Feed aggregator

Hundreds of thousands of Israeli election ballots remained to be processed Wednesday as the country awaited the final results of Tuesday’s closely contested Knesset election, with votes cast by soldiers, diplomats, hospitalized patients, and other special categories of voters potentially affecting the distribution of parliamentary seats and the political calculations surrounding the formation of the next government.

The outstanding ballots have taken on particular significance because neither Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s right-wing and Chareidi bloc nor the opposing bloc associated with Gadi Eisenkot had secured the 61 seats necessary for a Knesset majority in the preliminary count.

With the parliamentary balance still uncertain, even a relatively small change in the allocation of mandates could influence the negotiations that follow the announcement of the final results.

Election officials have indicated that more than half a million ballots cast through special voting arrangements may need to be processed separately from the regular vote. These ballots, known in Israel as double-envelope ballots, represent a substantial portion of the electorate and could influence several closely contested Knesset seats.

The Central Elections Committee has been working to complete the regular count while preparing to process the special ballots, with a clearer picture expected as the verification and counting procedures advance Thursday.

Unlike ordinary voters, who generally cast their ballots at the polling station assigned to their registered address, certain categories of Israelis are permitted to vote elsewhere because of their circumstances.

These include soldiers serving away from home, patients hospitalized on Election Day, eligible diplomatic personnel stationed overseas, and other voters authorized to use special polling arrangements.

To prevent individuals from voting more than once, these ballots are placed inside an additional envelope bearing identifying information that allows election officials to verify the voter’s eligibility before the ballot itself is counted.

Once the necessary checks have been completed, the identifying envelope is separated from the sealed ballot envelope, preserving the secrecy of the vote.

The process is more complicated than counting ballots at ordinary polling stations, where voters’ eligibility is checked against the local voter registry before they cast their ballots.

The additional verification requirements help explain why the special ballots are counted later and why Israel’s election results can continue to change even after the overwhelming majority of ordinary polling stations have reported their totals.

The military vote is especially important because of the large number of Israelis serving in the IDF, including soldiers deployed in operational areas who cannot readily return to their registered polling stations.

According to figures released by the military, approximately 79.9 percent of eligible IDF personnel participated in the election, representing an increase over the previous national vote.

More than 890 military polling stations operated during the election, including mobile stations established to accommodate soldiers serving in remote or operational locations.

The high participation rate means that the military vote represents a significant component of the remaining count, although the precise political preferences reflected in those ballots cannot be established until they are processed.

The importance of the outstanding votes is heightened by Israel’s proportional representation system, under which the entire country functions as a single electoral district and the Knesset’s 120 seats are distributed among parties that pass the electoral threshold.

A party must receive at least 3.25 percent of the valid national vote to qualify for parliamentary representation.

Parties that fall below that threshold receive no Knesset seats, regardless of how many votes they accumulate.

Consequently, the inclusion of the remaining ballots could have consequences beyond the direct addition of votes to each party’s total.

If a party currently below the threshold were to qualify after the remaining votes were counted, the distribution of seats among the other parties would have to be recalculated.

Even if no additional party crosses the threshold, relatively small differences in vote totals can determine which parties receive the final mandates under Israel’s seat-allocation system.

That makes the remaining count particularly consequential in an election where the competing political blocs are separated by only a handful of seats.

The scale of the outstanding vote is unusually large this year.

In the 2022 election, approximately 463,000 double-envelope ballots were submitted. This year, election officials have prepared for an estimated 600,000 to 650,000, reflecting the large number of reservists mobilized during the continuing military conflict and the substantial population of Israelis displaced from their homes.

That represents an increase of roughly 30 to 40 percent over the previous election and an estimated 10 percent or more of all ballots cast.

At approximately 40,000 votes per Knesset seat, the outstanding ballots amount to roughly 15 seats’ worth of votes. That does not mean 15 seats remain vacant or will be assigned separately; rather, those votes will be added to the national totals and could change the allocation of mandates among parties.

The composition of the special-ballot electorate is another important factor.

Historically, double-envelope ballots have tended to produce different voting patterns from the regular national count. Because soldiers make up a substantial share of these voters, the ballots have generally been more favorable to Zionist parties across the political spectrum and less favorable to Chareidi and Arab parties.

That pattern could have particular significance for United Torah Judaism and Shas, both of which were projected to receive seven seats in Wednesday’s partial results.

The two parties have traditionally relied on concentrated support in Chareidi communities, where voters generally cast their ballots at their assigned neighborhood polling stations rather than through the special military voting arrangements.

As additional ballots from soldiers and reservists are included in the national count, the relative vote shares of Chareidi parties could decline, potentially affecting their final seat totals.

However, election analysts have cautioned against assuming that previous voting patterns will necessarily repeat themselves this year.

The large-scale mobilization of reservists has brought Israelis from a broad range of religious, social, and political backgrounds into military service, making the composition of the special-ballot vote more difficult to anticipate.

The consequences could be especially important for parties near the electoral threshold.

Among the parties that were below the threshold in Wednesday’s partial results were the Reservists Party, headed by Yoaz Hendel, and the People of Israel Party, led by Ofer Winter.

The Reservists Party was receiving approximately 2.6 to 2.7 percent of the vote, while Winter’s party stood at approximately 1.7 percent.

Although both remained below the 3.25 percent threshold, Hendel’s party was close enough that its representatives were watching the special-ballot count closely.

A significant increase in support from soldiers and reservists could affect its final percentage, although there was no guarantee that the remaining votes would be sufficient to bring it into the Knesset.

The importance of these ballots has been demonstrated in previous elections.

In 2019, Naftali Bennett and Ayelet Shaked’s New Right party narrowly failed to cross the electoral threshold, finishing just 1,461 votes short despite the inclusion of the special ballots.

That election also demonstrated how the late count could affect the distribution of seats among parties already above the threshold.

The current election presents an even larger logistical challenge because of the unprecedented number of special ballots.

Dean Livne, acting director-general of the Central Elections Committee, warned that the unusually high turnout could produce more double-envelope ballots than officials had initially anticipated.

“Tomorrow we will begin [counting] the double envelopes. It is important to say already now that with such a high turnout, it may be that the number of double envelopes is higher than we anticipated,” Livne said Tuesday.

“Therefore, the counting of the external envelopes may not end by Thursday night, and may extend until Friday morning. We will count them all,” he added.

Election officials have indicated that the special-ballot counting process could extend into Friday, with the committee seeking to complete the work before Shabbos.

Under Israeli law, the official election results must be published by November 4.

Until then, the seat projections being reported by television networks and news organizations remain provisional.

The distinction is particularly important because the Central Elections Committee publishes actual vote totals, while projected Knesset seat allocations depend on calculations that can change as additional ballots are included.

The final allocation also takes into account surplus-vote agreements between qualifying parties, which can influence which faction receives a remaining seat after the initial proportional distribution.

For Netanyahu and Eisenkot, the special-ballot count represents another stage in an election that has so far failed to produce a clear parliamentary majority.

Both political camps will be watching closely to see whether the remaining ballots alter the balance between the parties or create new possibilities for coalition negotiations.

For the Chareidi parties, the count will help determine whether United Torah Judaism and Shas retain their projected seven seats each, whether their relative standing changes, and how much parliamentary influence they will possess in the next Knesset.

For the smaller parties, the remaining votes could determine whether they enter the Knesset at all.

And for Israel as a whole, the double-envelope ballots are a reminder that even when the overwhelming majority of polling stations have completed their work, the election is not necessarily over.

With hundreds of thousands of votes still awaiting verification and counting, the final composition of the 26th Knesset remains unsettled, and the political picture could look different once the last ballots are included.

{Matzav.com}

LISTEN:

https://matzav.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/10/Bitachon4Life-Shiur-1896-Seiver-Part-96-Machseh.mp3

​​For more info, email bitachon4life@gmail.com.

LISTEN:

https://matzav.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/10/Tefila4Life-Shiur-1146-Effort-Vayevarech-Dovid.mp3

A special election-day exit poll conducted by the Chareidi news outlet Kikar HaShabbat found that 80% of Chareidi voters supported the two established Chareidi parties, United Torah Judaism and Shas, while alternative parties attracted smaller but potentially significant shares of the vote.

The survey, conducted Tuesday, October 27, in Chareidi communities, offered a rare look at voting patterns within the Chareidi sector itself, rather than the nationwide distribution of Knesset seats. According to the findings, United Torah Judaism received 48% of the Chareidi vote, followed by Shas with 32%.

The newly formed HaTzibbur HaChareidi party, associated with Leitner, received 7%, making it the largest alternative to the two traditional Chareidi factions among respondents. Otzma Yehudit, led by Itamar Ben-Gvir, followed with 5%, while the Tzeva Shachor (Black Color) party received 2%.

Religious Zionism also drew 2% of the Chareidi vote, according to the survey. Likud and Noam LeYisrael each received 1%, while parties belonging to the anti-Netanyahu political camp collectively attracted just 2%.

The results suggest that despite a contentious election campaign marked by disputes over military conscription, Chareidi political representation, and the emergence of alternative parties, the overwhelming majority of surveyed Chareidi voters continued to support Shas and United Torah Judaism.

At the same time, the combined 9% support recorded for HaTzibbur HaChareidi and Tzeva Shachor points to a measurable constituency willing to vote outside the established Chareidi party framework.

The survey’s findings are particularly noteworthy because the election campaign featured growing debate over whether the traditional Chareidi parties could retain their longstanding electoral support amid disagreements over their handling of the draft issue and other matters affecting the Chareidi community.

The Kikar HaShabbat survey also indicated that support for non-Chareidi right-wing parties was considerably greater than support for parties associated with the anti-Netanyahu camp. Otzma Yehudit, Religious Zionism, Likud, and Noam LeYisrael together accounted for 9% of respondents, compared with the 2% who supported parties in the opposing political bloc.

These figures describe voting preferences within the surveyed Chareidi population and should not be confused with the nationwide vote shares of the respective parties or their projected Knesset representation.

Kikar HaShabbat described the project as the first exit poll of its kind undertaken by a Chareidi news organization, designed specifically to measure how Chareidi voters divided their support among competing parties.

The survey was conducted through specially designated exit-poll stations at polling locations in Bnei Brak, Yerushalayim, and Beit Shemesh, supplemented by an online survey. The project was conducted in conjunction with the research organization Super Data.

Unlike conventional pre-election opinion polls, which ask respondents how they intend to vote, exit polls seek information from individuals who have already cast their ballots. Participating voters are typically asked to reproduce their selections anonymously, allowing researchers to estimate voting patterns before the official count is completed.

The researchers then analyze the responses, applying statistical adjustments intended to account for differences in turnout, geographic representation, and the demographic composition of participating voters.

The accuracy of such surveys depends heavily on the selection of polling locations and the willingness of different groups of voters to participate. Even a large number of responses can produce a misleading picture if certain communities or political constituencies are overrepresented.

Kikar HaShabbat acknowledged several potential sources of error, including sampling fluctuations, differences in participation rates among supporters of competing parties, and the possibility that voters might not accurately disclose their selections.

The timing of responses can also influence the results. If voters arriving during the final hours of polling differ politically from those who cast their ballots earlier, preliminary estimates may not fully reflect the final distribution.

The survey’s combination of physical polling locations and online participation introduces another consideration, since internet-based respondents may differ from voters who participate at designated exit-poll stations. The published report did not provide a sample size or margin of error, making it difficult to independently assess the precision of the individual percentages.

The findings also do not establish how many Knesset seats the smaller parties will receive. A party’s share of the Chareidi vote is different from its share of all votes cast nationwide, and parties must cross Israel’s electoral threshold to qualify for parliamentary representation.

That distinction is especially important for HaTzibbur HaChareidi and Tzeva Shachor. Although the two parties together attracted 9% of respondents in the Chareidi-focused survey, their ability to enter the Knesset depends on their nationwide results rather than their support within the Chareidi sector alone.

For Shas and United Torah Judaism, the findings indicate continued support among the voters surveyed, even as the emergence of competing Chareidi lists introduces additional questions about the future distribution of the community’s political vote.

The final official results will determine whether the support recorded by the smaller parties translates into parliamentary representation and whether the traditional Chareidi factions retain the electoral strength suggested by the exit poll.

Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu declared early Wednesday morning that Likud had emerged as Israel’s largest political party in the country’s 26th Knesset elections, calling on the nation’s right-wing and Zionist political forces to unite behind a new government and warning that an administration dependent on Arab parties would jeopardize Israel’s security.

Speaking to cheering Likud supporters at the International Convention Center in Yerushalayim following the release of television exit polls, Netanyahu portrayed the election as a critical moment for Israel’s political future. Although the final vote count remained outstanding, he insisted that the results demonstrated substantial public support for his party and its policies.

Netanyahu began by expressing appreciation to Likud campaign workers, candidates, and political allies before turning to what he described as Israel’s extraordinary military accomplishments during the preceding three years.

The prime minister reviewed operations against Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran, pointing to the elimination of prominent terrorist leaders and senior Iranian officials, including Mohammed Deif, Ismail Haniyeh, Yahya Sinwar, Hassan Nasrallah, and Ali Khamenei. He also cited the creation of security buffer zones in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria as evidence of Israel’s transformed strategic position.

“Iran is weaker than ever, Israel is stronger than ever,” Netanyahu declared.

Nevertheless, Netanyahu cautioned that Israel’s confrontation with Tehran was far from concluded. He maintained that the Iranian regime, despite suffering severe military setbacks, continued to harbor ambitions of destroying Israel and would remain a danger as long as it retained power.

“And we have the power, together with our wonderful friend President Trump, to eliminate this threat once and for all,” Netanyahu said.

Moving to the domestic political situation, Netanyahu acknowledged that the exit polls represented only preliminary projections and urged supporters to wait for the official election results, which he said were expected within the following two days.

“Likud is the largest party in Israel,” he declared, accusing media organizations of attempting to demoralize his supporters during the campaign by publishing surveys that substantially underestimated the party’s electoral strength.

“Do you remember how the propaganda channels tried to manipulate public opinion? Likud at 18 seats, 19 seats. They knew all along that it was a lie. They tried to discourage you, simply discourage you from going to the polls,” he said.

Netanyahu argued that the election projections revealed more than Likud’s continued prominence. In his assessment, they also demonstrated that right-wing parties commanded broad support among Israel’s Jewish and Zionist voters, even as the overall parliamentary arithmetic remained uncertain.

“The second thing that became clear is that the right-wing bloc has a clear, decisive majority among the Zionist public, among the Jewish public and all those who support the Jewish state,” he said.

“That is why I said, and I say again, that we must establish a strong, national, right-wing government.”

The prime minister then launched into a forceful attack on the possibility of opposition parties forming a coalition that would require the parliamentary backing of Arab factions. Such an arrangement, he argued, would place Israel’s national interests at risk.

“We must not, absolutely must not, endanger Israel by establishing a government that relies on anti-Zionist Arab parties. Parties that oppose our very existence, that view Hamas as a charitable organization, that call our soldiers war criminals,” Netanyahu said.

He also challenged opposition politicians who had campaigned under the banner of an “alliance of those who serve,” accusing them of contradicting that message by entertaining cooperation with parties that he said were hostile to Israeli soldiers.

“How can you talk about an alliance of those who serve when you join forces with those who attack the people who serve us? The IDF soldiers, those who not only do not serve the state, but serve the enemies of the state,” he said.

Netanyahu specifically referred to the Islamic Movement, the Joint List, and Balad as he urged Israel’s right-wing and Zionist parties to set aside their differences and cooperate in establishing the next government.

“The Zionist majority in the State of Israel, the Jewish and Zionist majority, must come to its senses and unite. Because only this way, only this way, can we ensure Israel’s future,” he stressed.

Thanking Likud voters for their continued support, Netanyahu maintained that the election demonstrated the public’s refusal to abandon right-wing leadership. He also renewed his criticism of investigations and legal proceedings against him, characterizing them as politically motivated efforts to remove his government from power.

A more personal portion of the address focused on Israeli soldiers, wounded servicemen, and families who had lost loved ones in the country’s wars.

Netanyahu described a recent visit to the Kosel, where he encountered a severely wounded IDF soldier confined to a wheelchair. The soldier, unable to communicate through ordinary speech, relied on a tablet computer to express himself.

According to Netanyahu, the soldier used his nose to operate the device and compose a message expressing his affection for fellow IDF servicemen and his determination to continue contributing to the country and living a meaningful life despite his injuries.

The prime minister said the encounter deeply moved him. He embraced and kissed the soldier before placing a note in the Kosel containing a prayer for Israel’s security and the success of its soldiers.

Netanyahu used the account to illustrate what he described as the extraordinary determination of Israel’s servicemen and the responsibility of the country’s political leadership to honor their sacrifices.

Returning to foreign policy, he again emphasized the significance of Israel’s relationship with President Donald Trump, presenting the partnership as an unprecedented opportunity to confront the Iranian regime and eliminate what he characterized as an existential danger.

“Israel stands before a once-in-a-lifetime historic opportunity, together with our partner President Trump, to eliminate the existential threat from Iran once and for all. We must not, absolutely must not, allow any ulterior considerations to divert us from this sacred mission,” he said.

As his remarks drew toward a close, Netanyahu expressed gratitude to his coalition partners for remaining alongside him through years of political turmoil, military conflict, and national challenges.

He also offered a personal tribute to his wife, Sara, and their sons, Yair and Avner, referring to the criticism, accusations, and threats he said his family had endured. Netanyahu thanked Hashem for granting him the strength to continue serving Israel despite those pressures.

The prime minister ended with a declaration of confidence in Israel’s ability to withstand future challenges, presenting the country’s recent military achievements as grounds for optimism about the years ahead.

“We have overcome our enemies, and together we will overcome them in the future as well. Fear not, Israel, fear not.”

The broader election picture, however, remained considerably less favorable to Netanyahu than Likud’s first-place finish might suggest. Exit polls conducted by Channel 12, Channel 13, and Kan indicated that the parties aligned with Netanyahu would win approximately 50 seats, compared with 52 or 53 for the Jewish-led opposition parties. Arab parties were projected to secure another 17 or 18 mandates, leaving neither major political camp with the 61 seats required to control the Knesset.

Other television surveys offered more encouraging numbers for Netanyahu. Channel 14 projected that the right-wing bloc would capture 60 seats, just one short of a majority, while i24NEWS placed the bloc at approximately 55. The wide differences among the surveys left considerable uncertainty over the final distribution of seats and the prospects for forming a coalition.

The election also appeared to produce unusually strong participation, with turnout exceeding 77 percent, the highest level recorded in more than two decades. The large number of voters, together with the substantial projected gains for Arab parties, contributed to the unpredictable political landscape.

Even if Likud ultimately finishes as the largest individual party, Netanyahu will not automatically receive the opportunity to establish the next government. Under Israel’s parliamentary system, President Isaac Herzog will consult with the newly elected factions before selecting the lawmaker considered most capable of assembling a governing coalition.

Opposition leader Gadi Eisenkot, whose Yashar party was projected to finish second behind Likud, is also expected to seek the opportunity to form a government. His potential path to power could involve cooperation among several opposition factions and some form of parliamentary support from Arab parties, precisely the scenario Netanyahu sought to discredit in his election-night address.

With the official count still underway, Israel faces the possibility of prolonged coalition negotiations, a minority government, or another election if neither political camp can assemble a workable majority. Netanyahu’s speech made clear that, regardless of the final numbers, he intends to fight to retain the premiership and prevent his opponents from forming a government dependent on Arab parliamentary support.

{Matzav.com}

Religious Zionist Party chairman and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich declared early Wednesday morning that Jewish communities would be established in the Gaza Strip, delivering the pledge during an election-night gathering in Yerushalayim as his party awaited final results that could determine its strength in the next Knesset.

Smotrich arrived at the Religious Zionist Party’s election headquarters at the Ramada Hotel approximately two hours after television networks released their exit polls for Israel’s 26th Knesset elections. Party activists welcomed him with dancing, while rabbonim and other supporters joined the gathering.

Despite projections indicating that his party would win either six or seven seats, Smotrich struck an upbeat tone, suggesting that ballots cast by Israeli soldiers could improve the party’s final showing once the official count was completed.

“It is possible that the soldiers’ votes will push us higher,” Smotrich said.

The finance minister was referring to the special double-envelope voting system used for soldiers and certain other voters whose ballots are counted separately. Those votes can influence the final allocation of Knesset seats, particularly when parties are separated by narrow margins.

Smotrich’s Religious Zionist Party contested the election on a joint slate with Zehut, the party headed by Moshe Feiglin. The six television exit polls released after voting concluded placed the combined list within a narrow range of six to seven mandates.

Channel 12 and Kan 11 both forecast six seats for the alliance, a projection also reflected in the i24NEWS survey conducted by the Direct Polls institute. Channel 13 likewise placed the Religious Zionist–Zehut slate at six seats.

Two other networks offered a somewhat stronger outlook for Smotrich. Channel 14 projected seven mandates for the party, while Channel 16 arrived at the same figure, leaving open the possibility of a slightly larger parliamentary delegation once all ballots were counted.

Smotrich then turned his attention to the reaction of Arab political parties to the election projections, warning that any expectation of a reversal in Israeli settlement policy would prove mistaken.

“I see on some of the screens that the Arabs are celebrating, so I am announcing to you and to them: We will not let them celebrate,” Smotrich said.

He maintained that the celebrations reflected hopes among Arab political figures that the next government would retreat from policies expanding Jewish communities in Yehudah and Shomron.

“They are celebrating because they think they will succeed in reversing our settlement revolution in Judea and Samaria. I am telling them: They will not succeed.”

Smotrich ended his remarks by extending his settlement vision beyond Yehudah and Shomron, making an unequivocal declaration about the future of the Gaza Strip.

“Jewish communities will be established in Gaza.”

The declaration came amid a deeply uncertain national election picture. Exit polls indicated that neither Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s existing political alliance nor the principal opposition parties had secured a clear majority in the 120-seat Knesset. The Arab parties were projected to win a substantial bloc of seats, potentially complicating negotiations over the formation of the next government.

The uncertainty was particularly significant for Smotrich, whose party has been a prominent advocate of expanding Jewish settlement in Yehudah and Shomron and reestablishing Jewish communities in Gaza. His remarks signaled that he intends to continue pursuing those objectives regardless of the challenges facing Netanyahu’s political camp.

The Religious Zionist–Zehut alliance’s projected six or seven seats also represented a change from the previous election, when Smotrich’s party ran together with Itamar Ben-Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit and the combined list secured 14 mandates. This time, the two factions ran separately, with Ben-Gvir’s party also projected to receive approximately six or seven seats.

With official results still pending, Smotrich’s immediate political influence remained uncertain. His speech nevertheless made clear that he views the expansion of Jewish settlement as a central priority and has no intention of abandoning his plans for Gaza.

{Matzav.com}

Israel’s election night took a dramatic turn late Tuesday as Channel 14 released an updated exit poll projecting a 62-seat majority for Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s right-wing and religious bloc, potentially allowing him to form a new government without relying on opposition parties. The dramatic change came as Avigdor Lieberman’s Yisrael Beytenu fell below the electoral threshold in the channel’s revised projection, removing the party from the Knesset and dramatically altering the distribution of seats.

The updated figures, prepared by pollster Shlomo Filber, represented a significant departure from the results published by Israel’s other major television networks, which continued to show Netanyahu and his opponents falling short of the 61 seats needed to control the 120-member Knesset.

The sharp discrepancies created an extraordinary situation in which one major television network projected a clear Netanyahu majority while several others indicated that neither political camp could assemble a governing coalition on its own. The competing projections left the country’s political future uncertain as the counting of actual ballots got underway.

Channel 14’s revised survey awarded Netanyahu’s Likud party 31 seats, making it the largest faction in the next Knesset. Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar party was projected to win 20 seats, followed by Naftali Bennett’s Yachad party with 11 seats.

The Joint Arab List was projected to receive 11 seats, while Shas, led by Aryeh Deri, climbed to 10 seats. The Democrats, headed by Yair Golan, received nine seats, while Religious Zionism, United Torah Judaism, Otzma Yehudit and Ra’am were each projected to receive seven seats.

Under that distribution, Netanyahu’s bloc would consist of Likud’s 31 seats, Shas’s 10, United Torah Judaism’s seven, Religious Zionism’s seven and Otzma Yehudit’s seven, producing a combined 62-seat majority.

The non-Arab opposition parties would hold 40 seats, while the Joint Arab List and Ra’am would account for another 18.

The most consequential development was the projected collapse of Yisrael Beytenu, which Channel 14 placed below the 3.25% electoral threshold. Under Israeli election law, a party that fails to cross that threshold receives no Knesset seats, regardless of how close it comes to qualifying.

The exclusion of Lieberman’s party would have enormous implications for the distribution of seats, because votes cast for parties that fail to reach the threshold are excluded from the allocation of Knesset mandates. That effectively increases the relative weight of votes received by parties that successfully enter parliament.

Channel 14’s original projection had given Netanyahu’s bloc 60 seats and Lieberman’s party four. Its subsequent update removed Yisrael Beytenu from the Knesset entirely and increased the right-wing bloc to 62, crossing the critical majority threshold.

The revised numbers also showed Likud increasing to 31 seats and Shas reaching 10, while Eisenkot’s Yashar and the Joint Arab List also registered gains.

The dramatic revision followed a contentious exchange between Yisrael Beytenu and Channel 14 earlier in the election broadcast. Attorney Daniel Cohen, a former legal adviser to the Labor Party, had predicted during an appearance on the network that Lieberman would fail to enter the next Knesset.

Yisrael Beytenu responded angrily, accusing Channel 14 of spreading falsehoods and attacking the network’s coverage. The party insisted that attempts to damage Lieberman’s standing would not change the electoral outcome.

The updated Channel 14 projection appeared to support Cohen’s prediction, although it remained only an exit poll and did not establish that Lieberman had actually failed to cross the threshold.

The possibility of Yisrael Beytenu’s elimination is particularly significant given Lieberman’s long political career. A former defense minister, finance minister and foreign minister, Lieberman has been a major figure in Israeli politics for decades and has played an important role in previous coalition negotiations.

His exclusion from the Knesset, if confirmed by the official results, would represent a substantial political setback and could reshape the balance between Netanyahu and his opponents.

The results reported by other television networks, however, presented a markedly different picture.

Channel 12’s updated exit poll projected 52 seats for the opposition bloc, compared with 50 for Netanyahu’s right-wing and religious parties, with the Arab parties holding another 18 seats.

Channel 13 and Kan 11 reported broadly similar figures in their updated projections, with the two principal political blocs separated by only a small number of mandates.

Those surveys also projected that Yisrael Beytenu would comfortably cross the electoral threshold, receiving approximately seven to eight seats, in sharp contrast to Channel 14’s finding.

The i24NEWS exit poll, conducted by Direct Polls, offered another scenario, awarding Netanyahu’s bloc 55 seats and the non-Arab opposition 49, with Arab parties receiving 16 seats. That projection placed Netanyahu’s bloc ahead of its rivals but still below the parliamentary majority required to form a government independently.

The competing findings demonstrated how dramatically the outcome could depend on the final distribution of votes, particularly among parties near the electoral threshold.

For the chareidi parties, the Channel 14 projection offered a substantially different picture from the other networks.

Shas received 10 seats in the revised Channel 14 survey, compared with approximately six to eight in other projections. United Torah Judaism was awarded seven seats, while other networks generally projected six or seven.

Together, Shas and United Torah Judaism would hold 17 seats under Channel 14’s revised figures, compared with approximately 12 to 15 in several competing surveys.

Those differences are particularly important given the role the chareidi parties could play in the formation of the next government and in negotiations over legislation affecting the yeshiva world.

The election took place amid deep political divisions over the military draft, the status of yeshiva bochurim, government funding for Torah institutions and the broader relationship between the chareidi community and the state.

For Netanyahu, a 62-seat majority that includes both chareidi parties would provide a parliamentary basis for continuing his partnership with Shas and United Torah Judaism, although the coalition would still have to resolve difficult disagreements over military conscription and other major issues.

A result closer to the Channel 12, Channel 13 or Kan 11 projections would create a far more complicated political situation, potentially leaving both Netanyahu and Eisenkot unable to establish a government without securing support from parties outside their respective blocs.

The Arab parties emerged as another major factor in the election night calculations. Across the various exit polls, the Joint Arab List and Ra’am were projected to receive a combined 16 to 19 seats, reflecting substantial electoral strength.

That development could complicate coalition formation if neither Netanyahu’s bloc nor the non-Arab opposition secures a majority.

Opposition leaders have differed over whether and under what circumstances they would consider relying on Arab parties to establish a government. The issue could become decisive if the final election results leave the two major blocs closely divided.

The Likud remained the largest individual party across the television exit polls, although its projected strength varied considerably. Channel 14 gave Netanyahu’s party 31 seats, while other surveys placed it in the mid-to-upper twenties.

Eisenkot’s Yashar party emerged as the second-largest faction in the projections, receiving approximately 20 to 23 seats, while Bennett’s Yachad party was projected to win between 11 and 15.

The differences between the surveys were particularly striking because the networks were measuring the same election, yet their projections suggested substantially different possibilities for the next government.

Election officials began processing the actual ballots after polling stations closed at 10 p.m., with official results expected to provide a clearer picture as counting progressed.

The exit polls were based on samples of voters and remained subject to revision. They were not official election results, and their accuracy could be affected by turnout patterns, late voting, the performance of smaller parties and the final allocation of seats.

The fate of Yisrael Beytenu was especially important because even a relatively small difference in its final vote share could determine whether it received several Knesset seats or none at all.

For Netanyahu’s supporters, Channel 14’s revised figures introduced the possibility of a parliamentary majority that would allow the prime minister to continue governing with his existing political partners.

For his opponents, the other networks’ projections suggested a substantially different outcome, with Netanyahu’s bloc remaining short of a majority and the country potentially facing difficult coalition negotiations.

A further late-night development added another twist to the already conflicting projections. A subsequent Channel 14 update reduced Netanyahu’s bloc from 62 seats to 60 and restored Yisrael Beytenu to the Knesset with four seats. Under that revised projection, Likud received 30 seats, Shas nine and United Torah Judaism seven, leaving Netanyahu’s bloc one seat short of a majority. The change demonstrated how sensitive the projections remained to Lieberman’s position near the electoral threshold.

Turnout was another major story of election night. The Central Elections Committee reported that 5,695,682 Israelis had voted by 10 p.m., representing 77.7% of eligible voters, approximately 7.1 percentage points higher than in the previous election. The unusually high participation was especially consequential for smaller parties because the number of votes required to cross the 3.25% threshold rises with the total number of valid ballots cast.

The latest developments reinforced the central uncertainty of the election: while Channel 14’s 62-seat projection briefly suggested that Netanyahu could form a government with his existing political allies, the other networks continued to show a closely divided Knesset. The subsequent revision to Channel 14’s own figures further illustrated why no definitive conclusion could be drawn from the exit polls alone.

The final outcome will depend on the official ballot count, including whether Yisrael Beytenu and other smaller parties cross the electoral threshold. Until those results are established, the question of who will be able to assemble Israel’s next governing coalition remains unresolved.

{Matzav.com}

In a significant development for kohanim in Lakewood, NJ and surrounding communities, Vaad Mishmeres Kohanim of Lakewood has announced the successful completion of an extensive tree-cutting and trimming project near several area cemeteries, eliminating longstanding halachic concerns along numerous heavily traveled roads.

The initiative, undertaken in cooperation with Ocean County and Lakewood Township officials, has addressed situations in which overhanging tree branches near cemeteries presented potential issues of tumah for kohanim traveling on adjacent roadways. With the necessary trimming now completed, the Vaad says kohanim can travel along the affected stretches without having to rely on halachic leniencies that had previously been necessary.

The project represents the culmination of a coordinated effort involving local rabbanim, elected officials and county road crews, who worked together to identify problematic locations and implement the necessary improvements.

A central role in facilitating the undertaking was played by R’ Menashe Miller of Lakewood Township and Ocean County Commissioner R’ Shmuel Ellenbogen, whose involvement helped bring the concerns of the Vaad to the appropriate county authorities.

R’ Menashe Miller arranged for the rabbanim of Vaad Mishmeres Kohanim of Lakewood to meet with representatives of the Ocean County Roads Department, particularly department supervisor Mr. Art Reece, to discuss the halachic concerns and determine how they could be addressed.

Working collaboratively, the rabbanim and county personnel inspected the relevant roadways, examined the locations where trees posed potential problems, and identified the cutting and trimming required to eliminate the concerns.

The Ocean County Roads Department subsequently carried out the work, bringing its equipment, personnel and expertise to bear on a project that required sensitivity to the specific halachic needs of the community.

Among the locations addressed was County Line Road between Route 9 and Clifton Avenue, a busy thoroughfare used regularly by Lakewood residents. Tree trimming was also completed along Ridge Avenue near East County Line Road.

Additional work was performed on Honey Locust Drive between Massachusetts Avenue and Route 9, another roadway where overhanging branches had raised concerns for kohanim.

In Jackson, crews addressed the Lakewood–New Egypt Road, an important route for motorists returning to the Lakewood area from Interstate 195. The improvements are particularly significant for kohanim who regularly use that roadway and previously faced questions regarding travel near cemetery grounds.

The project also extended into Toms River, where problematic trees were trimmed along Old Freehold Road and Route 166, resolving additional concerns along roads frequently traveled by members of the broader Lakewood community.

Beyond the work undertaken by Ocean County, Lakewood Township officials assisted with additional tree trimming along Clifton Avenue and Courtney Road near Bais Faiga, addressing further locations identified as requiring attention.

The halachic issue underlying the project involves the laws of tumah applicable to kohanim, who are prohibited from becoming tamei meis except in certain circumstances permitted by halacha. Trees extending over graves or cemetery grounds can, under particular conditions, create concerns involving ohel, through which tumah may extend beneath connected overhead coverage.

As a result, even a kohen traveling on a public roadway outside a cemetery may encounter a halachic concern if tree branches create a connection between the cemetery and the area through which he is passing.

Addressing these situations can require careful examination of the physical surroundings and the relevant halachic considerations. In some cases, kohanim may have relied on particular kulos when traveling through the affected areas. The completion of the trimming work now allows them to avoid those questions on the roadways addressed by the project.

The Vaad emphasized that the successful outcome was made possible by the cooperation and responsiveness of the county and township officials involved, who demonstrated an understanding of the community’s concerns and a willingness to devote the necessary resources to resolving them.

In particular, the Vaad expressed its appreciation to R’ Menashe Miller for facilitating the connection with county officials, to Commissioner R’ Shmuel Ellenbogen for his assistance, and to Mr. Art Reece and the entire Ocean County Roads Department team for their professionalism and dedicated efforts throughout the undertaking.

The Vaad also thanked Lakewood Township officials for their cooperation in completing the additional trimming near Bais Faiga.

For the many kohanim who regularly travel these routes, the completion of the project provides a practical and meaningful improvement, removing longstanding concerns from everyday travel and allowing them to use these roads with greater peace of mind.

{Matzav.com}

Vice President JD Vance launched a blistering attack Tuesday against Michigan Democratic Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed, branding him a “psychopath” and accusing him of promoting anti-white racism, misrepresenting his background and embracing policies that could devastate Michigan’s automobile industry. The unusually sharp criticism came as Vance traveled to the battleground state to campaign for Republican Senate nominee Mike Rogers, who is locked in a closely contested race ahead of the November 3 election.

With recent polling suggesting that El-Sayed holds a narrow advantage, Vance sought to portray the Democrat as an extremist whose political positions and associations make him unfit to represent Michigan in Washington. The vice president delivered his criticism both before departing for the state and during a campaign appearance in Howell, outside Detroit, where several hundred Republican supporters gathered to hear him and Rogers.

“Abdul El-Sayed is a little bit of a psychopath, and we’re going to just try to make the argument as well as we can and help Mike out a little bit,” Vance said before boarding Air Force Two en route to the campaign event.

The vice president made racial politics a central element of his criticism, alleging that El-Sayed has promoted hostility toward white Americans. He claimed that the Democratic candidate has “engaged in the kind of explicitly anti-white racial hatred” perhaps “more than any Democrat running in the nation,” describing him as “a guy who seems to love to traffic in racial hatred.”

Vance did not identify specific statements by El-Sayed to substantiate the allegation during his initial remarks. Republican critics have previously targeted the Democrat’s support for diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives, particularly proposals involving healthcare access, government contracting and assistance to businesses owned by minorities.

Those policies have become a major source of disagreement between Republicans and Democrats, with opponents arguing that race-conscious government programs can result in discriminatory treatment, while supporters maintain that such initiatives are intended to address longstanding disparities.

Upon arriving in Michigan, Vance intensified his criticism before an enthusiastic audience, accusing El-Sayed of holding radical political views and suggesting that he would sympathize with violent demonstrations.

Referring to recent unrest in France, Vance claimed that if similar disturbances erupted in Detroit, El-Sayed would be “right there and cheering them on.”

The vice president also challenged El-Sayed’s past descriptions of his nationality and family background, accusing the Democrat of presenting himself as an immigrant despite having been born in Michigan.

“Abdul El-Sayed was born just north of Detroit in a town called Rochester Hills. Yet he is claiming to be, and I quote, ‘an immigrant from North Africa.’ For decades, he’s gone even further than that. He told people he is an Egyptian citizen,” the VP said.

Vance argued that the statements raised questions about El-Sayed’s honesty and his identification with the state he is seeking to represent.

“Why? Why would you tell people that you were not from the community that you’re actually from? It’s an insane claim to make… [He is] a man who would lie, who is so ashamed of this state that he would lie about being an immigrant from another continent.”

The controversy centers in part on remarks attributed to El-Sayed during a 2017 Michigan Democratic convention speech, when he reportedly described himself as an immigrant from North Africa. El-Sayed was born in Rochester Hills, Michigan, and is of Egyptian descent. Vance seized on the discrepancy to accuse the candidate of falsely presenting his personal history.

The Republican vice president then shifted to economic issues, warning that El-Sayed’s environmental agenda could seriously damage Michigan’s automotive manufacturing sector, which remains a cornerstone of the state’s economy.

Vance charged that El-Sayed “says that he wants to pass the green new scam and kill the auto industry of this state,” invoking Republican opposition to aggressive federal climate policies and mandates affecting vehicle production.

The dispute reflects a broader political battle over the future of American automobile manufacturing. Republicans have argued that Democratic environmental regulations and electric-vehicle policies threaten traditional manufacturing jobs, while Democrats have generally maintained that investments in cleaner technologies can create new employment opportunities and strengthen domestic production.

Vance also attacked El-Sayed over his association with political commentator and online personality Hasan Piker, whose past remarks about the September 11 terrorist attacks have generated widespread controversy.

The vice president accused El-Sayed of having “campaigned with his best friend Hassan Piker, a man who said that we deserved 9/11.”

Piker has faced criticism for a past statement asserting that America deserved the September 11 attacks, a remark he subsequently addressed amid public backlash. Republicans have repeatedly pointed to his comments when criticizing Democratic politicians who have appeared alongside him or maintained political relationships with him.

The vice president’s attacks came at a particularly sensitive moment in the Michigan Senate contest. According to the RealClearPolitics average of recent surveys cited Tuesday, El-Sayed was leading Rogers by approximately 2.5 percentage points, indicating a competitive race in which relatively small shifts in voter support could determine the outcome.

El-Sayed has received support from prominent figures on the Democratic Party’s progressive wing, including Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont, who joined him on the campaign trail Monday. The appearance reinforced the candidate’s ties to the party’s left flank, an association Republicans have sought to use against him in a politically divided state.

Rogers, meanwhile, is a former congressman who chaired the House Intelligence Committee and has long been identified with a strong national security posture. His foreign policy positions have occasionally placed him at odds with influential figures on the political right who oppose extensive American involvement overseas.

One such critic is Tucker Carlson, the former Fox News host, who has strongly opposed Rogers. Asked about Carlson’s objections, Vance defended the Republican nominee and emphasized his character and experience.

Vance described Rogers as “fundamentally a decent guy and the kind of public servant that you want in Washington, D.C.”

The endorsement reflected the Trump administration’s determination to unite Republican voters behind Rogers despite disagreements within the conservative movement over foreign policy and national security.

The vice president was also asked about President Trump’s recent characterization of El-Sayed as a “jihadist,” a description the president used while attacking the Democratic candidate and former President Barack Obama over Obama’s support for him.

Vance declined to repeat Trump’s characterization, instead emphasizing his concerns about the people with whom El-Sayed associates.

“I don’t know what’s in the guy’s heart. I just know he has a lot of weird friends.”

The distinction between the president’s rhetoric and Vance’s response illustrated differing approaches to criticizing El-Sayed. While Trump used an explicitly ideological label, Vance concentrated on the candidate’s political associations, statements and policy positions, although his own remarks included unusually personal accusations.

Michigan’s Senate contest has attracted intense national attention because of its potential importance in determining control of the chamber. Both parties have invested heavily in the race, recognizing that the state’s politically diverse electorate could play a decisive role in the national balance of power.

For Republicans, the closing days of the campaign present an opportunity to focus attention on El-Sayed’s progressive positions, his relationships with controversial public figures and his approach to Michigan’s industrial economy. Democrats, meanwhile, are seeking to maintain their advantage by emphasizing economic concerns and mobilizing their supporters.

With Election Day only a week away, Vance’s visit demonstrated the administration’s willingness to deploy its most prominent officials in support of Rogers. His attacks also signaled that Republicans intend to make El-Sayed’s ideology and personal history central issues as Michigan voters prepare to cast their ballots.

Tuesday’s event was part of a broader Republican campaign effort in Michigan, with Vance also promoting gubernatorial nominee John James, Congressman Tom Barrett and other candidates appearing on the November ballot. The vice president described Michigan as one of the most consequential battlegrounds in the country, urging Republicans to turn out in large numbers rather than assume the election had already been decided.

The campaign rally took place at CHI Aviation in Howell, where Vance praised Rogers’ background as a former FBI agent and his experience dealing with national security issues. He also sought to counter criticism that Rogers would simply follow the White House’s instructions, arguing that the Republican nominee has demonstrated a willingness to take independent positions.

Rogers reinforced the attacks on El-Sayed during his own remarks, questioning the Democrat’s judgment and suitability for national office. He also accused his opponent of failing to adequately condemn terrorism, continuing a line of criticism that has become increasingly prominent in the closing stages of the campaign.

The Republican campaign’s focus on El-Sayed’s associations has included renewed scrutiny of his relationship with Piker, who participated in campaign activities with the Democrat during the primary election. El-Sayed has previously criticized Piker’s September 11 remarks, calling them “dumb,” although Republicans have continued to argue that the association raises questions about the candidate’s political judgment.

The political battle has also intensified following appearances by other nationally prominent figures. President Trump campaigned in Port Huron on Sunday, while Barack Obama appeared at a Democratic rally in Detroit on Saturday, highlighting the importance both parties attach to Michigan’s closely contested races.

Democrats responded sharply to Vance’s appearance, accusing the administration of attempting to divert attention from economic difficulties facing Michigan families. State Democratic Party Chairman Curtis Hertel criticized Republican policies on tariffs, healthcare and the economy, arguing that voters have become increasingly frustrated with rising costs.

The attacks and counterattacks reflect the increasingly contentious atmosphere surrounding the Senate race, where questions about economic policy, immigration, national security and political extremism have become central to both campaigns.

As the November 3 election approaches, Michigan voters will decide between two candidates offering sharply different political agendas, with the outcome potentially affecting the balance of power in Washington. Vance’s appearance Tuesday made clear that Republicans intend to keep El-Sayed’s record, associations and ideology at the forefront of the campaign through its final days.

Republican gubernatorial candidate Bruce Blakeman is warning that New York’s controversial congestion pricing program could eventually spread far beyond Manhattan if Gov. Kathy Hochul wins another term, accusing the Democratic incumbent of preparing to impose additional financial burdens on residents already struggling with the state’s high cost of living.

Speaking Tuesday on Fifth Avenue in Manhattan, the Nassau County executive pledged to eliminate the existing congestion toll if he defeats Hochul in the November 3 gubernatorial election. He argued that the current Manhattan tolling system could serve as a model for similar charges in neighborhoods and communities throughout New York State.

Blakeman said the possibility of expanded congestion charges should concern motorists regardless of where they live, pointing to major cities across the state as well as heavily traveled roads in the outer boroughs of New York City.

“Doesn’t matter whether it’s New York City, Buffalo, Rochester, Syracuse, Albany, Binghamton or any town in between,” Blakeman claimed while speaking on Fifth Avenue in Manhattan Tuesday.

“If you live in Brooklyn, Flatbush Avenue. If you live in Queens, Queens Boulevard, Northern Boulevard. If you live in the Bronx, Tremont Avenue. Staten Island, the Staten Island Expressway — congestion pricing will come to you if Kathy Hochul is reelected,” he told The Post. “I will stop that as governor.

His remarks amounted to a campaign warning rather than evidence of an announced Hochul administration proposal to establish congestion pricing in those additional locations. Nevertheless, Blakeman maintained that the governor’s approach to transportation funding and taxation made further tolling initiatives a legitimate concern for voters.

Blakeman also directed criticism at New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, arguing that Democratic leaders have increasingly turned to new charges and taxes rather than controlling government expenditures.

“That’s a way for them to raise more money because they don’t know how to run a large organization,” he said of Hochul and city Mayor Zohran Mamdani while calling congestion pricing “nothing more than a tax on the middle class.”

The Republican candidate tied his opposition to congestion pricing to a broader argument about New York’s spending levels, contrasting the state’s budget with Florida’s despite Florida having a substantially larger population.

“Our budget in the state of New York is twice the size of the State of Florida and there’s 4 million more people in Florida,” Blakeman said, echoing a September Citizens Budget Commission report that found New Yorkers paid the highest tax burden per-person in the entire country.

“We don’t have a revenue problem in New York state, we’ve got a spending problem,” he said.

The September findings added another dimension to the campaign debate over affordability, with New York’s comparatively heavy tax burden and substantial public expenditures becoming central issues in the contest between Blakeman and Hochul.

Blakeman delivered his remarks near the intersection of Fifth Avenue and East 62nd Street, where congestion pricing enforcement equipment monitors vehicles entering Manhattan’s designated tolling zone. The location provided a backdrop for his criticism, with vehicles filling the surrounding streets during his appearance.

The program, which began operating in January 2025, generally charges passenger vehicles $9 during peak periods to enter Manhattan’s central business district south of 60th Street. The toll varies according to vehicle category, time of day and applicable discounts or credits.

Pointing to the traffic around him, Blakeman questioned whether the program had delivered on its central promise of reducing congestion.

“You can look here. I don’t think it’s reduced traffic at all,” he said. “I think that what you’re seeing here is traffic congestion.”

Although the candidate cited the crowded streets as evidence against the program, conditions at a single intersection do not necessarily establish whether congestion pricing has reduced traffic across the entire tolling district. Supporters of the initiative have argued that its effectiveness should be evaluated through broader traffic measurements rather than individual observations.

Opposition to the toll has become a defining feature of Blakeman’s gubernatorial campaign, alongside his criticism of Hochul’s handling of affordability, taxation and public transportation. He has repeatedly portrayed congestion pricing as an additional expense imposed on working families and commuters who already face substantial transportation costs.

The program’s political history has also become an issue in the race. Hochul unexpectedly suspended its planned implementation in June 2024, ahead of that year’s elections, amid concerns that the toll could provoke a backlash against Democratic candidates.

Following the election, Hochul announced that the initiative would move forward at a reduced initial rate. The tolling system subsequently took effect in January 2025, establishing the country’s first congestion pricing zone of its kind.

President Trump later sought to terminate the program through his administration, challenging the federal approval that had allowed the tolling system to proceed. The effort became the subject of litigation, with a federal judge ruling against the administration’s attempt to withdraw the authorization unilaterally.

Blakeman’s election could potentially change the political dynamics surrounding the program. As governor, he would control the state’s executive branch and could pursue negotiations with the federal government over its future, particularly with Trump remaining in the White House.

However, terminating congestion pricing would involve legal and administrative considerations beyond a simple gubernatorial directive, including the program’s federal approvals and the obligations associated with its financing.

Blakeman insisted that removing the toll would not mean abandoning efforts to address Manhattan’s traffic problems. Instead, he proposed encouraging more commuters to use mass transit by improving safety, cleanliness and staffing throughout the transportation system.

He also pointed to fare evasion as a major financial problem for the Metropolitan Transportation Authority. A watchdog analysis estimated that fare and toll evasion cost the transit agency more than $1 billion in 2024, a loss Blakeman suggested could be addressed through stronger enforcement.

“The way to reduce traffic congestion is to make cleaner and safer train stations and subway stations, cleaner buses,” Blakeman said. “Put more conductors on our trains and subways. Put more police officers and our subway stations. That will get riders back.”

His proposed approach reflects his argument that public transportation would attract additional riders if commuters felt more secure and comfortable using it, reducing reliance on private vehicles without imposing new tolls on motorists.

Hochul’s campaign rejected Blakeman’s criticism and defended the governor’s transportation policies, accusing the Republican of aligning himself with Trump rather than supporting investments in New York’s transit infrastructure.

“In Bruce Blakeman and Donald Trump’s version of New York, it’s more expensive and impossible to get anywhere, gas prices are at record highs, and the LIRR gets defunded when you try to get around Blakeman’s own county,” a Hochul spokesperson said.

“While Governor Hochul is making our subways safer, investing billions into public safety, and funding public transit that helps New Yorkers get to work, get their kids to school, and get home, Bruce Blakeman is once again taking Trump’s side instead of standing up for New York.”

The competing arguments highlight a fundamental disagreement over how New York should finance and improve its transportation network. Blakeman wants to eliminate congestion tolls while focusing on transit security and government spending, whereas Hochul has defended the existing program as part of a broader strategy to support public transportation and address traffic congestion.

Additional reporting Tuesday indicated that Blakeman has discussed several possible approaches to dismantling the tolling system, including pursuing legislation, issuing an executive order or directing the MTA to discontinue collections. He has argued that a governor should be able to exercise sufficient authority over the transit agency to bring the program to an end, although the legality and practicality of those options remain open questions.

A particularly significant obstacle involves the MTA’s financing arrangements. Congestion pricing revenue is intended to support approximately $15 billion in transit capital improvements, and abruptly ending collections could jeopardize bonds backed by the anticipated toll income. That raises the possibility of additional financial and legal complications if a future administration attempts to shut down the program.

The Trump administration’s legal challenge also remains relevant. In March, U.S. District Judge Lewis Liman ruled that the federal government had acted unlawfully in attempting to withdraw approval for congestion pricing. The administration appealed that decision in May, leaving the broader dispute over federal authority unresolved.

Meanwhile, state transportation officials have reported that congestion pricing has produced measurable reductions in vehicle traffic entering Manhattan. According to figures released earlier this year, approximately 27 million fewer vehicles entered the designated zone during the program’s first year, while toll collections generated more than $550 million. Those figures stand in contrast to Blakeman’s assessment of the traffic he observed Tuesday.

In a separate development Tuesday, Blakeman’s campaign also released an advertisement warning that Hochul and Mamdani could pursue billions of dollars in additional taxes after the election. Hochul has disputed the Republican’s broader claims about her tax agenda and stated during an October 14 debate that she would not raise state income taxes.

Israel’s two major chareidi political parties appear headed for a significant setback in Tuesday’s Knesset election, with all five major exit polls projecting that Shas and United Torah Judaism will emerge with fewer seats than they held in the outgoing Knesset.

The projections indicate that the two parties, which together won 18 seats in the 2022 election, will receive between 12 and 16 seats in the 120-member Knesset. The losses are expected to fall most heavily on Shas, while United Torah Judaism faces uncertainty over whether it will retain its seventh seat.

The exit polls, released Tuesday night following the closing of polling stations at 10 p.m., present varying estimates of the parties’ electoral performance. Nevertheless, every major network projects a reduction in their combined parliamentary representation, following a particularly contentious election campaign marked by the military draft controversy, the arrests of yeshiva bochurim, internal political disagreements, and the emergence of alternative chareidi parties.

The most favorable projection for the chareidi parties came from Channel 14, whose poll, conducted by Shlomo Filber, gave Shas nine seats and United Torah Judaism seven, for a combined total of 16.

The i24NEWS exit poll projected eight seats for Shas and seven for UTJ, giving the two parties 15 seats.

Channel 12 also projected eight seats for Shas, but gave United Torah Judaism only six, bringing their combined representation to 14.

The outlook was considerably worse in the projections released by Channel 13 and Kan 11.

Channel 13 predicted that Shas would receive six seats and United Torah Judaism seven, leaving the two parties with a combined 13 mandates.

Kan 11 presented the weakest result for the chareidi parties, projecting just six seats each for Shas and UTJ, for a combined total of 12.

The figures represent a potentially substantial decline from the 2022 election, when Shas, led by Aryeh Deri, won 11 seats and United Torah Judaism secured seven.

Under the current projections, Shas stands to lose between two and five seats, while UTJ could either maintain its existing seven-seat representation or lose one mandate.

The disparity between the two parties’ projected performances is particularly notable given that Shas entered the election as the larger of the two chareidi factions, with a broad electoral base that traditionally included both chareidi and non-chareidi Sephardic voters.

In previous elections, Shas successfully attracted substantial support from traditional and religiously observant Israelis outside the core chareidi community, allowing it to expand its parliamentary strength beyond the population represented by its yeshiva-centered constituency.

The latest projections suggest that the party may have struggled to maintain that broader coalition of voters, although the actual results will be necessary to determine the extent of any losses.

For United Torah Judaism, the principal question is whether the party has received enough votes to secure its seventh seat.

Two of the five major exit polls project that UTJ will fall to six mandates, while three predict that it will retain all seven.

The difference could have important consequences for the party’s internal balance of power, its parliamentary representation, and its negotiating position in any future coalition talks.

The projected decline comes after one of the most difficult election campaigns in recent years for the established chareidi parties.

The ongoing controversy over military conscription for yeshiva bochurim dominated much of the campaign, with widespread anger over the arrests of bnei yeshiva and mounting criticism of the government’s handling of the draft issue.

The controversy created an especially challenging political environment for Shas and United Torah Judaism, whose representatives faced questions about their ability to protect the interests of the yeshiva world while participating in the governing coalition.

Throughout the campaign, critics argued that the chareidi parties had failed to secure adequate protections for yeshiva bochurim, while party leaders maintained that their continued political representation was essential to defending the Torah community against further government measures.

The debate was accompanied by growing concern that disillusioned voters might either remain home on Election Day or cast their ballots for alternative political lists.

In the weeks leading up to the election, both Shas and UTJ intensified efforts to mobilize their traditional supporters, emphasizing the importance of maintaining a strong chareidi presence in the Knesset.

Leading rabbonim issued repeated appeals urging voters to participate in the election and support the established chareidi parties, warning that a reduction in their parliamentary strength could have serious consequences for the Torah world.

United Torah Judaism also faced internal tensions between its various factions, complicating efforts to present a united political front and coordinate the election campaign.

Those disagreements added another challenge to a party already confronting the possibility of diminished voter enthusiasm and competition from smaller political movements.

Shas, meanwhile, concentrated on preserving its support among both chareidi and traditional Sephardic voters, seeking to maintain the broad electoral appeal that had helped it secure 11 seats in the previous election.

Another factor in the campaign was the emergence of protest parties seeking to attract voters dissatisfied with the established chareidi political leadership.

Among the most prominent was the Hatzibur Hachareidi party, headed by Moti Leitner, which entered the election amid criticism of the handling of the draft controversy and the conduct of chareidi political representatives.

The party sought to present itself as an alternative for voters who believed the established parties had failed to adequately represent their concerns.

Another alternative list, Tzeva Shachor, also competed for support within the chareidi electorate.

According to the initial exit polls, neither of the alternative chareidi lists is expected to cross Israel’s 3.25% electoral threshold, meaning that neither would receive representation in the Knesset.

However, the number of votes received by those parties could still prove significant.

Under Israel’s electoral system, votes cast for parties that fail to cross the threshold do not contribute to the allocation of Knesset seats.

Consequently, even if the protest parties fail to enter the Knesset, votes they attract from former Shas or UTJ supporters could reduce the parliamentary strength of the established chareidi parties.

At this stage, it remains unclear how many voters supported the alternative lists or whether their participation was responsible for any significant portion of the projected decline.

The official count will provide a clearer picture of their electoral performance and the extent to which they may have drawn support away from the larger parties.

The chareidi parties also confronted the effects of unusually high nationwide voter turnout, which raised the number of votes necessary to secure parliamentary representation.

Throughout Election Day, party officials expressed concern over reports of heavy participation in Arab communities and opposition strongholds, while turnout in several major chareidi communities appeared to be comparatively weaker.

The concern prompted urgent appeals from political leaders and rabbonim, who called upon voters to make their way to polling stations before voting ended.

The exceptionally high participation rate added to fears that even a relatively modest decline in the chareidi vote could translate into the loss of one or more Knesset seats.

Beyond the electoral performance of Shas and UTJ, the exit polls also carry major implications for the composition of Israel’s next government.

The five major networks presented sharply different projections for Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s right-wing and chareidi bloc.

Channel 14, which gave the chareidi parties their strongest combined showing of 16 seats, projected that Netanyahu’s bloc would receive 60 mandates, just one short of the 61 needed for a parliamentary majority.

The i24NEWS exit poll projected 55 seats for Netanyahu’s bloc.

Kan 11, Channel 12, and Channel 13 each projected only 50 seats for the bloc, suggesting a considerably more difficult path for Netanyahu to assemble another government.

Despite those substantial differences, none of the five exit polls gave Netanyahu’s bloc an outright parliamentary majority.

The political implications for Shas and United Torah Judaism could therefore extend beyond the number of seats they ultimately receive.

A reduction in their combined parliamentary strength could diminish their influence in coalition negotiations, particularly regarding the military draft, funding for yeshivos, educational institutions, and other issues central to the chareidi community.

At the same time, a fragmented Knesset in which neither major political bloc holds a clear majority could make the chareidi parties important participants in efforts to form a governing coalition.

Much will depend on the final distribution of seats and the willingness of the various political factions to negotiate with one another.

For now, the exit polls present a consistent picture of diminished support for the two established chareidi parties, even as they disagree over the extent of the decline.

Shas appears headed for the more substantial losses, while United Torah Judaism’s final representation may hinge on a relatively narrow margin separating its sixth and seventh seats.

The actual results will also determine whether the protest parties attracted enough votes to materially affect the established chareidi factions and whether the exceptionally high turnout altered the parliamentary balance.

As the Central Elections Committee continues counting ballots, Shas and UTJ officials will be watching closely to determine whether the initial projections accurately reflect the electorate’s decision.

What is already clear from the exit polls is that the chareidi parties are facing the prospect of entering the next Knesset with fewer representatives than they had in 2022, following an election campaign in which the draft crisis, internal divisions, and dissatisfaction among portions of the electorate became central political issues.

The final results will determine not only the number of chareidi representatives in the 26th Knesset, but also the extent of their influence over the political negotiations and legislative battles that lie ahead.

{Matzav.com}

Israel’s election for the 26th Knesset ended Tuesday night with sharply conflicting exit polls, leaving Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s political future uncertain, United Torah Judaism’s seventh seat hanging in the balance, and the country facing the possibility of prolonged coalition negotiations or another election.

The most dramatic projection came from Channel 14, which gave Netanyahu’s right-wing and chareidi bloc 60 seats, just one short of the 61 required for a Knesset majority. In contrast, Kan 11, Channel 12, and Channel 13 each projected only 50 seats for Netanyahu’s bloc, while i24NEWS placed it at 55 and Channel 16 at 53.

The enormous gap between the television networks means that Israel could be heading toward very different political outcomes, depending on which projections prove closest to the actual vote count.

For the chareidi community, one of the most closely watched questions is whether United Torah Judaism will retain its seventh Knesset seat. Kan 11 and Channel 12 projected six seats for UTJ, while Channel 13, Channel 14, and i24NEWS gave the party seven.

Shas, meanwhile, is projected to suffer a substantial decline from the 11 seats it won in 2022. Kan 11 and Channel 13 projected six seats for Aryeh Deri’s party, Channel 12 and i24NEWS gave it eight, and Channel 14 projected nine.

Taken together, the two established chareidi parties are projected to win between 12 and 16 seats, compared with the combined 18 seats they received in the previous election.

The exit polls were released at 10 p.m. Israel time, following a day of extraordinarily high voter participation that saw political parties scrambling to mobilize supporters amid warnings that turnout patterns could dramatically affect the composition of the next Knesset.

According to the Central Elections Committee, voter turnout had reached 74.3% by 8 p.m., already surpassing the final turnout recorded in the 2022 election. By the time polling stations closed, turnout was reported at approximately 77.7%, reflecting one of the highest participation rates in decades.

The unusually large number of voters raised particular concerns among chareidi party officials, who warned throughout the day that heavy turnout in Arab communities and opposition strongholds, coupled with comparatively weaker participation in some chareidi areas, could cost their parties valuable seats.

The exit polls indicate that those concerns may have been justified.

Kan 11 projected Likud winning 25 seats, making it the largest individual party in the Knesset. Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar party was projected to receive 21 seats, while former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett’s B’Yachad party was given 14.

The Joint Arab List was projected to receive 10 seats and Ra’am seven, giving the Arab parties a combined 17 seats. Yair Golan’s Democrats were projected to win 10 seats, Avigdor Lieberman’s Yisrael Beytenu eight, and Itamar Ben Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit seven.

Under the Kan 11 projection, United Torah Judaism, Shas, and the Religious Zionism–Zehut alliance would each receive six seats.

The resulting parliamentary distribution would give Netanyahu’s bloc 50 seats, the principal opposition parties 53, and the Arab parties 17.

Channel 12 presented a somewhat different distribution but reached essentially the same conclusion regarding Netanyahu’s parliamentary strength.

According to Channel 12, Likud would win 24 seats, Eisenkot’s Yashar party 22, and Bennett’s B’Yachad party 12.

The Joint Arab List would receive 11 seats, while Ra’am would win seven, giving the Arab parties a combined 18 mandates.

Yisrael Beytenu and the Democrats were each projected to receive nine seats, while Shas was given eight. United Torah Judaism, Religious Zionism–Zehut, and Otzma Yehudit were each projected to receive six.

Under that scenario, Netanyahu’s bloc would control 50 seats, the principal opposition parties 52, and the Arab parties 18.

Channel 13 also projected 50 seats for Netanyahu’s bloc, but its results were somewhat more favorable to United Torah Judaism.

The network gave Likud 25 seats, Eisenkot’s Yashar party 23, and Bennett’s B’Yachad party 14.

The Joint Arab List was projected to win 10 seats and Ra’am seven. The Democrats received nine seats, while Yisrael Beytenu and United Torah Judaism were each projected to win seven.

Otzma Yehudit, Religious Zionism–Zehut, and Shas were each projected to receive six seats.

Under the Channel 13 projection, the principal opposition bloc would receive 53 seats, Netanyahu’s bloc 50, and the Arab parties 17.

Channel 14, however, presented a dramatically different picture, one that placed Netanyahu on the verge of securing another term as prime minister.

Its exit poll projected Likud winning 30 seats, substantially more than any of the other major networks predicted.

Eisenkot’s Yashar party was projected to receive 19 seats, while Bennett’s B’Yachad party would win 11.

Shas was projected to receive nine seats, with United Torah Judaism, Otzma Yehudit, and Religious Zionism–Zehut each winning seven.

The Democrats were given nine seats, while Yisrael Beytenu was projected to receive four.

The Joint Arab List was projected to win 10 seats and Ra’am seven.

Channel 14 reported an overall distribution of 60 seats for Netanyahu’s bloc, 43 for the principal opposition, and 17 for the Arab parties, although its published individual party figures did not fully reconcile with those bloc totals.

The projection nevertheless represented a striking departure from the results presented by the other three major television networks.

Two additional broadcasters, i24NEWS and Channel 16, produced projections that fell between those competing scenarios.

i24NEWS projected 55 seats for Netanyahu’s bloc, 49 for the principal opposition, and 16 for the Arab parties.

Its individual party projections included 27 seats for Likud, 20 for Eisenkot’s Yashar, 15 for Bennett’s B’Yachad, eight for Shas, and seven for United Torah Judaism.

Channel 16 projected 53 seats for Netanyahu’s bloc, 51 for the principal opposition, and 16 for the Arab parties.

The different projections have created considerable uncertainty over the political consequences of Tuesday’s election.

Although Likud emerged as the largest individual party in every major exit poll, that distinction does not automatically guarantee Netanyahu the ability to form a government.

Under Israel’s parliamentary system, a prime minister must assemble sufficient support in the 120-member Knesset to establish a governing coalition.

A majority requires 61 seats, meaning that even Channel 14’s most favorable projection would leave Netanyahu one seat short.

The other major networks suggest that he would face a considerably more difficult path to forming a coalition.

The opposition faces its own challenges.

Eisenkot’s Yashar party is projected to emerge as the second-largest faction, with between 19 and 23 seats, while Bennett’s B’Yachad is projected to receive between 11 and 15.

Together with Lieberman’s Yisrael Beytenu and Golan’s Democrats, the principal opposition parties are projected to hold between 43 and 53 seats, depending on the network.

The Arab parties are projected to control between 16 and 18 seats, potentially giving them considerable influence over the parliamentary balance.

However, the ideological and political differences among the opposition factions, particularly regarding cooperation with Arab parties, could complicate efforts to form an alternative government.

For United Torah Judaism, the immediate concern remains the fate of its seventh seat.

The party entered Election Day amid warnings that an exceptionally high national turnout could increase the number of votes needed to secure each mandate.

Party officials also expressed concern over the emergence of alternative chareidi political lists, which sought to attract voters dissatisfied with the established parties, particularly over the military draft controversy and the treatment of yeshiva bochurim.

Although those smaller chareidi lists are not projected to cross the electoral threshold, votes cast for them could still affect UTJ’s final representation by reducing the number of votes available to the established chareidi party.

Throughout Tuesday, leading rabbonim issued repeated appeals urging eligible voters to participate in the election and support United Torah Judaism.

As the day progressed, the campaign intensified amid reports of particularly heavy turnout in communities associated with the political opposition.

The concern was especially pronounced because the seventh UTJ seat had already been viewed as vulnerable before Election Day.

With Kan 11 and Channel 12 projecting six mandates, and Channel 13, Channel 14, and i24NEWS projecting seven, the final outcome may depend on relatively small differences in the actual vote totals and the allocation of surplus votes.

Shas faces a similarly important count, although its projected losses are substantially larger.

The party’s projected representation of six to nine seats would mark a decline from the 11 mandates it received in 2022.

The combined results could leave the chareidi parties with fewer representatives in the next Knesset at a time when the military draft issue, funding for yeshivos, and other matters affecting the chareidi community remain central political questions.

Another important factor is the performance of smaller parties near the electoral threshold.

Israel requires parties to receive at least 3.25% of the national vote to enter the Knesset. Parties that fall short receive no seats, and their votes are excluded from the allocation of parliamentary mandates.

Exit polls indicated that several smaller parties, including lists associated with Ofer Winter and Yoaz Hendel, were unlikely to cross that threshold.

Their failure to enter the Knesset could influence the distribution of seats among the larger parties, particularly if their supporters are concentrated within one political camp.

The official vote count began after polling stations closed, with the Central Elections Committee expected to release updated figures as ballots are processed.

Votes cast by soldiers, diplomats, hospital patients, prisoners, and others using special double envelopes will be counted separately, meaning that some close seat allocations may remain unresolved even after most regular ballots have been tallied.

The Central Elections Committee has indicated that it expects to complete the count by Thursday, October 29, although the legal deadline for publication of the official results is November 4.

Once the results are finalized, President Isaac Herzog will consult with the elected parties before selecting the Knesset member he believes has the best prospect of forming a government.

That individual will then begin the process of negotiating a coalition, a task that could prove particularly difficult if the final results resemble the projections showing neither major bloc close to a majority.

Israel has previously experienced prolonged periods of political deadlock, including the years between 2019 and 2022, when repeated elections failed to produce a stable governing majority.

Tuesday’s results have raised the possibility of another extended period of political uncertainty.

For now, the exit polls agree on several important points: Likud remains Israel’s largest individual party, Eisenkot has emerged as Netanyahu’s principal challenger, the Arab parties are projected to achieve substantial representation, and the established chareidi parties face the possibility of losing seats.

But the most consequential questions remain unanswered.

Whether Netanyahu can secure a parliamentary majority, whether Eisenkot can assemble an alternative coalition, and whether United Torah Judaism retains its seventh seat will ultimately be determined by the official count rather than the television projections.

Until those results become clear, Israel faces an election-night picture marked by unusually high turnout, conflicting projections, and considerable uncertainty over the composition of its next government.

{Matzav.com}

As millions of Israelis headed to the polls on Tuesday to elect the 26th Knesset, one of the most prominent gedolei hador urging the chareidi public to vote was unable to cast a ballot himself.

Maran Hagaon Harav Moshe Hillel Hirsch, rosh yeshiva of Slabodka, did not participate in Tuesday’s Knesset election for a simple reason: He is an American citizen and does not hold Israeli citizenship.

Although Rav Moshe Hillel has lived in Eretz Yisroel for decades and serves as one of the foremost leaders of the Israeli Torah world, his American citizenship means that he is not eligible to vote in national Israeli elections.

The unusual circumstance was noted today, as Rav Moshe Hillel had urged bochurim following Shacharis to head to the polling stations and work on behalf of United Torah Judaism.

It was noted that the rosh yeshiva himself would not be voting because of his American citizenship, and he participates only in municipal elections.

Under Israeli election law, voting in Knesset elections is restricted to Israeli citizens aged 18 and older who meet the registration requirements. Permanent residents who do not hold Israeli citizenship are permitted to vote in municipal elections, provided they meet the applicable eligibility requirements, but cannot vote for the Knesset.

The distinction explains how Rav Moshe Hillel can participate in local elections in Bnei Brak while being ineligible to vote in the national elections that determine the composition of Israel’s government.

His inability to cast a ballot did not diminish his involvement in the election campaign.

In the days leading up to Tuesday’s vote, Rav Moshe Hillel issued repeated appeals urging the chareidi public to support United Torah Judaism, particularly amid concerns that smaller breakaway chareidi parties could divert votes from the established party and jeopardize its Knesset representation.

On Monday, the eve of the election, Rav Moshe Hillel addressed a gathering in Modiin Illit, calling upon those who had established alternative chareidi political lists to reconsider their actions and encourage their supporters to vote for UTJ.

He also appealed to individuals who had previously refrained from voting for religious reasons, declaring that the circumstances of the current election required their participation.

In a separate English-language message released ahead of Election Day, Rav Moshe Hillel directly addressed English-speaking chareidim living in Eretz Yisroel, urging those eligible to vote to support United Torah Judaism.

As Election Day progressed and reports emerged of exceptionally high turnout in Arab communities and areas associated with the political opposition, the rosh yeshiva issued another urgent appeal warning of the consequences if chareidi voters failed to participate.

His public involvement came as UTJ officials expressed mounting concern that unusually high nationwide turnout, coupled with weaker participation in certain chareidi strongholds, could threaten the party’s seventh Knesset seat.

Rav Moshe Hillel’s American citizenship has also figured in previous election-related activity. During the 2024 United States presidential election, he was among the rabbonim who encouraged eligible American citizens residing in Eretz Yisroel to participate in the American electoral process.

{Matzav.com}

Israel’s Central Elections Committee announced Tuesday evening that ballot slips containing certain defects or irregularities must still be counted if election officials can clearly determine the voter’s intended choice, issuing the clarification as the country tallies the votes in the election for the 26th Knesset.

The decision establishes that an imperfection on a ballot does not, by itself, justify excluding it from the final election results. Instead, election workers must examine whether the ballot sufficiently identifies the political party selected by the voter, even when the slip is damaged or otherwise defective.

The committee issued the guidance to prevent legitimate votes from being discarded over technical issues that do not interfere with identifying the voter’s preference. The clarification places particular emphasis on preserving the intent of the voter rather than automatically invalidating ballots because of minor irregularities.

Explaining the standard that election officials must apply, the committee stated: “The general rule is to allow the voter’s ballot to be included in the results, and only if it cannot be deemed valid should it be disqualified.”

Under the directive, the discovery of a defect requires election officials to assess the ballot’s validity rather than immediately reject it. If the party chosen by the voter remains unmistakable, the defect alone is not sufficient reason to disqualify the vote.

The clarification comes amid reports of ballot irregularities at polling stations around Israel, including allegations that voting slips belonging to certain political parties had been damaged, removed, or deliberately altered.

Several parties, including those led by Gadi Eisenkot, Naftali Bennett, Ofer Winter, Avigdor Lieberman, and Yoaz Hendel, submitted complaints concerning missing or defaced ballot slips. Some reported that small tears had been made along the edges of their parties’ voting slips, raising concerns that ballots cast using those papers might be rejected during the count.

The Central Elections Committee responded that it had found no evidence of a coordinated nationwide effort to tamper with ballots. Officials said individual complaints were being investigated as they arose and cautioned against accepting unverified claims circulating on social media.

In additional guidance issued Tuesday, the committee explained that voters should use officially approved ballot slips without adding writing, drawings, signatures, markings, or other identifying features. A mark capable of revealing a voter’s identity can invalidate a ballot even when the selected party is identifiable.

The committee also clarified the rules governing envelopes containing multiple slips. When two or three identical ballots for the same party are discovered in one envelope, the vote remains valid but is counted only once. However, an envelope containing four or more slips, or slips representing different parties, is disqualified.

Voters who discover that their preferred party’s printed ballots are unavailable may request a blank white slip from election officials. To cast a valid vote using that slip, they must write the party’s approved electoral letters in blue ink, either alone or together with the party’s official name. A completely blank slip, or one bearing only a party name without its electoral letters, is invalid.

Another clarification concerns ballot slips displaying the correct electoral letters alongside an incorrect party designation. In such circumstances, the committee said the vote may still be accepted on the basis of the approved letters identifying the intended party.

Election officials further advised voters who encounter torn, marked, dirty, or otherwise damaged slips inside polling booths to request replacements rather than risk using questionable ballots.

The distinction between a ballot that is merely damaged and one that is legally invalid is particularly important because Israel’s election rules are designed both to preserve the secrecy of voting and to ensure that ballots accurately reflect voters’ choices.

The committee emphasized that disputed ballots are evaluated during the official counting process under the applicable election laws and regulations. Decisions to invalidate votes must be documented, rather than based on sweeping assumptions about particular types of damage.

The issue carries added significance in an election in which relatively small differences in vote totals could affect the allocation of Knesset seats. Israel’s proportional representation system distributes the 120 parliamentary seats among qualifying parties, making the number of valid ballots an important factor in determining the final results.

During the previous Knesset election in November 2022, 29,851 ballots were disqualified, representing approximately 0.63% of all votes cast. Although that was a relatively small share of the electorate, the number was substantial enough to illustrate the potential consequences of invalid ballots in a closely contested election.

The committee’s latest announcement seeks to ensure that technical irregularities do not unnecessarily deprive voters of representation while maintaining safeguards against improper ballots and violations of election procedures.

As polling stations prepare to complete their work and begin counting ballots, election officials will be required to distinguish between imperfections that do not compromise a vote and defects that render it invalid under Israeli election law.

The committee’s central message is that a questionable ballot should not automatically be discarded. Its validity must be determined through the established legal process, with the voter’s clearly expressed choice preserved whenever the law permits.

Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu issued an urgent warning to Israel’s chareidi community Tuesday evening, declaring that a change of government could unleash unprecedented persecution of chareidi Jews and pose a serious threat to the Torah world.

In a special video message directed to readers of the Israeli chareidi news outlet B’Chadrei Chareidim, Netanyahu warned that an opposition-led government supported by Mansour Abbas and his Ra’am party could dramatically alter the relationship between the Israeli government and the chareidi community.

The prime minister delivered the message just hours before polling stations were scheduled to close at 10 p.m., amid unusually high nationwide voter turnout and growing concern within the right-wing and chareidi parties over participation rates in Arab communities and traditional opposition strongholds.

Netanyahu framed the election as a decisive moment for the future of the country’s Jewish character and its yeshivos, warning that the consequences of a change in government could extend far beyond ordinary political disagreements.

“I have a message for all the readers of B’Chadrei Chareidim: Go vote now for your parties. Don’t stay home,” Netanyahu said at the beginning of his remarks.

The prime minister pointed to reports of heavy voter participation in Arab communities as evidence of the urgency facing the right-wing bloc.

“Have you seen the enormous lines at the Arab parties?” he asked.

Netanyahu then warned of what he described as the consequences of an opposition victory, specifically invoking the possibility of a government dependent on Mansour Abbas and Ra’am, the Arab political party that previously participated in Israel’s governing coalition.

“If we wake up tomorrow morning to a left-wing government, Mansour Abbas and the Muslim Brotherhood, this is what will happen,” Netanyahu said.

He followed that warning with one of his strongest statements of the campaign regarding the future of the chareidi community.

“You cannot imagine what will happen here. There will be persecution of chareidim the likes of which has never been seen before,” Netanyahu declared.

The prime minister did not identify specific legislation or government measures that would constitute such persecution, instead presenting his warning as a broader assessment of the policies that could emerge under an opposition-led coalition.

Netanyahu contrasted that scenario with the continuation of a government led by himself and his existing political partners, arguing that such an administration would be able to address outstanding problems while preserving Israel’s Jewish identity.

His comments came amid an election campaign in which the status of yeshiva bochurim, the military draft controversy, and the relationship between the government and the chareidi community have featured prominently.

For many chareidi voters, the draft issue has become a central political concern, particularly following the ongoing disputes over exemptions for full-time yeshiva students and the government’s handling of the legal challenges surrounding their status.

Netanyahu’s message sought to place those concerns within the broader context of the election, arguing that the composition of the next government would have profound implications for the future of Torah institutions and the chareidi way of life.

The prime minister also addressed voters who might be staying home because of frustration or disappointment with the political leadership, challenging them to reconsider their decision before the polls closed.

“What are you waiting for? Why are you staying home? Why are you sitting on the couch?” Netanyahu asked.

Toward the conclusion of his message, Netanyahu specifically criticized Mansour Abbas, Yair Golan, and Avigdor Lieberman, portraying their potential influence in a future government as a threat to the chareidi community.

“The fate of the Jewish state is in your hands, and you can save, save the Torah world,” Netanyahu declared.

The special appeal was part of a broader series of videos, interviews, and public statements issued by Netanyahu throughout Election Day as he sought to address concerns over turnout among traditional supporters of his political bloc.

In a separate interview Tuesday with Kol Barama radio, Netanyahu described the situation as an emergency and said he feared for the future of both Israel’s Jewish identity and the Torah world. He also criticized support for smaller parties that might fail to cross the electoral threshold, arguing that votes cast for such lists could be excluded from the allocation of Knesset seats.

The prime minister’s latest warnings also follow his comments last week concerning the arrests of chareidi draft-age men. In an October 20 interview, Netanyahu described those arrests as unacceptable and reiterated his commitment to pursuing legislation addressing the military service status of yeshiva students. At the same time, he maintained that chareidi men who are not engaged in Torah study should serve in the military.

The draft controversy has remained a major source of tension between Netanyahu and his chareidi coalition partners, with disagreements over proposed legislation, enforcement measures, and the future status of full-time yeshiva students.

Tuesday’s election has added another dimension to those disputes, as chareidi political leaders confront questions about voter participation and the potential impact of competing political lists.

Netanyahu’s decision to address B’Chadrei Chareidim readers directly reflected the importance he placed on chareidi voter participation in the closing hours of the campaign.

His warning of unprecedented persecution was a political prediction rather than an announced policy of any prospective opposition government. Nevertheless, the message illustrated the central role that concerns about the future of the yeshiva world have assumed in the final stages of the election.

With the polls scheduled to close at 10 p.m., Netanyahu’s remarks represented one of his most explicit appeals to the chareidi community, casting the election as a consequential decision for the future relationship between the Israeli government and the Torah world.

Israeli police detained a knife-carrying man near opposition politician Yair Golan during an election-day appearance in Tel Aviv on Tuesday, triggering accusations of an attempted political assassination before police clarified that no attack had taken place.

The incident occurred at Tel Aviv’s Railway Park, where Golan, chairman of the Democrats party, was making a public appearance as Israelis headed to the polls in a closely contested Knesset election.

According to police, officers stationed in the area noticed a suspicious object concealed beneath the clothing of a man who was near the political gathering.

The officers approached the individual, stopped him and discovered that he was carrying a large knife.

The suspect was immediately detained and taken for questioning.

Golan’s party initially described the incident as an attempted stabbing, claiming that security personnel had prevented an attack against the opposition leader.

The allegation quickly attracted attention amid the heightened political tensions surrounding the election.

However, Israel Police subsequently issued a clarification disputing the party’s characterization of what had occurred.

According to police, the suspect had not attempted to stab Golan or anyone else, and there was no evidence at that stage that an attack had been initiated.

Officers said the man was detained after they noticed the suspicious object under his clothing, rather than in response to an attempted assault.

The suspect was identified as a Jerusalem resident in his twenties who was reportedly known to authorities from previous incidents involving weapons.

Police did not immediately disclose why he was carrying the knife or whether he had any intention of approaching Golan.

Investigators were examining the circumstances surrounding his presence at the location and whether there was any connection between the weapon and the political event.

The incident occurred during a particularly sensitive election, with political leaders from across Israel making appearances at polling stations and campaign gatherings throughout the day.

Security arrangements have been heightened around prominent political figures amid concerns about possible violence and the increasingly confrontational atmosphere surrounding the campaign.

Golan, a former IDF deputy chief of staff, has emerged as one of the most outspoken critics of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government.

As chairman of the Democrats party, Golan has campaigned against the current governing coalition and called for a change in Israel’s political leadership.

The reported knife incident came as parties across the political spectrum intensified their efforts to mobilize voters before polling stations closed.

The Democrats party’s initial description of the incident as an assassination attempt was not supported by the police account, which emphasized that no stabbing had occurred.

Authorities also did not announce evidence establishing that the suspect had intended to harm Golan.

The distinction is significant because the discovery of a weapon near a political figure does not, by itself, establish an attempted assassination.

Police are continuing to investigate the suspect’s intentions and the circumstances surrounding his detention.

No injuries were reported, and Golan was not harmed.

Flávio Bolsonaro, the Brazilian senator who narrowly lost Sunday’s presidential election to incumbent President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, has left Brazil for the United States despite a Supreme Court order prohibiting him from traveling abroad, setting off a major political and legal confrontation just two days after the election.

Bolsonaro’s departure was confirmed Tuesday by a close political ally and a U.S. government source, according to Reuters, following hours of uncertainty over his whereabouts and reports that he had failed to comply with a court-imposed deadline to surrender his passports to Brazilian federal authorities.

The 45-year-old senator, the eldest son of former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, reportedly traveled to the United States after losing Sunday’s presidential runoff by approximately 4.4 million votes. His departure comes as he faces multiple criminal investigations involving allegations of money laundering, corruption, and financial misconduct, all of which he has denied.

Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes ordered Bolsonaro to surrender his regular and diplomatic passports within 24 hours and prohibited him from leaving the country. The order was issued in connection with an investigation into alleged money laundering involving online gambling operations.

The deadline expired Tuesday without Bolsonaro surrendering the documents, according to Brazilian media reports. Authorities subsequently invalidated his Brazilian travel documents, while questions mounted about how he had managed to leave the country despite the travel restriction.

A senior Brazilian Federal Police official told Reuters that Bolsonaro had not departed through a regular immigration checkpoint, raising additional questions about the circumstances surrounding his exit.

CNN reported that a U.S. official confirmed Bolsonaro was traveling to Florida. Brazilian media outlets, citing individuals close to the Bolsonaro family, reported that he was expected to seek political asylum in the United States.

However, no official confirmation had emerged that Bolsonaro had submitted an asylum application or that the Trump administration had agreed to grant him asylum.

The developments were particularly striking because Bolsonaro had publicly denied any intention of leaving Brazil just one day earlier.

In a video released Monday after receiving the Supreme Court order, Bolsonaro insisted that he intended to remain in the country and organize political opposition to Lula’s incoming administration.

“My place is alongside the Brazilian people, facing the country’s challenges,” Bolsonaro declared.

He also pledged to comply with the judicial directive while challenging the allegations against him.

“I will hand over my passports and defend myself against this farce, which is a clear attempt to intimidate me,” he said.

By Tuesday, however, Bolsonaro could not be located by Brazilian journalists, and his legal representatives had not provided an explanation for his whereabouts.

Reports initially suggested that he had traveled to neighboring Argentina before continuing to the United States. Argentine authorities subsequently stated that they had no record of Bolsonaro entering the country.

Officials in Argentina also investigated reports involving a private aircraft at Puerto Iguazú International Airport, near the country’s border with Brazil and Paraguay.

Following an inspection of the aircraft and its crew, Argentine authorities said the documentation was in order and that no flight plan involving members of the Bolsonaro family had been submitted.

The mystery surrounding his movements deepened as Brazilian media reported that even some of his political associates had been unable to contact him.

Later Tuesday, however, individuals close to Bolsonaro confirmed to several news organizations that he had departed for the United States.

The departure has prompted demands for stronger action from lawmakers belonging to Lula’s Workers’ Party. According to Brazilian media reports, party legislators asked the Supreme Court to order Bolsonaro’s arrest and sought an international Interpol Red Notice.

Bolsonaro’s legal troubles extend beyond the immediate controversy over his departure.

One Supreme Court investigation concerns allegations that financial transactions connected to online betting companies were used to launder money. The inquiry also involves attorney Willer Tomaz, an associate of Bolsonaro.

Both men have denied wrongdoing.

A separate investigation concerns allegations involving millions of dollars allegedly obtained from a banker and potentially connected to efforts to finance political activities and a film about Jair Bolsonaro.

Bolsonaro has rejected the accusations, portraying the investigations as politically motivated.

The legal confrontation intensified immediately after Sunday’s presidential election, in which Lula secured reelection following a closely contested runoff.

According to the election results, Lula received more than 64 million votes, while Bolsonaro received fewer than 60 million, giving the incumbent a victory margin of approximately four percentage points.

Bolsonaro had finished ahead in the first round of voting on October 4, making his subsequent defeat particularly surprising to his supporters.

Following Sunday’s result, Bolsonaro declined to formally concede defeat and alleged irregularities in the voting process.

He initially indicated that he would seek to have the election results annulled, citing alleged problems at polling locations and a decision by election authorities to extend voting hours in certain areas.

He subsequently called for the electoral authorities to investigate alleged misconduct and consider disqualifying Lula and Vice President Geraldo Alckmin.

Brazil’s electoral authorities have not established that the alleged irregularities affected the outcome, and Bolsonaro has not presented publicly verified evidence sufficient to overturn the result.

His Liberal Party, meanwhile, acknowledged Lula’s victory on Monday, creating a distinction between the party’s official position and Bolsonaro’s continued refusal to formally concede.

The unfolding controversy has drawn comparisons to the events surrounding the defeat of Bolsonaro’s father, Jair Bolsonaro, in the 2022 presidential election.

After losing that election to Lula, Jair Bolsonaro also traveled to the United States, declining to acknowledge the result before eventually returning to Brazil.

He was subsequently convicted in connection with an attempted coup following his election defeat and sentenced to 27 years in prison.

The elder Bolsonaro is currently under house arrest in Brasília.

Justice Alexandre de Moraes, who ordered Flávio Bolsonaro to surrender his passports, also played a central role in the judicial proceedings involving his father.

The Bolsonaro family has repeatedly accused Moraes and other Brazilian judicial authorities of politically motivated actions, while Brazilian courts have maintained that their proceedings are based on criminal investigations and the enforcement of the country’s laws.

The controversy also threatens to complicate relations between Brazil and the United States.

President Donald Trump’s administration has previously criticized the treatment of Jair Bolsonaro, portraying aspects of the judicial proceedings against him as political persecution.

Individuals close to Flávio Bolsonaro told Brazilian media that the Trump administration had been informed of his departure and that arrangements were being made for his arrival in the United States.

Those claims had not been independently confirmed by the White House or the State Department as of Tuesday afternoon.

The U.S. Embassy in Brazil also did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

The question of whether Bolsonaro will seek political asylum could become particularly consequential if Brazilian authorities pursue criminal proceedings related to his departure or request his return.

An asylum application would require consideration under U.S. immigration law, and any attempt to extradite him would raise separate legal questions.

Bolsonaro’s brother Eduardo, who resides in the United States, had publicly suggested before the election that Flávio should leave Brazil if he lost the presidency.

“If my brother does not win, I’m in favor that he would leave the country,” Eduardo said during an interview earlier this month.

Justice Moraes cited concerns about the possibility of Bolsonaro leaving Brazil when issuing the passport order.

The senator’s political future is also uncertain. His eight-year term in Brazil’s Senate is scheduled to expire on January 31, 2027, potentially affecting the special judicial jurisdiction applicable to his legal cases.

For now, the immediate questions concern how Bolsonaro managed to leave Brazil despite a judicial prohibition, whether he intends to remain in the United States, and how Brazilian authorities will respond.

His departure has transformed the aftermath of Sunday’s presidential election into a widening international controversy, with Brazil’s defeated presidential candidate reportedly heading to the United States while facing criminal investigations and a direct confrontation with his country’s highest court.

Israel’s Shin Bet security agency has reportedly ordered heightened protection for all government ministers amid growing concerns over a possible escalation with Iran, introducing additional security precautions on Tuesday as Israelis went to the polls in a closely contested national election.

The directive, reported by Israel’s Channel 12, comes against the backdrop of heightened tensions between Israel and Iran and continuing uncertainty over the possibility of renewed military action in the region.

According to the report, the Shin Bet instructed that security arrangements surrounding government ministers be strengthened in light of the current threat environment.

The precise nature of the additional protective measures was not disclosed, and officials did not publicly identify a specific plot targeting any individual minister.

The move is nevertheless significant because of the timing, with senior Israeli political figures making public appearances throughout election day, including visits to polling stations, campaign headquarters and other locations where large crowds have gathered.

The Shin Bet is responsible for protecting Israel’s senior political leadership and regularly adjusts security arrangements based on intelligence assessments and changing threats.

The latest directive suggests that Israeli security officials are taking additional precautions as regional tensions remain elevated.

The security decision follows several days of reports concerning possible military action involving Iran, including accounts of disagreements within Israel’s political and military leadership over the risks of operations that could provoke a broader confrontation.

Channel 12 previously reported that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir had disagreed over an undisclosed operation related to Iran. According to that report, Zamir sought a detailed discussion and formal authorization before proceeding with instructions that military officials feared could lead to escalation.

Netanyahu rejected the suggestion that there was a confrontation with the military leadership, while Defense Minister Israel Katz denied that Israel intended to initiate an attack against Iran before the election.

The dispute nevertheless highlighted the sensitivity of the current security situation, with Israel’s military establishment weighing the possibility that a limited operation could develop into a larger conflict.

Israel has previously increased protection for senior officials during periods of confrontation with Iran, amid concerns about Iranian retaliation and possible assassination attempts.

In March, following military operations against Iran, Israeli authorities strengthened security around senior government figures and introduced additional precautions concerning their movements and communications.

The latest instruction appears to represent another adjustment to those protective arrangements in response to the current threat assessment.

Separately, Israeli security officials have been preparing for potential attempts by hostile actors to interfere with the election. Earlier this month, the heads of the IDF, Israel Police and Shin Bet held a joint security assessment focused on ensuring that voting could proceed safely.

Shin Bet Director David Zini has also previously warned of Iranian efforts to interfere in Israel’s political process, although no connection has been established between those concerns and Tuesday’s decision to increase protection for ministers.

The latest report did not indicate that an Iranian attack was imminent or that intelligence agencies had uncovered a specific assassination plot.

Nor did it establish that Israel had decided to launch a new military operation against Iran.

For now, the directive reflects a heightened level of caution among Israeli security officials as the country navigates a sensitive election and continuing regional tensions.

With the next government’s composition still uncertain and the possibility of renewed confrontation with Iran remaining a major security concern, Israeli authorities are maintaining increased vigilance around the country’s senior political leadership.

Israel’s election-night exit polls have produced sharply conflicting projections for the next Knesset, with Channel 14 placing Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s right-wing and chareidi bloc at 60 seats, just one short of a parliamentary majority, while Kan 11, Channel 12, and Channel 13 each project only 50 seats for the bloc.

The disagreement has particular significance for United Torah Judaism, whose seventh Knesset seat remains uncertain. Kan 11 and Channel 12 project six seats for UTJ, while Channel 13 and Channel 14 give the party seven, leaving its final representation dependent on the official count.

The differences among the television networks extend well beyond UTJ. Channel 14 projects Likud winning 30 seats, compared with 24 or 25 on the three other major networks. Meanwhile, Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar party is projected to receive between 19 and 23 seats, and Naftali Bennett’s B’Yachad party between 11 and 14.

The latest available exit-poll comparisons show the following projected parliamentary distribution:

Party Kan 11 Ch. 12 Ch. 13 Ch. 14 Likud 25 24 25 30 Yashar 21 22 23 19 B’Yachad 14 12 14 11 United Torah Judaism 6 6 7 7 Shas 6 8 6 9 Otzma Yehudit 7 6 6 7 Religious Zionism–Zehut 6 6 6 7 Democrats 10 9 9 9 Yisrael Beytenu 8 9 7 — Joint Arab List 10 11 10 10 Ra’am 7 7 7 7 Netanyahu bloc 50 50 50 60

Channel 14’s reported individual party figures contain an inconsistency involving Yisrael Beytenu. Its published bloc totals are 60 for Netanyahu, 43 for the principal opposition, and 17 for the Arab parties, but one published party breakdown does not reconcile with those totals. The discrepancy has not been resolved, and no figure for Yisrael Beytenu is included in that column.

Two additional networks released exit polls. i24NEWS projected 55 seats for Netanyahu’s bloc, while Channel 16 projected 53. Both placed the Arab parties at a combined 16 seats. These results fall between Channel 14’s substantially more favorable projection for Netanyahu and the 50-seat estimates issued by the three other major networks.

For the chareidi parties, the exit polls point to a potentially significant reduction in parliamentary representation. United Torah Judaism and Shas entered the election holding a combined 18 seats, but their projected totals range from 12 seats on Kan 11 to 16 on Channel 14.

The projected decline is particularly pronounced for Shas, which won 11 seats in 2022. Kan 11 and Channel 13 each project six seats for Aryeh Deri’s party, while Channel 12 gives it eight and Channel 14 nine.

United Torah Judaism’s situation is somewhat different. The party is projected to lose either one seat or none, depending on which exit poll proves closest to the final result.

UTJ officials had spent Election Day expressing concern over unusually high voter turnout across the country, particularly in Arab communities and traditional opposition strongholds. They also faced competition from smaller chareidi political lists that sought support from voters dissatisfied with the established chareidi parties.

Those smaller lists are not projected to cross the electoral threshold in the major exit polls, although votes cast for parties that fail to qualify for the Knesset could still influence the allocation of seats among the successful parties.

The election was marked by exceptionally high participation. By 8 p.m., 74.3% of eligible Israelis had voted, surpassing the final turnout recorded in the previous Knesset election.

The high turnout also increased the number of votes needed to cross the 3.25% electoral threshold, creating additional uncertainty for smaller parties and affecting calculations of how many votes established parties would need to maintain their representation.

For Netanyahu, the gap between the television projections is substantial. Channel 14’s 60-seat estimate places his bloc within one seat of a parliamentary majority, while the other major networks show it considerably further away.

The opposition parties led by Eisenkot, Bennett, Lieberman, and Yair Golan also fall short of a majority in the projections. The Arab parties, which are expected to control between 16 and 18 seats, could become an important factor in the subsequent coalition discussions, although the political disagreements among the parties complicate any potential governing arrangement.

The official vote count will now determine which of the competing projections more closely reflects the electorate’s decision.

Israel’s Central Elections Committee has begun the process of tabulating ballots, but its publicly accessible results page was still indicating that the count was pending when checked for this update. The exit polls therefore remain the principal available indication of the election’s outcome.

Additional ballots, including those cast by soldiers and other voters using special double envelopes, will be counted separately, and the final allocation of Knesset seats may change as those votes are included.

For United Torah Judaism, the immediate question remains whether it has secured enough votes to retain its seventh seat. With two major networks projecting six mandates and two others projecting seven, that issue remains unresolved.

The broader picture is equally uncertain. The exit polls agree that Likud remains Israel’s largest individual party, but they differ sharply over Netanyahu’s overall parliamentary strength and the size of the chareidi factions.

Until the actual ballots are counted, neither the fate of UTJ’s seventh seat nor the composition of Israel’s next governing coalition can be established.

{Matzav.com}

Israeli police arrested three suspects in the Negev on Tuesday in connection with an alleged election bribery operation, seizing tens of thousands of shekels in cash amid suspicions that the money was intended to purchase votes for the Arab Ra’am party in Israel’s Knesset election.

The arrests followed an investigation by the Southern District Police’s central investigative unit into suspected attempts to influence voters through illegal cash payments.

According to police, the suspects, residents of Bedouin communities in southern Israel, were apprehended during an operation carried out overnight Monday into Tuesday, as voting began across the country.

Investigators searched locations associated with the suspects and discovered envelopes containing substantial amounts of cash, along with materials believed to be connected to election activity.

Police said the money was suspected of being earmarked for distribution to voters in exchange for their support at the ballot box.

The suspects were taken into custody for questioning, with investigators examining the source of the funds, the intended recipients and whether additional individuals were involved in the alleged scheme.

The investigation focused on communities in the vicinity of Segev Shalom and Arara in the Negev, where police suspected efforts were underway to influence voting through financial inducements.

The arrests came as Israeli authorities maintained heightened vigilance over potential election offenses, including bribery, intimidation and attempts to interfere with the voting process.

The investigation was being handled by the Southern District Fraud Unit, which was expected to bring the three suspects before a judge Tuesday and request extensions of their detention.

Police said the operation was part of a broader effort to safeguard the integrity of the election and prevent individuals or organized groups from illegally influencing voters.

The case quickly became a political controversy after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu publicly addressed the arrests, describing the discovery of cash and Ra’am voting materials as a serious election-day incident.

Netanyahu called for a thorough investigation and urged authorities to ensure that the election was conducted fairly.

Ra’am, headed by Mansour Abbas, rejected the implications of the police operation and filed a formal complaint with the Central Elections Committee.

The party claimed that its activists had been singled out for enforcement action without sufficient justification and accused political opponents of attempting to damage its electoral prospects.

Ra’am also reported separate incidents involving missing or damaged party voting slips in Arab communities, including Nazareth and Shefa-Amr.

Party representatives alleged that the arrests and voting-slip complaints were part of an effort to suppress support for Ra’am, which was seeking to strengthen its representation in the next Knesset.

Those allegations have not been independently substantiated, and police have not announced evidence linking the suspected bribery operation to Ra’am’s national leadership.

The controversy comes amid unusually high voter turnout across Israel, including significant participation in Arab communities, where political parties have intensified their efforts to bring supporters to polling stations.

Ra’am is considered a potentially important player in post-election coalition negotiations, particularly if neither the right-wing bloc nor the opposition secures a clear parliamentary majority.

Israeli election law prohibits offering money, gifts or other benefits in exchange for votes, with such conduct treated as a criminal offense because of its potential to compromise the independence of the electoral process.

Investigators are now seeking to determine whether the seized cash was actually intended for vote-buying, whether any money had already been distributed and whether other individuals were involved.

As of Tuesday afternoon, the three suspects remained under investigation. No convictions had been reported, and authorities had not established that voters had actually received payments or changed their votes.

The arrests nevertheless added another controversy to an already contentious election day, with police pledging to pursue suspected electoral offenses regardless of the political affiliation of those involved.