

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President Donald Trump has come out in support of Flock Safety’s automated license plate reader cameras, saying he favors the technology because of its usefulness to law enforcement despite concerns that the nationwide camera network infringes on privacy.

Trump was questioned about the cameras by a reporter aboard Air Force One, with the reporter noting that numerous police departments say the technology has proven valuable in their efforts to apprehend suspects.

“I sort of like them because of that, because of law enforcement. But some people don’t. They think it’s an infringement,” Trump said.

When the reporter followed up by noting that the cameras assist authorities in catching criminals, Trump responded, “I like them.”

Trump’s comments represented his clearest public expression of support for Flock’s technology. When questioned about the issue on Aug. 17, the President had stopped short of taking a position, saying it was “being studied right now” and that there were “pros and cons.”

The President did not accompany his endorsement with any proposed federal policy, nor did he address questions surrounding warrants, how long information collected by the cameras should be retained, or whether federal funds should be used to purchase the systems.

Flock has built a sprawling network of automated license plate readers used by law enforcement agencies across the country. The cameras photograph vehicles as they pass and record information including license plate numbers and vehicle characteristics such as make, model, and color. Participating agencies can also use the system to search information collected outside their own jurisdictions. Congressional researchers have noted that federal grant programs have previously been used to support local law enforcement license plate-reader programs.

According to Flock, its cameras do not employ facial recognition technology, continuously follow individual vehicles, or function as live-video surveillance cameras.

The technology has nevertheless faced opposition from lawmakers across party lines. Reps. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and Eric Burlison (R-Mo.) introduced legislation on Sept. 2 that would prohibit federal funding from being spent to purchase, install, maintain, operate, or upgrade automated license plate readers and biometric surveillance cameras.

Under the proposal, agencies that had acquired the equipment with federal money would be given 180 days to remove the systems or reimburse the U.S. Treasury. An exception would apply to systems used for toll collection.

“Federal taxpayers should not be forced to fund the surveillance state,” Massie said in a statement.

Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) is among the cosponsors of the legislation, underscoring the bipartisan nature of some of the opposition to the technology. More broadly, the Congressional Research Service has noted that Congress has the authority to restrict federal law enforcement’s use of license plate readers and can also influence state and local use of the technology through federal grant funding.

Resistance to Flock has also emerged at the local level. At least 54 municipalities across 23 states have reportedly voted this year to cancel existing Flock agreements, reject proposed contracts, or decline to renew their arrangements with the company.

A significant portion of the controversy has focused on the possible use of the camera network in federal immigration enforcement.

According to reporting by 404 Media cited in the original report, local law enforcement officers conducted more than 4,000 searches of Flock data on behalf of federal agencies for immigration-related purposes. Flock has maintained that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement does not have direct access to its platform.

Concerns about improper use by individual law enforcement personnel have added to the scrutiny surrounding the system. Recent reporting has documented allegations that officers used license plate databases for personal rather than legitimate investigative purposes.

In Georgia, employees at more than a dozen law enforcement agencies have reportedly been arrested or disciplined in connection with allegedly improper searches. Those cases include five former Albany officers charged in July and three Gwinnett County officers charged this month.

Days after a major shakeup within Degel HaTorah that saw longtime MKs Moshe Gafni and Uri Maklev replaced on the party’s Knesset slate, the veteran representatives sat alongside their successors Monday night for the first time as the party began preparations for the upcoming election.

The meeting, held at Degel HaTorah headquarters in Bnei Brak, was billed as a kickoff and organizational session ahead of the election. Both the newly selected candidates and the veteran lawmakers who were removed from the slate participated.

The gathering followed several turbulent days for the Litvishe party after the removal of Gafni and Maklev, longtime fixtures in chareidi politics. The manner in which their replacement was handled drew considerable criticism and generated an internal storm within the party.

In an official Degel HaTorah announcement distributed by spokesman Yaakov Morgenbesser, who in recent years served as Gafni’s spokesman, the party notably listed its new candidates first, followed by its veteran representatives.

According to the announcement, those attending included the party’s new chairman, MK Yaakov Asher, who is also expected to serve as chairman of United Torah Judaism; MK Yitzchok Pindrus; Moshe Rosenthal; Yehuda Weissfish; Dovid Zaltz; Dovid Ochana; and Eliyahu Baruchi.

Also present were Gafni, who continues to hold the title of chairman of the Degel HaTorah movement; Maklev, who remains a member of the party leadership; Yitzchok Reich; Menachem Shapiro, director of the party’s municipal department; and Degel HaTorah director Moshe Schiffman.

The meeting focused on preparations for Israel’s 26th Knesset elections and on strategies for mobilizing Degel HaTorah supporters to turn out on Election Day.

The participants also discussed efforts to maximize support for the joint United Torah Judaism slate, which is expected to include Degel HaTorah together with Agudas Yisroel and the new party established by MK Meir Porush.

The gathering marked the first time since the controversial reshuffling of the Degel HaTorah slate that Gafni and Maklev appeared together in an official party setting with the candidates selected to lead the party into the next election.

{Matzav.com}

A 12-year-old Jewish boy living in Lithuania has inspired listeners in Israel after revealing that he learns four blatt Gemara every day and hopes to complete the entire Shas by his bar mitzvah next year.

Yehuda Sheinfeld, who lives with his family in Kovno, Lithuania, spoke with radio host Menachem Toker on the Kol Chai program “Zman Avir” about the ambitious daily learning schedule he has maintained for approximately a year.

Yehuda first attracted attention after surprising Reb Eli Stefansky during one of his popular Gemara shiurim by telling him about the learning schedule he had undertaken.

During his conversation with Toker, Yehuda explained that his family has been living in Lithuania for 14 years. His parents originally moved there after being asked to assist local Jews with kosher food, Torah classes and other Jewish needs.

What was initially supposed to be a roughly 10-month shlichus ultimately became a long-term commitment. Yehuda said his father enjoyed the work he was doing for the Jewish community, and the family decided to remain in Kovno.

Yehuda said there is no established Jewish school available for him in Lithuania, and his primary companions are his own siblings. Much of his Torah learning is therefore accomplished through Rabbi Stefansky’s online shiurim.

“With the rebbe’s shiurim, you can accomplish even more. He makes the shiurim very interesting,” Yehuda said.

The 12-year-old also encouraged listeners to begin learning along with the program as a new masechta gets underway.

Yehuda’s daily schedule consists of the Daf Yomi plus another three blatt from masechtos of his choosing. He said he has maintained the four-blatt-a-day pace for approximately a year, with his sights set on an extraordinary milestone: completing Shas by his bar mitzvah.

“I still have a long way to go,” Yehuda said.

His interest in the shiurim began through his father, who learns every day. After hearing the classes himself, Yehuda became intrigued and eventually began learning them on his own.

Yehuda also described his family’s extensive activities on behalf of Lithuania’s Jewish population.

For Rosh Hashanah, the family participated in tefillos and programs organized by the local Jewish community at a hotel rented to accommodate approximately 400 people. Among those who attended were numerous Jewish university students who are not shomrei mitzvos but wanted an opportunity to experience and learn about Rosh Hashanah.

Yehuda said his father delivers Torah shiurim almost every day. On Shabbos, additional shiurim are held, along with opportunities for participants to learn b’chavrusa.

Toker was visibly moved by the remarkable 12-year-old’s story, calling Yehuda an “ambassador of the Daf Yomi” and telling him that he wanted to attend his bar mitzvah celebration.

“You’re invited, and you have a special invitation, with Hashem’s help,” Yehuda replied.

{Matzav.com}

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California Gov. Gavin Newsom said he would not seek the Democratic presidential nomination in 2028 if Kamala Harris enters the race, declaring that he has no interest in competing against the former vice president for the White House.

Newsom made the disclosure during an interview with CNN’s Jake Tapper while the two were fly-fishing in Montana. The conversation was part of a new CNN series in which Tapper joins political figures in settings meaningful to them and discusses their lives, careers and political futures.

As Tapper discussed what could become a large Democratic presidential field, he noted that Newsom would not necessarily be the only Californian considering a campaign. He mentioned Rep. Ro Khanna as well as Harris.

“I don’t know if she runs, but we’ll see,” Newsom said. When Tapper noted Harris had “called around,” the governor added, “But I wouldn’t run if she ran.”

Tapper pressed Newsom to make clear that he was ruling out competing against Harris.

“Of course not. Why would I? I wouldn’t do that to her,” Newsom said. “I wouldn’t waste everyone’s time. Who needs that?”

Newsom said a presidential primary pitting him against Harris would be counterproductive for both of them, describing such a contest as “mutually assured destruction.”

“Electorally, it’s a gift from God for everybody else,” he said. “It services no greater good.”

Tapper pointed out that Harris has already sought the presidency twice, while Newsom has never mounted a White House campaign.

Newsom acknowledged that the distinction could provide an argument for him to run, but said that he and Harris draw support from many of the same people and political networks.

“That would be the case you’d make. Pretty good one, actually,” Newsom said. “I know her base of supporters. I know her friends. The Venn diagram on that is just pure crossover.”

Newsom also said that any decision about seeking the presidency would first have to receive the backing of his family. He said a White House campaign would be a “non-starter” without the support of his four children.

His remarks provided his clearest answer yet about how a Harris candidacy would affect his own deliberations over 2028. Earlier this year, when CNN asked about the possibility of the two running against one another, Newsom said, “And I’ve never gotten in the way of her ambition ever. I haven’t. And I don’t imagine I would in the future.”

Harris, meanwhile, has left open the possibility of another presidential campaign. Asked previously whether she had decided about 2028, Harris said she had not, while reiterating, “I am not done.”

Neither Newsom nor Harris has formally announced a campaign for the 2028 Democratic presidential nomination. Newsom’s latest comments, however, establish one condition that he says would keep him out of the contest entirely: a decision by Harris to run.

New York Gov. Kathy Hochul granted a full pardon to a Dominican immigrant convicted of felony assault, a move that eliminated the conviction underlying his removal proceedings and brought an abrupt end to a major Supreme Court case over whether certain noncitizens held for extended periods are constitutionally entitled to bond hearings.

The case centered on Keisy Guerrero Mariano, identified in Supreme Court filings as Keisy G.M., a lawfully present Dominican citizen whose case had become the vehicle for resolving a broader dispute over the federal government’s authority to detain certain noncitizens without bond while removal proceedings are pending.

Mariano pleaded guilty to second-degree assault in New York in 2015 and served time for the offense. Immigration and Customs Enforcement arrested him in 2020, with the aggravated-felony conviction serving as the basis for removal proceedings and mandatory immigration detention.

Mariano remained in ICE custody for nearly two years before being released in 2022 under a nationwide injunction connected to health concerns during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Before that release, U.S. District Judge John P. Cronan of the Southern District of New York rejected Mariano’s habeas petition in November 2021.

The legal landscape changed in May 2024, when the Second Circuit Court of Appeals overturned that ruling and concluded that the government must provide noncitizens with a bond hearing when their detention becomes “unreasonably long.” The appeals court held that failing to provide such a hearing would violate the Fifth Amendment’s Due Process Clause.

The Trump administration appealed the ruling to the Supreme Court, arguing against the Second Circuit’s conclusion that the Constitution requires bond hearings in such circumstances. Under federal law, certain noncitizens convicted of specified crimes are subject to mandatory detention while removal proceedings are underway.

The Supreme Court agreed in June to hear the dispute. The case initially involved both Mariano and Carol Williams Black, a Jamaican national who had also challenged his prolonged detention.

Black’s portion of the dispute became moot after he left the United States and submitted a declaration stating that he did not intend to return. That left Mariano’s case as the vehicle through which the justices were expected to decide the constitutional question.

Then, in late August, Hochul granted Mariano a full and unconditional pardon for the aggravated-felony conviction at the center of his immigration case.

The timing immediately changed the Supreme Court litigation. According to Solicitor General D. John Sauer, the pardon came three calendar days before Mariano’s merits brief was due at the Supreme Court.

Because the assault conviction was the basis for Mariano’s pending removal proceedings and the government’s argument that he was subject to mandatory detention, the pardon meant he would no longer be subject to that detention on those grounds, the Solicitor General told the Court.

As a result, both sides agreed that Mariano’s habeas case had become moot.

The parties filed a joint stipulation to dismiss the Supreme Court case on September 11, and the Court’s official docket records that the case was dismissed that day under Supreme Court Rule 46.

The development means the Supreme Court will not use Mariano’s case to decide whether the Second Circuit was correct in holding that prolonged mandatory immigration detention can trigger a constitutional right to a bond hearing.

The Trump administration, however, has made clear that it intends to continue challenging the Second Circuit precedent.

Sauer informed the Supreme Court that the administration would look for another case — an “alternative vehicle” — that could allow the justices to resolve the same legal questions during the Court’s 2026-27 term.

Hochul’s pardon drew criticism from Iowa Solicitor General Eric Wessan, who questioned the governor’s decision to erase the conviction while the Supreme Court litigation was pending.

“I wonder how many non-American felons Governors like Hochul will choose to fully pardon and free to avoid them facing consequences for their actions,” Wessan added.

The federal government had considered asking the Supreme Court to vacate the lower-court rulings after Mariano’s case became moot. Sauer said the administration ultimately decided against doing so, reasoning that vacating those decisions would not resolve conflicting rulings among the federal appeals courts and could delay another suitable case from reaching the Supreme Court.

Instead, the Second Circuit’s ruling remains in place while the administration searches for another case through which it can ask the Supreme Court to decide the broader constitutional dispute.

The episode therefore ended Mariano’s particular Supreme Court battle without resolving the underlying question that brought the case before the justices: when, if ever, the Constitution requires the federal government to provide a bond hearing to a noncitizen who would otherwise be subject to mandatory immigration detention for an extended period.

SAN FRANCISCO — A driverless Waymo taxi pulled itself over in San Francisco and alerted authorities after the company detected a firearm inside the vehicle, leading police to arrest two juveniles and recover what authorities described as a loaded, AR-style “ghost gun.”

The unusual incident unfolded shortly before 4 a.m. on September 3 in San Francisco’s Richmond District, offering a striking example of how autonomous taxi companies can remotely respond to activity taking place inside their driverless vehicles.

According to the Los Angeles Times, Waymo confirmed that its systems detected what a company spokesperson described as a “violation of our terms of service involving a firearm.” The vehicle was then brought to a stop, emergency services were contacted, and the company “cooperated fully” with the San Francisco Police Department.

Police said they received a report involving two passengers traveling in an autonomous vehicle with a firearm. Officers responded to the location and carried out what the department described as a “high-risk vehicle stop.”

Inside the driverless taxi were two juveniles, a boy and a girl. Officers detained both passengers before searching the vehicle.

During that search, police said they recovered a loaded AR-style firearm that authorities characterized as a ghost gun, a term generally used for privately assembled firearms that lack standard identifying markings or serial numbers. Officers also allegedly recovered suspected marijuana and mace spray.

Both juveniles were taken into custody and transported to juvenile hall. Their identities were not released because of their ages.

Police said the investigation remains “open and active.”

The episode raises an unusual aspect of the growing use of robotaxis: although there is no human driver sitting behind the wheel, passengers should not assume that activity inside an autonomous vehicle necessarily goes unnoticed.

Waymo’s rider policies prohibit weapons inside its vehicles, and the company has systems in place to respond when prohibited or potentially dangerous behavior is detected.

In this case, the company said the firearm triggered its response procedures, ultimately resulting in the vehicle stopping and authorities being notified.

The September 3 encounter was also not the first time Waymo has intervened because of alleged misconduct by passengers.

In July, the company contacted police in San Mateo after two teenagers were reportedly drinking alcohol and shooting toy guns from the back of one of its vehicles. Authorities said Waymo responded by stopping the vehicle, after which police became involved.

Waymo began in 2009 as Google’s self-driving vehicle project and was spun off into a separate company under Google parent Alphabet in 2016. Its autonomous vehicles have since become an increasingly common sight in cities including San Francisco and Los Angeles.

The company has continued rapidly expanding its robotaxi operations. This month, Waymo launched paid service in San Diego, Denver and Tampa, and it recently received authorization from California regulators to expand into additional areas including Sacramento and communities in Orange and Riverside counties.

As Waymo’s driverless vehicles have become more commonplace, they have also been involved in a number of unusual incidents.

In July, for example, a shirtless man in East Hollywood was recorded standing on top of a Waymo vehicle and dismantling parts of the car. In another incident in downtown Los Angeles in 2025, authorities arrested a man who allegedly attempted to get behind the wheel of a Waymo and drive it himself.

The latest incident, however, presented a different scenario: the alleged danger was not outside the autonomous vehicle but sitting inside it.

With no human driver present to observe the passengers or call police, Waymo itself detected the alleged firearm violation, stopped the ride and contacted emergency services — culminating in the arrest of both juvenile passengers and the recovery of the loaded weapon.

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White House border czar Tom Homan said there are no plans for Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents to conduct sweeps at polling locations during November’s midterm elections, rejecting concerns that federal immigration officers could be deployed broadly to voting sites.

“There’s no plan to sweep polling locations,” Homan said, according to the Washington Examiner.

His comments came amid growing concern among Democratic officials and voting-rights organizations that the presence of immigration agents or other federal officers near polling places could intimidate voters or discourage some people from casting ballots.

Democratic organizations and activist groups have responded by launching an initiative called the “New Battlefield Project,” which is seeking to recruit 10,000 volunteers to monitor polling locations and prepare for the possibility of federal officers appearing at voting sites.

Juan Proaño, CEO of the League of United Latin American Citizens, accused the administration of using concerns about noncitizen voting and possible immigration enforcement to frighten Latino voters.

“This administration is basically using the rhetoric that undocumented citizens are voting and that they’re going to have DHS and ICE at the polls to try to intimidate and suppress the Latino vote,” Proaño told the AP.

The Trump administration has denied that it intends to send ICE agents on widespread enforcement operations at polling locations. Homan said he had not seen operational plans or discussions concerning immigration enforcement at voting sites.

His latest remarks represent the administration’s clearest assurance that ICE is not preparing a coordinated operation to search polling places for noncitizens during the November elections.

The controversy has emerged as part of a much broader political and legal fight over election procedures ahead of the midterms, with Democrats and voting-rights organizations challenging several Trump administration initiatives that they say could make voting more difficult. The administration maintains that its policies are aimed at safeguarding election integrity.

Among the measures drawing scrutiny are President Donald Trump’s efforts to change federal election procedures, including new rules affecting mail voting and stronger mechanisms for verifying U.S. citizenship.

Trump signed an executive order in March directing federal agencies to strengthen citizenship verification in federal elections and make changes involving mail and absentee voting.

Among other provisions, the administration sought greater federal access to information that could be used to verify citizenship and backed Postal Service regulations that would require states to submit information about mail voters through a federal portal and comply with new requirements for ballot envelopes.

Administration officials have maintained that the changes are intended to strengthen election security and help ensure that only eligible U.S. citizens participate in federal elections.

Trump has also repeatedly urged Congress to approve the SAVE America Act, legislation that would impose documentary proof-of-citizenship requirements for voter registration in federal elections. The White House has presented the proposal as another election-integrity measure.

The administration’s effort to impose new requirements on mail ballots has faced a series of court challenges.

On Sunday, U.S. District Judge Carl Nichols, a Trump appointee, became the second federal judge to block the Postal Service regulations. Nichols concluded that Congress gave the Postal Service authority to deliver mail, but not to require states to enroll mail voters in a federal system or refuse ballots that failed to comply with the agency’s new standards.

The rules would have required states to provide information about mail voters and obtain approval for ballot-envelope designs, with the Postal Service potentially refusing to deliver ballots that failed to satisfy the requirements. The administration sought Supreme Court intervention after an earlier injunction was issued by U.S. District Judge Indira Talwani.

Voting-rights organizations and Democratic officials have argued that imposing the requirements so close to the election could prevent otherwise valid ballots from being delivered or counted. The administration has argued that the regulations are lawful safeguards and would not override state election laws or prevent eligible voters from casting ballots.

The disputes over mail voting and citizenship verification have become part of the larger partisan battle over the administration’s election policies, with Democrats warning that the changes could discourage participation and the administration insisting that its objective is to protect the integrity of federal elections.

Homan’s statement addressed one particularly contentious aspect of that debate: He said ICE is not planning widespread immigration-enforcement operations at polling locations during the November midterms.

“There’s no plan to sweep polling locations,” Homan said.

Twenty Chabad rabbis from across the United States recently took part in an intensive five-day security program in Los Angeles that combined firearms instruction, emergency medical training and threat-response preparation, as Jewish communities contend with continuing security concerns ahead of the Yomim Tovim, the NY Post reports.

The pilot program was organized by Magen Am USA, a Los Angeles-based Jewish security organization, and drew participants from 12 states. The goal was not simply to teach rabbanim how to use firearms, organizers said, but to give Jewish communal leaders the knowledge and training needed to respond responsibly to emergencies at shuls and within their communities.

Held in August, the program brought together firearms training, emergency medicine and broader security instruction. It took place amid heightened concern over threats and attacks directed at Jewish institutions in California and across the country.

For Rabbi Yossi Eilfort, founder of Magen Am, simply encouraging more Jewish community members to carry weapons without adequate preparation is not the answer.

“Lots of people, lots of guns, little training,” Eilfort told the California Post. “That can be bad for the community.”

Magen Am operates both as a registered nonprofit organization and a California-licensed security company. Its stated mission is to help Jewish communities create and train their own security teams and improve preparedness at communal institutions.

The program comes against the backdrop of thousands of reported antisemitic incidents around the country. The Anti-Defamation League recorded 6,274 incidents of assault, harassment and vandalism nationwide in 2025.

California accounted for 817 of those incidents, the second-highest total of any state, while 419 were recorded in the Los Angeles area. Although Los Angeles saw an overall decline from 532 incidents in 2024, the number of assaults rose 22%, reaching what the ADL said was a record high for the region.

Eilfort said Magen Am works with members of Jewish communities, law enforcement agencies and government officials to develop effective security systems. The organization also provides firearms education to the broader public.

The idea for a program specifically geared toward rabbanim emerged after Jewish religious leaders increasingly began contacting Eilfort with questions about firearms and protecting their shuls.

“We’re visibly Jewish and we walk down the street and dozens of rabbis have people yell things at them,” Eilfort said, adding that rabbis have increasingly been targeted with hate speech and protests.

An anonymous donor agreed to finance the pilot program, allowing all of the participating rabbanim to attend without paying for the training.

Interest quickly exceeded the number of available places. Magen Am said 37 rabbis applied for the 20 spots in the inaugural program.

Organizers selected participants based in part on the security challenges confronting their respective communities and the protections already available to them. Their firearms experience varied considerably. Some had never touched a gun, others owned firearms but were uncomfortable carrying them, and still others were experienced gun owners seeking more advanced instruction.

Participants traveled to Los Angeles from Alaska, Montana, Arizona, Florida, New York, Missouri and other states. California rabbanim came from communities ranging from San Diego to Santa Barbara.

The five-day program began in the morning and continued through the evening, with Magen Am providing meals and accommodations in addition to the training.

Instruction covered responsible firearm ownership, recognizing potentially dangerous situations, emergency medicine and working effectively with law enforcement.

Eilfort declined to identify the specific law enforcement agency that participated in the training.

The rabbanim were also taught how to file suspicious-activity reports and how such information is processed by fusion centers that collect and analyze potential security threats.

“It’s not all about the gun,” Eilfort said. “It’s all about community safety.”

The instructors were themselves members of the Jewish community, including some with backgrounds in the Israel Defense Forces. Eilfort, who is a rabbi, is also a licensed and certified firearms instructor and previously competed as an MMA fighter.

“I’m not a security professional who found the Jewish community,” he said. “I’m a Jewish community member who realized we need more security in our community.”

Eilfort stressed that possessing a firearm is only one component of a comprehensive approach to security.

He said responsible gun ownership must include safe storage, proper insurance, proficiency, licensing and compliance with applicable laws and regulations. He also rejected any suggestion that Magen Am was encouraging community members to act as vigilantes.

“I’m not calling for vigilantism,” he said. “I believe in doing things right.”

One Los Angeles rabbi who participated in the program said the organizers compressed material that would ordinarily require weeks or even months of instruction into five intensive days.

The rabbi, who requested anonymity, said each morning began with davening and breakfast, after which the participants moved into classroom sessions or firearms training at the shooting range.

The daily schedule combined their regular religious routine with intensive security preparation. Among the medical skills taught was how to control severe bleeding during an emergency.

On the firing range, the rabbanim learned proper and safe firearm handling, how to holster and draw a weapon, how to aim and how to react to various emergency scenarios. They were also instructed in responding safely when a firearm malfunctions, the participant said.

“Every day they were building on the previous day’s learning,” he added.

For the Los Angeles rabbi, the experience represented an especially significant step: He had never fired a gun before attending the program.

“Some participants were very good,” he said. “They wanted to become excellent. And then there was someone like me that never touched a gun.”

As the course progressed, the participants advanced from basic classroom and range instruction to what the rabbi described as “FBI-style,” practical exercises at an indoor shooting facility. The final stages were intended to test accuracy and the participants’ overall proficiency with a firearm.

“It was a high level of being accurate and to know what you’re doing with a firearm,” the rabbi said.

The strong response to the pilot suggested that demand for similar training extends well beyond the original group. After the five-day program concluded, additional rabbanim sought admission, and Eilfort said approximately 40 people were placed on a waiting list.

Magen Am is now seeking additional financial backing that could allow it to conduct another four to six rabbinic programs next year. Organizers hope the initiative could eventually expand to 10 to 12 sessions the following year.

The organization has also been broadening its overall Jewish community security operations, including establishing a new security team in San Diego.

Even after completing the intensive program, however, some of the participating rabbanim are still weighing whether carrying a firearm should become part of their personal approach to protecting their communities.

The Los Angeles rabbi said graduating from the course did not mean that he had decided to begin carrying a weapon. He is continuing to consider whether owning a firearm is appropriate for him and intends to receive additional training before reaching a decision.

“I’m still in the journey with it,” he said. “My biggest takeaway is now I know how to use a firearm. God forbid, if it’s a case of an emergency, as a rabbi, I’m prepared.”

The rabbi said the issue also raised questions for him about the responsibilities imposed by Jewish law and whether carrying a weapon could be appropriate as part of those obligations.

Ultimately, he said, the Torah’s emphasis on preserving human life provides an important consideration when confronting a genuine life-threatening emergency.

“If it’s a matter of life and death, you have to do all that you can to save a life,” he said. “So this could save a life.”

Despite the extensive preparation, the rabbi said his greatest hope is that he and the other participants will never encounter a situation in which they need to put their new training into practice.

“If we would all be able to get along and respect each other’s differences, that will really make a community and a city and a country so beautiful,” he said.

A prominent bais din in Bnei Brak has issued an unusually forceful psak targeting the widespread practice of private transportation drivers using their cellphones while driving, warning that distracted driving constitutes a genuine danger to life and that repeat offenders could ultimately face efforts to have their licenses revoked.

The ruling, issued by the Bais Din Tzedek of Bnei Brak, was signed by leading dayanim Rav Sariel Rosenberg, Rav Yehuda Silman and Rav Yitzchok Mordechai Hakohen Rubin.

The dayanim focused particularly on the growing network of private transportation drivers commonly known as “drivers,” many of whom rely on WhatsApp groups and other cellphone communications to receive and accept rides throughout the day.

Because of the competitive nature of the business, drivers may feel pressure to constantly monitor their phones, respond to messages and secure new fares even while transporting passengers. The dayanim ruled unequivocally that concerns over parnassah cannot justify putting passengers or others on the road at risk.

“One who is lenient regarding road safety may come to transgress the severe sin of actual bloodshed,” the psak states.

The ruling specifically addresses drivers who dial numbers, write or read messages, or otherwise occupy themselves with their phones while driving, thereby diverting their eyes and attention from the road.

The dayanim based their ruling on the Torah obligation of “V’nishmartem me’od l’nafshoseichem” — to carefully guard one’s life — explaining that this obligation includes both avoiding injury to others and protecting oneself from harm.

Because driving inherently carries potential danger, the letter states, every driver bears an absolute responsibility to operate his vehicle carefully, obey established traffic and safety regulations, and refrain from conduct that could endanger others.

The dayanim further write that maintaining safe roads and removing hazards is among the responsibilities of the community. In earlier eras, when batei din possessed broader communal enforcement powers, they note, local dayanim themselves would have enacted regulations designed to eliminate even the possibility of danger on the roads.

Because matters of life and death are involved, and chamira sakanta mei’issura — danger is treated even more stringently than a matter of prohibition — the bais din says such regulations would have been enforced in the strictest possible manner, with penalties imposed against reckless drivers.

The letter also cites a statement attributed to the Steipler Gaon, Rav Yaakov Yisroel Kanievsky zt”l, that if a Sanhedrin existed in contemporary times, the majority of drivers would be disqualified from driving because they fail to exercise sufficient caution on the roads.

Turning specifically to the current problem, the dayanim write that it has become increasingly common for transportation drivers, as well as other motorists, to engage in dialing, writing and talking on their phones while driving.

Such conduct, they write, distracts drivers from hazards that can arise without warning and places their passengers in danger.

The bais din says the community must find ways to eradicate the practice, invoking the Torah’s words, “Yadeinu lo shafchu es hadam hazeh” — “Our hands did not spill this blood.”

The letter cites earlier Gedolei Hador who ruled that the public roadway belongs to the public and that every individual therefore has an obligation to use it in a manner that does not cause harm to others.

Accordingly, the dayanim write that appropriate measures may be taken proactively to eliminate dangers before tragedy strikes.

The most striking portion of the ruling addresses what a passenger or other individual should do upon witnessing dangerous driving.

“Therefore, it is our opinion that any person who sees any driver, even a relative or acquaintance, driving in a manner that endangers the public or an individual, must warn and admonish him. If he does not cease his actions, he should ask a chacham what may be done to bring about the revocation of his license and ensure that he is held accountable for his actions,” the dayanim write.

Significantly, the ruling does not instruct witnesses to automatically report every offender to the authorities. Rather, after warning a driver who is endangering others, if the conduct continues, the individual should consult a chacham regarding what steps are permissible to take in order to have the driver’s license revoked.

The dayanim conclude with a bracha for those who conduct themselves properly on the roads, writing that they should be blessed from Shomayim to be spared from harm and destructive forces and to reach their destinations “for life, joy and peace.”

The ruling comes as the informal “drivers” industry has received increasing attention in Israel in recent months. Tax authorities recently arrested a Beit Shemesh resident suspected of operating an unauthorized taxi service, while police have also carried out enforcement efforts against drivers accused of transporting passengers for payment without the required licensing.

Meanwhile, proposed legislation intended to regulate Israel’s private transportation market, commonly referred to as the “Uber Law,” has stalled amid disagreements over a proposed compensation mechanism for traditional taxi drivers.

Attorney General Todd Blanche said Monday that the Trump administration intends to release additional government records concerning the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, following renewed demands from victims’ families for unredacted documents that could shed light on possible Saudi connections to the hijackers.

“There’ll be more records coming out,” Blanche told CBS News, saying the administration shares the families’ desire to obtain answers from the remaining government files.

Blanche firmly rejected allegations that records remain secret because the United States is attempting to shield Saudi Arabia or any other government or organization.

“The one thing that we are not doing, we’re not protecting people,” Blanche said. “The reason that we’re not releasing documents has nothing to do with protecting any government or any entity. It’s just to protect, genuine classified [information].”

His comments followed an emotional new push by relatives of 9/11 victims during Friday’s ceremonies marking the 25th anniversary of the attacks. Family members publicly called on the Trump administration to release additional records without redactions, particularly documents they believe could provide information concerning Saudi Arabia.

Thousands of victims’ relatives have pursued lengthy litigation against Saudi Arabia, alleging that individuals with connections to the Saudi government provided assistance to two of the 19 hijackers.

President Donald Trump addressed the families’ request Sunday as he prepared to return to the United States from Ireland.

“I’m going to look at it when I get back,” Trump told reporters.

According to Blanche, some of the material that remains secret is legitimately classified because of national security considerations. At the same time, he acknowledged that the classification of other documents may no longer be justified.

“Sometimes there’s documents that are classified and they shouldn’t be,” Blanche said. “And so those are the ones that we’re going to release.”

Blanche did not say when the next batch of documents would become public.

At the heart of the families’ continuing effort are questions about whether individuals linked to Saudi Arabia assisted Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhar after the two hijackers arrived in California in January 2000.

Fifteen of the 19 terrorists who carried out the September 11 attacks were Saudi citizens. Saudi Arabia has repeatedly denied that its government played a role in the attacks.

Much of the families’ attention has focused on Omar al-Bayoumi, a Saudi national who encountered Hazmi and Mihdhar in San Diego and assisted them in securing housing. Bayoumi maintained that the encounter occurred by chance, while the victims’ families have alleged that his relationship with the hijackers and his connections to Saudi Arabia were more substantial than he acknowledged.

Evidence obtained through the families’ litigation included a video showing Bayoumi recording entrances to the U.S. Capitol and indicating the building’s position in relation to the Washington Monument. At portions of the recording, according to CBS News, Bayoumi referred to a “plan.”

Investigators also recovered an airplane drawing and a mathematical formula from Bayoumi’s apartment in Britain. The material was provided to the FBI in 2001, but a former FBI field investigator later told CBS’ “60 Minutes” that he did not learn about it until it was on the verge of being archived or destroyed.

After obtaining the material, the investigator brought it to aviation experts, who said the formula could enable a pilot to calculate a descent rate for striking a target on the horizon. According to CBS News, that evidence had not previously been provided to FBI field agents working on the investigation or to senior intelligence officials.

Investigators have long believed that the U.S. Capitol may have been the intended destination of United Airlines Flight 93, which crashed near Shanksville, Pennsylvania, after passengers fought back against the hijackers.

The 9/11 Commission concluded in its 2004 report that it had uncovered no evidence demonstrating that the Saudi government as an institution or senior Saudi officials individually financed al-Qaida. The commission nevertheless said its conclusions did not eliminate the possibility that charities receiving significant Saudi government sponsorship had diverted funds to the terrorist organization.

The families’ civil litigation against Saudi Arabia cleared an important hurdle in August 2025, when U.S. District Judge George B. Daniels rejected an effort by the kingdom to have the claims dismissed. The judge determined that the families had presented sufficient evidence for the litigation to continue, including evidence involving Bayoumi, fellow Saudi national Fahad al-Thumairy, and alleged assistance provided to Hazmi and Mihdhar after they reached California.

The Trump administration has meanwhile already overseen the release of a substantial new collection of government records connected to 9/11.

On Friday, CIA Director John Ratcliffe declassified 71 President’s Daily Brief products covering the years leading up to the terrorist attacks through the following day. The CIA described the disclosure as its largest single release of declassified presidential briefing material connected to 9/11.

The newly available records contain intelligence assessments concerning Osama bin Laden and al-Qaida, including warnings issued by U.S. intelligence agencies about possible terrorist attacks before September 11.

Those CIA documents, however, are distinct from the records victims’ families are seeking concerning possible Saudi links to the hijackers.

Blanche insisted Monday that the continued classification of some documents should not be interpreted as an effort by the government to conceal information from the public.

“It’s not as if we’re keeping records from the American people,” Blanche told CBS News.

IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir has ordered military officials to examine possible legal action against the creators and others involved in the controversial documentary “NAZA,” accusing the film of spreading false allegations against IDF soldiers and deliberately seeking to undermine the legitimacy of the Israeli military and the State of Israel.

Zamir convened a high-level meeting on Monday to discuss the film, which received the Jury Prize at the Venice International Film Festival over the weekend.

Participating in the meeting were Deputy Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Tamir Yadai, Operations Directorate chief Maj. Gen. Itzik Cohen, Military Advocate General Maj. Gen. Itai Ofir, Israeli Air Force commander Maj. Gen. Omer Tishler, the commander of Unit 8200, Brig. Gen. A., IDF Spokesman Brig. Gen. Effie Defrin, and other senior commanders.

The film was created by Israeli directors Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor. According to its official synopsis, it examines what it describes as the mechanisms behind mass killing in Gaza and is based on testimony from 24 IDF soldiers and officers. Its title, “NAZA,” is derived from the Hebrew military abbreviation for nezek agavi, or collateral damage.

Zamir charged that the film represents a deliberate effort to directly damage the legitimacy of both the IDF and Israel.

“Based on the publications that have emerged thus far, this is not a film criticizing the IDF, nor is it an attempt to ascertain the truth,” Zamir said. “It is based on blood libels, a deliberate distortion of reality, and false and grave accusations against IDF soldiers and commanders.”

“This is a move against the State of Israel, not only against the IDF,” Zamir continued. “It adopts the narratives of Israel’s enemies, slanders our soldiers and commanders, and seeks to portray the IDF as deliberately acting unlawfully. This is a dangerous attempt to deny us the legitimacy to defend ourselves against the worst of our enemies — and in doing so, to genuinely endanger IDF soldiers and commanders.”

“We will not allow IDF soldiers to be turned into targets through lies and blood libels,” Zamir added. “Faced with such an attempt, we must act with determination, using all the tools at our disposal — legal, command and public diplomacy.”

At the conclusion of the meeting, Zamir ordered the establishment of a multi-agency, multidisciplinary team, led by the head of the IDF Planning Directorate, to develop methods and tools for responding to what the military says are false accusations against the IDF and its soldiers. The effort will include experts from Israel and abroad.

Zamir also directed the Military Advocate General to examine and advance possible legal measures concerning the film and those involved in its production, including in connection with what the IDF says is the dissemination of false allegations against Israeli soldiers and the potential consequences for their personal safety and Israel’s national security.

In addition, the chief of staff ordered an examination of information-security issues surrounding the production, including whether classified material may have been leaked and subsequently used by the filmmakers.

Zamir called for a broad Israeli and international public-information campaign involving the Foreign Ministry, Justice Ministry, National Public Diplomacy Directorate and other relevant agencies.

The IDF has separately issued a categorical denial of one of the central allegations reportedly presented in the film — that an Israeli strike in Gaza was planned or authorized despite an expectation that approximately 500 civilians would be killed.

In an English-language statement posted on X, the IDF called the allegation “completely false.”

Defrin called upon the filmmakers to allow IDF representatives to view the documentary in its entirety so that the military could “address each of the claims raised in it in a substantive manner.”

According to the IDF, “At no point was a strike planned, approved, or carried out in which the IDF anticipated that such a number of civilians — or even a number approaching it — would be killed.”

The military further said that throughout the war, no credible allegation had emerged of an IDF strike causing a death toll approaching 500 people. The IDF maintained that the filmmakers could not have verified the allegation, which it says lacks substantive supporting evidence, but chose to publish it nonetheless.

“NAZA” had already attracted significant international attention at its premiere last Thursday, when the filmmakers reportedly received a standing ovation lasting nearly 25 minutes at the Venice festival. The documentary draws upon investigations previously published by the Israeli outlets Local Call and +972 Magazine, as well as Britain’s Guardian.

In his acceptance speech, Abraham responded to the fierce criticism the film has generated in Israel.

“It is not easy to stand here when I think about the Israeli politicians and journalists who are attacking the film and rejecting it without having seen it at all,” Abraham said.

Abraham said the documentary was intended to present what its creators believe is the reality behind Israel’s military operations, and urged Israeli and international audiences to watch the film and consider the information it presents.

The controversy has extended beyond the IDF. Following the military’s denial, Culture and Sports Minister Miki Zohar said he had approached the Interior Ministry to determine whether legal grounds exist to revoke the Israeli citizenship of the filmmakers.

Zohar asked officials to investigate the origins of the testimony and materials appearing in the documentary and determine “whether, in obtaining or publishing them, acts were committed that amount to treason against the state or that could constitute assistance to the enemy during wartime.”

{Matzav.com}

Three Ponevezh Yeshiva bochurim in their 20s suffered burns Monday evening when boiling water from a hot-water urn spilled on them at the yeshiva in Bnei Brak, shortly after the conclusion of Tzom Gedaliah.

The three sustained burns to their hands and legs and were evacuated for further treatment at a burn clinic in Bnei Brak. Their conditions were reported to be stable, b’chasdei Shomayim.

United Hatzalah medical teams were dispatched to the scene on Abba Grossbard Street and provided initial treatment to the three injured bochurim.

Aharon Lehrer, a United Hatzalah EMT and ambulance driver who treated the victims, described what he was told had occurred.

“They told me that an urn of boiling water spilled on them, and as a result they suffered burns to their hands and legs. I provided them with medical treatment at the scene and then evacuated them for further medical treatment in stable condition,” Lehrer said.

The incident follows several other serious scalding accidents reported in Israel’s chareidi community in recent months, particularly involving young children.

During Elul, a two-year-old child in Beit Shemesh suffered burns from boiling water. A month earlier, during Av, another two-year-old in Rechasim was burned by a Shabbos hot-water urn. A similar accident was reported in Beitar Illit during the preparations for Pesach.

Emergency organizations have repeatedly warned families to take particular precautions with hot-water urns and electric kettles. They recommend placing such appliances in locations completely inaccessible to children and ensuring that their electrical cords cannot be reached or pulled by children.

{Matzav.com}

A 14-year-old Jewish boy suffered a cut to his hand after allegedly being attacked by a 22-year-old man inside a Boro Park shul on Monday evening.

According to the New York Police Department, the incident occurred at approximately 7:20 p.m. inside the Kedushas Yosef Verdan shul on 54th Street near 17th Avenue in Boro Park, Brooklyn.

Police officers responded to the scene and arrested the alleged attacker without incident.

The 14-year-old victim received initial medical treatment at the scene for the injury to his hand. He subsequently declined transportation to a hospital for additional medical care.

Local sources told the New York Post that the 22-year-old suspect is well known to residents in the neighborhood and frequently visits various shuls throughout the Boro Park area.

Police are continuing to investigate the circumstances surrounding the incident.

{Matzav.com}

Seventeen years of anguish, mounting financial burdens and seemingly endless legal battles came to a dramatic conclusion just hours before Rosh Hashanah, when a woman who had been unable to obtain a get for nearly two decades was finally released from her marriage through the intervention of Rishon LeTzion Rav Dovid Yosef.

The long-awaited get was given at Israel’s Great Rabbinical Court on Erev Rosh Hashanah, following intensive last-minute efforts led personally by Rav Yosef, president of the Great Rabbinical Court, together with his close associate Rav Yisroel Meir Yonah.

The extraordinarily complicated case stretched back approximately 17 years and involved legal proceedings in both Israel and the United States, financial disputes, international child-custody litigation and repeated unsuccessful attempts to reach an agreement that would allow the woman to move on with her life.

The saga began after the couple moved to the United States, married and had a child. Their marriage subsequently deteriorated, and the mother returned to Israel with the child.

What followed was years of bitter and complicated litigation. The dispute involved proceedings connected to the Hague Convention on international child custody, restrictions preventing the husband, who had obtained legal status in the United States, from leaving Israel, growing debts and continuing clashes in various courts and legal forums.

Repeated attempts to resolve the dispute failed. Israel’s Agunah Division remained involved in the case and worked extensively to bring about a resolution, but despite those efforts, the obstacles preventing a get remained.

The major breakthrough came when Rav Dovid Yosef took a personal interest in resolving the longstanding case. He assigned Rav Yisroel Meir Yonah, one of his closest confidants and a longtime chavrusa of Rav Ovadia Yosef zt”l, to delve deeply into the case and find a path toward an agreement.

Rav Yonah reportedly immersed himself in the complicated details of the dispute and engaged in intensive efforts with the parties, employing a variety of approaches in an attempt to overcome obstacles that had frustrated previous efforts for nearly two decades.

The decisive developments came immediately before Rosh Hashanah.

Rav Yosef had returned to Eretz Yisroel only one day earlier following an intensive trip to the United States, where he had visited and strengthened Jewish communities. Despite having just returned from the trip, he immediately convened a panel of the Great Rabbinical Court and threw his full halachic and judicial authority behind an effort to bring the case to an end.

The intensive negotiations ultimately succeeded where years of previous efforts had failed, producing a comprehensive agreement between the parties.

Then, with only hours remaining before Rosh Hashanah, the moment the woman had awaited for 17 years finally arrived. The husband gave the get in the Great Rabbinical Court, formally ending the marriage and freeing the woman from her prolonged state of agunah.

The emotional proceedings brought an extraordinary conclusion to a case that had for years appeared virtually impossible to resolve. After nearly two decades of uncertainty and suffering, the woman left the Bais Din able to begin a new chapter of her life.

Officials in Israel’s rabbinical court system pointed to the case as an example of Rav Yosef’s determined approach toward resolving cases of agunos and refusing to abandon even extraordinarily difficult cases.

The breakthrough is one of several significant developments in recent years involving Israel’s rabbinical court system and its efforts to address longstanding cases of agunos and get refusal.

The Great Rabbinical Court recently established 13 dedicated panels of dayanim around the country to adjudicate dinei mamonos, as part of a broader effort to strengthen the role of halacha within Israel’s legal framework.

In another recently publicized case, a man who withheld a get from his wife for 30 years was ordered to pay approximately 4.7 million shekels in damages, one of the largest awards ever imposed in Israel over prolonged get refusal. The judge in that case determined that the decades-long ordeal constituted an extreme violation of the woman’s basic rights and dignity.

Another difficult case involved a chareidi mother of three who remained trapped in her marriage for eight years before ultimately obtaining her freedom following forceful intervention by the division responsible for combating agunah cases, an extensive police search and a complicated series of events involving her husband.

According to the report, the husband in that case had been diagnosed with schizophrenia and used hard drugs. He allegedly imposed extreme religious restrictions upon his wife, locked her inside their home and isolated her from members of her own family. At one point, he escaped from a psychiatric institution, further complicating efforts to resolve the case.

Rav Yosef has also maintained an active public schedule in recent weeks. Shortly before Rosh Hashanah, he conducted a special visit to facilities operated by the Israel Prison Service, meeting senior officials, delivering divrei Torah and words of chizuk, and entering closed prison wings as part of his pre-Rosh Hashanah visit.

For the woman whose ordeal ended on Erev Rosh Hashanah, however, the intervention of Rav Yosef, Rav Yonah and the Great Rabbinical Court meant something far more immediate.

After 17 years in which a resolution repeatedly appeared beyond reach, she entered the new year no longer an agunah.