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A striking new monument on the National Mall in Washington, D.C., is honoring generations of American military personnel by displaying the names of more than 41 million veterans, active-duty service members and others who have served the country.

The National Military Monument, which is a temporary installation, is scheduled to remain on display through Nov. 12, giving visitors several months to view the tribute and search for the names of relatives and other service members.

Designed as a sweeping recognition of military service across American history, the monument includes more than 41 million names representing different generations and every branch of the U.S. armed forces.

The names continuously scroll across lines incorporated into large American flag displays, two of which have been erected on the National Mall. With tens of millions of individuals included, cycling through the complete list takes several days.

The United States Automobile Association (USAA), which sponsored the monument, said public interest has far exceeded expectations, with large numbers of visitors coming to locate their own names or those of relatives and loved ones who served.

“This was the first time for USAA to do something like this. We wanted to do something big for America 250, and just the feedback has been tremendous and overwhelming. You know, the lines of people hours long just to come pull up a loved one’s name or their own name on the monument and people told us they wanted it here longer,” said Christian Bove, USAA communications director. “So we listened and with the support of the National Park Service, we’re able to have this out here through November 12.”

A key element of the installation is its interactive design. Staff members are available to assist visitors in searching the enormous database and bringing a particular service member’s name onto the display.

Visitors can then pose for photographs alongside the displayed name, turning the massive national tribute into a personal memorial for families seeking to recognize an individual veteran or service member.

{Matzav.com}

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani opened a legal battle with the City Council on Wednesday, filing a lawsuit challenging legislation that would provide $10,000 bonuses to public-school paraprofessionals and arguing that lawmakers improperly interfered with the collective bargaining process.

The RESPECT Check Act, approved unanimously by the City Council in mid-July, awards every New York City school paraprofessional a $10,000 “workforce stabilization” payment. The measure attracted 47 co-sponsors, giving it more than enough support to override a mayoral veto.

Mamdani’s administration, however, contends that the legislation intrudes on authority that belongs to unions and the collective bargaining process. The mayor’s office argues that the measure runs afoul of New York’s Taylor Law, which governs labor relations involving public employees and requires compensation disputes to be handled through collective bargaining.

“We will not allow the political process to replace the collective bargaining table,” a Mamdani spokesperson, Matt Rauschenbach, said in a statement. “Instead of protecting that process, the City Council has passed legislation that undermines collective bargaining and sets a dangerous precedent: allowing politicians to bypass workers and their unions and dictate the terms of employment themselves.”

“A one-time payment does not solve the underlying, long-term pay inequities facing paraprofessionals,” Rauscenbach added.

The court fight puts Mamdani at odds not only with City Council Speaker Julie Menin, but also with powerful organized-labor groups that supported the legislation, including the New York City Central Labor Council and the United Federation of Teachers.

“The City Council would not have introduced — let alone passed — this bill if it were illegal, and we would not have supported a bill that threatened our collective bargaining rights,” UFT President Michael Mulgrew told The Hill Wednesday.

Menin and Council Member Carmen De La Rosa defended the measure in a joint statement Wednesday, arguing that the payments are both justified and financially prudent.

“This law is not only the right thing to do, it is also the fiscally responsible thing to do.”

The council members said the RESPECT Check program could help New York City combat its shortage of paraprofessionals, which they contend contributes to the roughly $1.5 billion the city spends resolving Carter Cases involving special-education services.

“The Council will vigorously defend the law,” the council members concluded.

Rauschenbach later said the Mamdani administration was already engaged in discussions with the UFT aimed at developing a permanent solution to shortages among school paraprofessionals. The UFT estimated in July that approximately 1,600 paraprofessional positions remained vacant across New York City.

The lawsuit also comes after Mamdani backed an earlier version of the proposal in 2025. That measure would have provided the supplemental payment as an annual recurring bonus, while the legislation ultimately enacted guarantees the $10,000 payments for only one year.

The City Council can renew the program after its initial year unless a collective bargaining agreement incorporates the expense by providing paraprofessionals with a pay increase of at least $10,000. Under that scenario, the city would repeal the bonus law.

{Matzav.com}

Iran is demanding financial compensation from Ukraine over a July strike on an Iranian vessel in the Caspian Sea, rejecting Kyiv’s assertion that the ship was hit accidentally and warning that Tehran will pursue reparations if Ukraine refuses to pay.

The dispute centers on a vessel struck last month that Iran insists was carrying civilian cargo. Ukrainian officials, however, have alleged that the ship was transporting Iranian weapons or military components to Russia for use in its war against Ukraine, while President Volodymyr Zelensky has accused Tehran of providing Moscow with drone weaponry.

The incident occurred in the Caspian Sea on July 25, when Ukraine initially reported that drones had attacked two Russian vessels carrying “military cargo from Iran.”

Iran subsequently said that one of the vessels was Iranian and maintained that it was a civilian ship transporting iron from Russia to an Iranian port. According to Tehran, one crew member was killed and two others were wounded in the attack.

Iran reacted furiously, branding the strike a “hostile and criminal” act of “terrorism” and summoning Ukraine’s charge d’affaires in Tehran to deliver an official protest. Iranian officials also accused Kyiv of attempting to link the Russia-Ukraine war with the U.S.-Iran confrontation and draw European countries into that conflict.

Zelensky initially defended Ukraine’s actions while expanding his allegations about cooperation between Moscow and Tehran. He charged that Iran was supplying Russia with drone weapons while Russia, in return, was giving Tehran “active Russian satellite surveillance of the Gulf states and U.S. military facilities located there.”

“There is a clear correlation between Russia’s satellite imagery ⁠of these sites and Iranian strikes — both before the attacks, in preparation for them, and afterward, to assess the damage inflicted,” he said.

Ukraine’s ambassador to Israel, Yevgen Korniychuk, also disputed Iran’s description of the vessel as an ordinary commercial ship, claiming it had been transporting drone and missile components from Iran to Russia rather than civilian goods.

Several days after the strike, the New York Times reported on July 28 that Tehran had considered retaliating by firing a ballistic missile at a Ukrainian seaport. The contemplated strike was reportedly designed to “make a symbolic point but cause relatively little damage.”

Diplomatic intervention reportedly persuaded Iran not to proceed with the proposed missile attack, with Tehran being warned that a Ukrainian response could prove considerably more serious than Iranian officials anticipated. Some analysts in Ukraine also cautioned that Kyiv could ill afford to become involved in another confrontation while continuing to battle Russia’s invasion.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi later spoke by telephone with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha, who told his Iranian counterpart that the attack on the cargo vessel had been “unintentional.” Sybiha had earlier rejected Araghchi’s allegations against Ukraine on social media, describing them as “Iranian lies.”

The dispute resurfaced on Aug. 10 when Tehran publicly rejected Kyiv’s explanation that the vessel had been struck by mistake and formally demanded compensation for the damage.

“We still believe that we have not been convinced by the Ukrainian side’s claim that this action was unintentional,” said Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baqaei.

“They must certainly compensate us. Naturally, if they do not compensate us, we will seek compensation ourselves,” he said.

Iran’s ambassador to Russia, Kazem Jalali, said Wednesday that Kyiv has still not provided compensation for what Tehran continues to describe as an “act of terrorism,” although he indicated that “negotiations” over the matter remain underway.

Jalali also argued that responsibility should extend beyond Ukraine to the Western countries supporting Kyiv.

“Ukraine’s European and American supporters must also accept their responsibility for Kyiv’s actions and hold them accountable,” he added.

British Foreign Secretary Ed Miliband sharply escalated London’s criticism of Israel on Wednesday, demanding that the Israeli government immediately cancel a major housing tender in the E1 area and warning that Britain is preparing a broader package of measures targeting Israeli policies in Yehuda and Shomron.

Miliband’s condemnation came one day after Israel published a tender covering seven residential complexes with a combined 1,234 housing units in E1, located between Yerushalayim and Ma’ale Adumim. The project is part of a larger plan for roughly 3,400 homes in the area that received approval last August.

The British foreign secretary denounced the latest step and called on the Israeli government to rescind the tender and stop moving forward with the broader construction plans.

“This Israeli Government’s publication of a tender for the E1 settlement project is an unacceptable and destructive act. E1 would cut across the heart of Palestine and risks separating the West Bank from East Jerusalem, which would endanger the viability of a two-state solution,” Miliband said in a statement condemning the move.

Miliband maintained that Britain’s objections to construction in E1 have been repeatedly communicated to Israel, while reiterating London’s position that the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside Israel remains necessary for achieving lasting peace.

“The UK has been clear privately and publicly in our opposition to E1 and our support for a two-state solution as the only way to ensure long-term security and peace for both Palestinians and Israelis. All settlements damage that prospect and are a flagrant breach of international law,” he claimed.

According to Miliband, he personally confronted Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar over the decision. Britain also summoned Israel’s Chargé d’Affaires to the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office to formally protest the tender.

“Today, I made clear to the Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar that the Israeli Government must halt E1 plans immediately, retract the tender and stop all settlement expansion. In addition, the Israeli Chargé d’Affaires has been summoned to the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, where we set out the UK’s profound objection to this move by the Netanyahu government and demanded an immediate reversal,” said Miliband.

Miliband went further, signaling that the dispute would not end with diplomatic protests and saying the British government intends to unveil additional steps against Israeli policies in the coming weeks.

“Britain will not stand back and accept the destruction of the two-state solution. In the coming weeks we will set out a comprehensive set of measures to respond to Israeli government policies, protect the viability of the Palestinian state, target sanctions at those who participate in illegal settlement expansion and support a just and lasting peace for Israelis and Palestinians,” the UK Foreign Secretary declared.

The E1 project has long been a source of international pressure on Israel. After the broader construction plan was approved last year, approximately 20 countries joined together in a letter opposing development in the area.

David Lammy, who was serving as Britain’s foreign secretary at the time, similarly attacked the project, describing the construction as “a flagrant breach of international law.”

Miliband assumed the post of British foreign secretary last month as part of a sweeping Cabinet reshuffle carried out by newly installed Prime Minister Andy Burnham.

His latest criticism of Israeli building in Yehuda and Shomron is consistent with positions he has taken on Israel for more than a decade. As Labour Party leader in 2014, Miliband shifted the party away from its previous approach and adopted a more confrontational posture toward the Israeli government.

During Israel’s 2014 war against Hamas in Gaza, Miliband called the Israeli military campaign “wrong and unjustifiable” and took then-Prime Minister David Cameron to task over Britain’s response to Palestinian civilian casualties.

Later in 2014, Miliband instructed Labour members of Parliament to back a nonbinding motion supporting unilateral recognition of a Palestinian state. That decision generated friction between Labour and some Jewish donors and communal organizations.

Miliband also toured a Bedouin site during a visit to the region and criticized the expansion of Israeli communities, calling it “wrong and illegal.”

Despite his repeated criticism of Israeli government policies, Miliband has also taken positions supportive of Israel on several major issues. In the aftermath of the October 7 Hamas massacres, he resisted demands for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire, instead supporting temporary humanitarian pauses.

Miliband has additionally identified Hamas as a terrorist organization, characterized rocket fire targeting Israeli communities as “totally unjustified and appalling,” and rejected the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement, arguing that BDS undermines prospects for peace.

Burnham, who replaced Keir Starmer as Britain’s prime minister, has likewise signaled that his government intends to pursue a tougher policy toward Israel. He apologized for Labour’s initial reaction to Israel’s military campaign against Hamas in Gaza and promised greater British pressure on the Israeli government.

Burnham has said his government would weigh further sanctions against Israeli individuals and organizations while also considering restrictions on trade involving products originating in areas he has characterized as “illegal settlements.”

The British prime minister has stopped short of labeling Israel’s military campaign in Gaza a genocide, saying that question should be determined by international courts rather than politicians. He has simultaneously pledged to continue combating antisemitism and has reiterated his condemnation of the October 7 Hamas attacks.

{Matzav.com}

Nike’s prolonged stock-market collapse has erased approximately $200 billion from the sportswear giant’s value since its 2021 peak, prompting Sen. Ted Cruz to revive his criticism of the company and declare that its politically charged decisions drove away customers like him.

Shares of Nike have sunk to levels not seen in nearly 12 years, extending a years-long decline as the company grapples with weakening sales through its direct-to-consumer business.

Cruz, a Texas Republican, pointed to the staggering drop as vindication of his longstanding criticism of Nike, particularly over controversies involving ex-NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick and the company’s 2019 decision to cancel the release of a sneaker featuring the Betsy Ross flag.

“Sad & predictable,” Cruz wrote on X, saying Nike’s decision to scrap the shoe was how the company “lost me.”

Cruz said he had been an overwhelmingly loyal Nike customer for most of his life before becoming disillusioned with the brand.

“For my whole life, I wore nearly 100% Nike for athletic wear,” Cruz said. “Kaepernick pissed me off, but when they canceled the Betsy Ross shoe it showed that their marketing plan was ‘America-hate’.

“I went out & bought brand new shoes, shorts, and t-shirts.”

Cruz suggested that many other consumers reached a similar conclusion and abandoned the company as well.

“Turns out I wasn’t the only one,” Cruz continued. “#GoWokeGoBroke.”

Nike shares finished trading Monday, Aug. 17, at $39.09, representing a decline of approximately 78% from their November 2021 monthly closing peak of $169.15.

Market strategist Charlie Bilello has characterized the extraordinary fall as the deepest drawdown Nike has experienced since becoming a publicly traded company.

The company’s troubles have been compounded by weakness in the direct-to-consumer strategy that Nike had spent years positioning as a major source of future growth.

According to Nike’s latest earnings release, Nike Direct revenue declined 7% during the company’s fiscal fourth quarter, while its digital business recorded a steeper 12% drop.

Cruz was one of several prominent conservatives who advocated boycotting Nike in 2019 after the company withdrew its planned Betsy Ross-themed sneaker.

Kaepernick, who had already become a deeply polarizing figure after kneeling during the national anthem to protest what he viewed as police brutality, reportedly objected to the sneaker and encouraged Nike not to move forward with its release.

Critics have argued that Nike’s decision to abandon the shoe following Kaepernick’s objections marked part of a broader shift toward progressive political and social causes that alienated some conservative customers. Those critics now point to the company’s current difficulties as evidence that the strategy carried a significant cost, although Nike’s stock decline has also coincided with substantial business challenges, including its weakening direct-to-consumer operation.

{Matzav.com}

Israel is bracing for increasingly severe heat through the end of the week, with temperatures climbing and heavy to extreme heat stress expected across much of the country. The Israel Meteorological Service has issued a red warning for several areas, while only limited relief is forecast for Shabbos.

On Thursday, skies are expected to become mostly clear after the morning cloud cover dissipates. Temperatures will rise slightly and will be somewhat above seasonal averages, particularly in mountainous and inland regions, while heat stress will intensify across much of the country.

Beginning in the afternoon, northerly winds are forecast to strengthen along the coastal plain. Thursday night is expected to be partly cloudy.

The Israel Meteorological Service issued a red heat warning Thursday morning for the Beit She’an Valley, Kinneret Valley, Jordan Valley, northern and southern portions of the Judean Desert and Dead Sea region, and the northern Arava.

Conditions are expected to become even hotter on Friday. After morning clouds clear, temperatures will rise slightly again throughout much of the country, with unusually hot and dry weather in the mountains and inland areas and hot, humid conditions along the coastal plain.

Heat stress will intensify further on Friday, reaching heavy to extreme levels across most parts of Israel.

Some relief is expected on Shabbos, although conditions will remain very hot. Following the disappearance of morning cloud cover, skies will become mostly clear, with temperatures dipping slightly, primarily in the mountains and inland regions.

Despite the modest drop in temperatures, heavy to extreme heat stress is still expected throughout most of the country on Shabbos.

Forecast highs and lows for Thursday are as follows: Yerushalayim, 64–90°F (18–32°C); Tel Aviv, 75–88°F (24–31°C); Be’er Sheva, 72–93°F (22–34°C); Haifa, 73–88°F (23–31°C); Tiveriah, 72–100°F (22–38°C); Tzefas, 63–93°F (17–34°C); and Eilat, 82–104°F (28–40°C).

By Rabbi Pinchos Lipschtuz

My grandchildren were by us for Shabbos, and they were chewing gum, as children are wont to do. As I watched them, I was thinking about something my rebbi, Rav Mendel Kaplan, would tell us. He would say, “Life is like chewing gum. Ah bissel tzuker un kei kei kei — It has a little sugar, but most of the time you are simply chewing.” His pithy comment is quite deep and has much meaning.

There is actually a lot packed into that little expression. Underneath the humor is a very profound observation about what life is all about.

Rav Mendel’s point, as I understand it, is that we tend to imagine that life is supposed to be a succession of sweet moments. We wait for the good news, the simcha, the accomplishment, the nachas, the vacation, the special Shabbos, the wedding, the birth, the siyum. Those are the moments when we taste the “sugar.” But they are not the bulk of life because, face it, most of life is the chewing.

And that doesn’t mean that most of life is bad. Chewing gum isn’t bitter or unpleasant. It’s simply…ordinary. You chew. You continue. You go through the day. You take care of what needs to be taken care of. You deal with the unexpected. You go to work, learn, daven, raise children, worry about things, solve problems, pay bills, make phone calls, wait for appointments, clean up messes, and do it all over again the next day.

There is a little sugar mixed in, and those moments are precious. But the sugar isn’t the entirety of the gum. The chewing is the experience of living.

And perhaps that is one of the great misunderstandings of life. We think that we will really begin living when everything falls into place. When the children grow up, when the parnossah is settled, when the health is perfect, when the problem is resolved, when the simcha arrives, then life will be good.

But Rav Mendel’s “ah bissel tzuker un kei kei kei” teaches something else: Don’t wait for the sugar to begin appreciating the chewing.

A person is not measured only by the dramatic moments of his life. Much of avodas Hashem takes place in the seemingly uneventful actions of ordinary days. The greatness is often not in the extraordinary moment, but in getting up every day and doing what needs to be done again and again.

The kei kei kei is almost the sound of life itself.

We chew, we chew, and we keep going.

And perhaps there is an even deeper message. When you chew gum, you don’t ask, “When is the next taste of sugar coming?” You know that the sweetness will eventually fade, but you continue chewing. Why? Because chewing itself has become part of the experience.

So, too, we have to learn to appreciate not only the moments when Hashem gives us an obvious taste of sweetness, but also the long stretches in between. The sweetness may be less apparent, but that doesn’t mean that those moments are empty. They, too, are part of the life Hashem has given us.

Sometimes, in fact, the chewing is where the sweetness is hidden.

A person looks back after many years and realizes that the days he thought were merely “ordinary” were actually his life. The rushed mornings, the chitchat with people in shul after davening, the walks home from shul, the Shabbos meals, the conversations with his children, the learning sessions, the small acts of kindness, the challenges he overcame, even the difficulties that forced him to grow — those weren’t interruptions to his life. They were his life.

Rav Kaplan managed to say all of this with a smile and a couple of words of Yiddish: Ah bissel tzuker un kei kei kei.

A little sugar.

And then you chew.

Rav Mendel was very smart. He was blessed with a life comprised of chochmas haTorah, and he sought ways to impart that chochmah to us, his young American talmidim. He was teaching us not to resent the chewing while waiting for the sugar, but rather to recognize that the sugar gives us moments of sweetness, while the chewing gives us the opportunity to live.

Life is not a bowl of cherries or a piece of candy that is sweet from beginning to end. It is chewing gum: Ah bissel tzuker un kei kei kei. There is a little sweetness, and then a great deal of chewing.

The sugar moments remind us why we are here.

We work hard at something and then are able to look back and see what we have accomplished, be it raising children and enjoying the milestones of their lives or struggling to work through a Tosafos and then experiencing the joy and sweetness of finally understanding it. Someone goes through a nisayon and later realizes that it made him stronger, deeper, and closer to Hakadosh Boruch Hu.

The chewing itself can eventually become sweet.

There is another important dimension. If we expect life to be sweet all the time, we would become disappointed very quickly. But if we understand that life is mostly chewing, with occasional bursts of sweetness, we develop a different relationship with life.

We stop asking, “Why isn’t life sweeter?” and begin asking, “Where is the sugar?”

And I think that is perhaps the most beautiful way to understand Rav Kaplan’s bissel tzuker.

The sugar is there. It may not be everywhere. It may not last forever. Sometimes we don’t even recognize it while we’re experiencing it. But it is there, and perhaps the real avodah is to learn to notice it.

Two people can live through the same day. Both have responsibilities, frustrations, bills, disappointments, and endless things to take care of. One comes home saying, “What a difficult day.” The other remembers one small moment — a child’s smile, a good sevara, a meaningful vort, a beautiful sunset, a kind word — and says, “Boruch Hashem, there was some sugar today.”

As I get older, I think more often about Rav Mendel and his teachings and the insights he gave us when we were young and growing up. And I think about different dimensions of what he meant. Maybe that is what he meant. While it is true that life is mostly about chewing, it is also true that Hakadosh Boruch Hu makes sure that there is a little sweetness. The wise person looks for those moments and learns to savor them.

Elul is one of those doses of sugar that Hashem puts into life.

Life is filled with routine. We wake up, go to work, learn, daven, raise children, and deal with responsibilities, disappointments, and challenges. Through the “chewing” of life, we are moving forward, sometimes without even noticing how quickly the days are passing.

And then comes Elul.

Suddenly, Hashem gives us a month that is different from all the others. It is as if He puts a little sweetness into the gum and says to us, “Stop for a moment. Think about where you are going. You still have time. You can fix things. You can come closer. Ani leDodi veDodi li.”

That itself is an extraordinary kindness.

The yemei hadin are approaching. A person might look at himself and think, “How can I repair everything I have done wrong?” And then Elul arrives and tells him: Come with me. You can do it.

After Tisha B’Av and the Nine Days ended, we felt as if the rest of the month of Av was one of sweetness. It represented the sugar of life we so desperately crave. It provided us with the opportunity to get off the Ferris wheel of chewing, of working, of doing the things we have to do in life. The second half of Av gave us a break, a time to go away, to travel, to unwind — a time of leisure, swimming pools, barbecues, and enjoyment.

The past three weeks represented the physical sweetness that Hashem gives life, and now we have entered the month of Elul, which presents us with some of the spiritual sweetness of life.

The sweetness of Elul is not the sweetness of comfort or pleasure. It is the sweetness of opportunity.

Elul signals that Rosh Hashanah is coming. We are being given the weeks preceding it to prepare. To think. To regret. To apologize. To improve. To strengthen a relationship. To become more careful with our words. To daven with more concentration. To learn better and more. To examine our lives and say, “I am going to fix what I did wrong over the past year.” To say, “Next year, I am going to do better.”

That is the spiritual tzuker of life.

Teshuvah is not merely a painful accounting of our failures. It is the realization that we are not trapped by what we said or did yesterday. We can change it. We can change ourselves. The person I was yesterday does not have to be the person I am tomorrow. I can be better.

Elul is not meant to frighten us. It is meant to awaken us, as the posuk says, “Uru yesheinim mishinaschem.” Awaken from your slumber, from your actions throughout the year. The door of teshuvah is open. The door to greatness is open. Step right in.

We can literally go back and erase yesterday. What happened, happened. The words were spoken, the opportunities were missed, the mistakes were made. Yet, Hakadosh Boruch Hu created a mechanism through which a person can take those very failures and transform their meaning. We can take those chato’im, those mistakes, and, through the gift of teshuvah, turn the failures into zechuyos, merits.

Someone who recognizes what he did wrong, sincerely regrets it, accepts upon himself not to repeat it, and changes his behavior, is no longer the same person who committed that act. His past is no longer part of his history, and it does not define his destiny.

That is an extraordinary kindness. That is the spiritual sweetness of teshuvah.

Failure can become the beginning of growth. A sin can become the source of humility. A painful experience can teach a person compassion. A relationship that was damaged can become the impetus to learn how to speak differently. A missed opportunity can awaken a person to recognize the next opportunity when it arrives.

Elul is the month when Hashem reaches out to us, when Heaven touches earth and the distance between us and our Creator becomes smaller. Hashem comes closer and offers us the precious gift of teshuvah, the opportunity to find our way back home.

We may have wandered. We may have taken wrong turns, missed exits, traveled down roads we never should have entered, and sometimes gotten so lost that we no longer know how to get back. But teshuvah is Heaven’s GPS. It helps us recalculate and points us home. It reminds us that no matter how far we have traveled, the road back is still open. We are never too far gone to return. And what could be sweeter than that?

Elul isn’t merely a countdown to Rosh Hashanah. It is Hashem giving us advance notice that the yemei hadin are coming and giving us the opportunity to prepare for them.

He is telling us, “Don’t wait until you stand before Me to wish you had become different. Change now.”

Before the King judges us, He comes closer to us and gives us a month to go looking for Him.

We have spent another year chewing. There were sweet moments, bitter moments, ordinary moments, and painful moments. There were things we did well and things we wish we could do over.

Elul provides us with the opportunity to examine the past year, fix what needs fixing, and set ourselves on a good path for the coming year. Elul enables us to build a better future.

There is a little sugar. Life is still mostly chewing. But when Elul arrives, Hashem puts a little extra sweetness into the gum. He gives us a month in which the ordinary person can become extraordinary by confronting his past, learning from it, and returning to the One who has been waiting for him all along.

We can look at it a little deeper.

The Vilna Gaon writes that when Hashem created the world, He combined the middos of din and rachamim. The world could not exist through din alone, because no human being could survive if we were judged solely according to what we deserved. However, a world governed exclusively by rachamim would lack the structure and accountability necessary for creation to fulfill its purpose. Hashem therefore conducts the world through a combination of din and rachamim.

But during Elul, Hashem relates to us strictly with the middah of rachamim. The King is coming, the yemei hadin are approaching, and yet, paradoxically, the days immediately preceding judgment are days of extraordinary mercy. Prior to standing in judgment before Him, Hashem comes toward us with rachamim and invites us to approach.

What an incredible gift that is. Imagine a person who is about to stand trial. His actions are going to be examined, and he will have to answer for the choices he has made. And then, before the trial begins, the judge goes out to meet him and says to him, “Come. Let us fix this before we start hearing the case.”

That is Elul. It is a month of Divine mercy, of Divine sweetness.

Elul reminds us that our mistakes do not have to be the end of the story. Hashem gives us the extraordinary ability of teshuvah. He doesn’t wait for us to come crawling back after judgment has already been rendered. He comes closer. He makes the first move. He opens the door and beckons us inside.

And suddenly, Rav Mendel Kaplan’s words take on an even deeper meaning.

Life can indeed be a lot of chewing. We struggle, we stumble, we make mistakes, and we can wonder how we will find our way back. How will we get tzuker back into our lives? But then comes Elul and Hashem gives us a month of rachamim, a month when the distance between Heaven and earth is diminished, a month when the King is in the field and the road home is easier to find.

That is the sweetness of Elul. It is the sweetness of rachamim. It is the sweetness of knowing that the door is open. The sweetness of knowing that Hashem will help us get on the right path before He judges us.

May we all be zoche to come home and have a sweet year of goodness and kindness. A kesivah vachasimah tovah to all.

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President Donald Trump announced a sweeping new campaign of economic warfare against Iran on Wednesday, vowing to isolate Tehran on an unprecedented scale and warning that countries, banks and businesses that continue providing the Islamic Republic with an economic lifeline could themselves face severe consequences from the United States.

Trump unveiled the initiative in a Truth Social post, arguing that Iran had squandered an extraordinary opportunity to negotiate an agreement with Washington and would now face the consequences.

“No one has given the Islamic Republic of Iran a greater opportunity to make a Deal than me. TRAGICALLY, for them, they have failed to take it,” he wrote.

The president said the United States would now move to choke off Iran’s remaining connections to the international economy, with penalties potentially extending beyond Tehran to foreign governments and entities that help it circumvent American pressure.

“Therefore, today, I am announcing the MOST CRUSHING ECONOMIC OPERATION EVER TAKEN AGAINST ANY COUNTRY! This will be Economic Warfare and Isolation on an unprecedented scale.”

Trump portrayed Iran as already badly weakened militarily and economically, asserting that much of the country’s military infrastructure had been devastated.

“Their navy is gone, their air force is destroyed, their military factories are now rubble, their currency is worthless, and their country is hanging by a thread.”

The president then broadened his warning to governments, banks, corporations and other institutions worldwide, saying those that continue facilitating Iranian economic activity could find themselves targeted by Washington.

“Today, I am also announcing that ANY country that allows its financial institutions, businesses, airports, or government entities to provide any type of lifeline to Iran will itself face TREMENDOUS Economic Consequences.”

Trump listed several methods that he said must immediately cease, including schemes used to move Iranian oil and money or conceal Tehran’s involvement in international transactions.

“Oil smuggling, swap lines, cash transfers, exchange houses, ship registries, front companies – It all needs to stop NOW. You know who you are.”

Describing the new pressure campaign as “an ECONOMIC D-DAY,” Trump called on America’s allies to join the effort and help cut Iran off from the global economy.

“This will be an ECONOMIC D-DAY, and we need all of our Allies to stand with the United States of America to isolate, and defeat, the Iran threat.”

Trump predicted that the measures would sharply restrict Iran’s ability to operate and finance activities abroad, while again declaring that Tehran would never be permitted to acquire a nuclear weapon.

“These maniacs are on the ropes, and these HISTORIC MEASURES will cripple them and their ability to project terror worldwide. IRAN WILL NEVER HAVE A NUCLEAR WEAPON.”

The announcement came only hours after Trump told reporters that the Strait of Hormuz could become less strategically significant as additional energy pipelines are constructed and alternative routes become available.

“Record numbers of pipelines are being built. So I think the Hormuz Strait is not going to be quite as important as it was in the past,” Trump said.

When questioned about additional sanctions Washington could impose on Tehran, Trump indicated that the administration still had powerful economic tools at its disposal.

“We have things that we could sanction on Iran. We have very draconian sanctions, and we’ll see what happens.”

Those remarks followed another Truth Social statement on Tuesday in which Trump said Washington and Tehran were not engaged in negotiations as the 60-day window for talks reached its conclusion.

“There are no talks or conversations going on, or scheduled, with the Islamic Republic of Iran. The Naval Blockade remains in full force and effect. The Hormuz Strait is open and operating. All water mines have been removed or detonated.”

That assertion appeared at odds with earlier remarks Trump made to Fox News suggesting that Washington was conducting peace discussions with Iran through a secret communications channel involving the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

The IRGC rejected that account. Spokesperson Hossein Mohebbi told the semi-official Tasnim news agency that Trump’s claim was a “delusion” and insisted that no discussions were taking place between American representatives and IRGC officials.

Mohebbi further maintained that Iran’s recognized diplomatic institutions were also not conducting negotiations with Washington, blaming the absence of talks on what he described as Washington’s “breach of promises.”

Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei separately dismissed reports that secret contacts between the United States and the IRGC had taken place with the involvement of representatives from Iraqi Kurdistan. He also rejected claims that American and Iranian officials had held a covert meeting in Erbil.

Baghaei described the reports as “media techniques and psychological operations used to sow discord among Iran’s decision-making bodies.”

{Matzav.com}

A dramatic budget crisis is threatening to force the complete closure of Me’aras Hamachpeilah just weeks before the Tishrei Yomim Tovim, with Israel’s Religious Services Ministry ordering preparations to shut the site within 14 days unless funding is restored.

The warning follows an interim order issued by the High Court of Justice freezing budget transfers that had been approved for the operation of holy sites. Religious Services Ministry Director-General Yehuda Avidan says the order has left the ministry without an approved funding source to continue operating Me’aras Hamachpeilah and other sites overseen by the National Center for the Development of Holy Places.

In letters sent to senior officials, Avidan instructed them to prepare for the possibility that the National Center’s operations will cease at the beginning of September, while a separate urgent directive lays out preparations to close Me’aras Hamachpeilah entirely.

Avidan wrote to ministry Deputy Director-General Yisrael Deri and National Center comptroller Ora Doron that although the Knesset Finance Committee approved budget transfers needed to fund ongoing operations, Justice Alex Stein subsequently issued a temporary order blocking implementation of the transfers.

“Therefore,” Avidan wrote, “since without approval of the budget request the ministry has no budgetary source to maintain the ongoing operations of the National Center for the Development of Holy Places, I hereby inform you that if a solution is not found by the end of August, the operations of the National Center, including the various sites, will cease immediately at the beginning of September. Please prepare accordingly.”

In a second urgent letter addressed to Amitai Cohen, director of the Me’aras Hamachpeilah administration, and Uri Tzubari of the Kiryat Arba Religious Council, Avidan detailed the measures that would have to be taken if the funding crisis is not resolved.

According to Avidan, the Religious Services Ministry is responsible for financing and maintaining the day-to-day operation of Me’aras Hamachpeilah. However, the site’s operating budget is not incorporated into the permanent base of the state budget and instead relies almost entirely on coalition funds.

With those funds now frozen by the High Court, Avidan said the ministry has been left without an authorized source from which it can legally pay the expenses required to keep the site functioning.

“The ministry is not withdrawing and is not shirking its responsibility toward Me’aras Hamachpeilah, which is a heritage site of supreme religious and historical importance,” Avidan wrote. “However, in accordance with the laws of the State of Israel, and as a government ministry obligated to operate according to the rules of proper administration, the ministry is not permitted to allow or continue any contractual engagements without actual budgetary coverage.”

Avidan therefore ordered officials to immediately begin preparing for a complete shutdown of Me’aras Hamachpeilah within 14 days.

Under the contingency plan, all visitors, mispallelim and tourists would be barred from entering the site, and the gates of Me’aras Hamachpeilah would be locked.

Employees working at the site would receive termination notices, while contracts with outside companies and service providers responsible for cleaning, maintenance, transportation and other operations would also be discontinued.

All scheduled events, simchos, ceremonies and other activities at Me’aras Hamachpeilah would be canceled immediately, with organizers instructed to be notified that their events could no longer take place.

Officials were also ordered to urgently coordinate with the IDF, Israel Police and Border Police for the transfer of physical and security responsibility for the building to the security forces once the civilian security and crowd-management operations cease functioning.

Nonessential systems would be shut down, utility consumption would be disconnected or reduced where possible, and measures would be taken to protect the building and equipment throughout the closure.

The ministry would additionally issue public notices announcing that Me’aras Hamachpeilah is closed in order to prevent visitors and mispallelim from traveling to the site unnecessarily.

The potential shutdown comes at a particularly sensitive time, with the Tishrei Yomim Tovim approaching and large numbers of mispallelim traditionally visiting Me’aras Hamachpeilah during the period.

Avidan concluded his directive by expressing regret over the extraordinary situation while emphasizing that the ministry cannot legally continue operating without authorized funds.

“We deeply regret reaching this unfortunate situation, but as stated, the law requires us to take these steps until a solution is found and the necessary budgetary source is arranged by the authorities responsible for doing so.”

Noam Party chairman MK Avi Maoz is calling for expanded Chareidi development in Yehuda and Shomron, arguing that new communities in the region could both strengthen the Jewish presence there and provide a potential solution to the severe housing shortage facing the Chareidi community.

Maoz made the comments during a visit to the Chareidi community of Mitzpe Leah in Binyamin, where he met with the community’s founder, Rav Ephraim Hershkowitz, as well as local residents.

During the visit, Maoz was briefed on plans to expand Chareidi settlement throughout Yehuda and Shomron and heard about infrastructure and development challenges currently facing the community.

Rav Hershkowitz described the establishment of Mitzpe Leah and its growth over the years. He also discussed cooperation between the Chareidi residents and members of other communities living in the surrounding area.

Maoz toured Mitzpe Leah, visited its shul and spoke with residents about daily life in the community. Residents raised the need for greater assistance from government ministries and local authorities to enable the community to continue developing.

Maoz said expanding Chareidi communities in Yehuda and Shomron could accomplish two objectives simultaneously: strengthening Jewish settlement in the region while opening additional and potentially more affordable housing opportunities for Chareidi families.

“Chareidi settlement in Yehuda and Shomron is important for safeguarding Eretz Yisroel and can also serve as a solution to the Chareidi housing crisis,” Maoz said.

At the conclusion of his visit, Maoz urged local authorities throughout Yehuda and Shomron “to open the door and assist the development of Chareidi settlement in every possible way.”

“Just as the Torah belongs to all of Klal Yisroel, so too Eretz Yisroel belongs to all of Klal Yisroel, and settling it is both a privilege and a responsibility of all sectors,” Maoz said.

Maoz added that his party intends to work with the relevant government officials and agencies to advance the continued development of Mitzpe Leah and facilitate further expansion of Chareidi communities throughout the region.

{Matzav.com}

Gilad Erdan, chairman of the new Unity Party, says Israel should grant military-service deferments to exceptional Torah scholars chosen by leading rabbonim and roshei yeshiva, arguing that Torah study deserves at least the same recognition the state gives outstanding athletes and artists.

In a wide-ranging interview with Yishai Cohen in the Kikar HaShabbat studio, the former Likud minister laid out his new political platform, explained why he left Likud, addressed his party’s weak showing in current polls and spoke extensively about Chareidi military service and education.

Erdan rejected accusations that he has become anti-Chareidi and said he opposes mass arrests of yeshiva bochurim or proposals to strip draft evaders of voting rights. At the same time, he insisted that every Israeli citizen should ultimately contribute through military, national or civilian service and called on Chareidi leaders to actively encourage enlistment.

He also advocated a gradual transition toward state-run Chareidi education with core curriculum studies, while stressing that such changes should not be imposed overnight.

On the broader political front, Erdan ruled out joining a narrow right-wing or left-wing government. He said he would be prepared to send Israel back to elections rather than abandon his commitment to forming a broad unity government.

The interview began with Erdan discussing the Likud primaries and his decision to leave the party.

“Some of those elected are friends of mine, and I congratulate them. But in Likud it doesn’t really matter, and that is also why I left Likud and departed from Likud. Because in Likud, it doesn’t really matter where you are on the list or whether you were elected to a high or low position.

“I was elected five times in the top three — the ability to influence what happens to the people through your position on the list is simply zero. Because in the end, the prime minister wants to survive as prime minister, and the result is that he gives instructions to all the elected officials and they have to fall in line on the issues that are most significant today to the citizens of the country, and I’m sure we’ll discuss them further — such as the draft law.”

Erdan was then asked about his assertion that he had been offered a reserved slot on the Likud slate but turned it down, a claim that Likud officials have denied.

“What can I tell you? I think that for decades I have had zero zigzags and have never deviated from the things I told the public, and I believe that most of the public believes me that I don’t want a reserved slot in Likud and that I embarked on a new path.”

“You know,” Erdan continued, “they were searching high and low for new figures who are representative and statesmanlike. There are those who would say that I meet the criteria, fine, but that’s not the point. I’m not interested in reserved slots; I’m interested in leading a path of unity.”

Erdan said the current Likud bears little resemblance to the party of earlier generations.

“That is exactly what shows that today’s Likud is not the original Likud of the past. Today, as a ruling party for many years already, many special-interest elements have penetrated and entered this party whose goal is not the path of Jabotinsky or Begin. Their goal is to influence political decisions.”

He added: “There are always phenomena like this in a ruling party, with special-interest groups that want to exert influence, but I think it has now reached an all-time high. And that is one of the reasons I want to exert influence through my own independent path of unity.”

Asked about polls showing his Unity Party failing to cross the electoral threshold, and whether his relatively late entry into the race had hurt his chances, Erdan said he believes voters remain open to hearing his message.

“I feel that the public is more open than ever to being persuaded and listening, and wants to understand deeply in these elections how things will affect its future. It could be that if we had started a little earlier, the beginning would have been easier. It doesn’t matter. We charged ahead. All day, I and every member of our slate are at parlor meetings and meetings with the public.”

Asked why that activity has yet to translate into stronger poll numbers, Erdan said his party has not yet achieved sufficient public awareness.

“We still don’t have enough public awareness. In the coming days, we will increase our exposure through our campaign, including billboards and additional means. And once the public internalizes the existence of the Unity Party, the values we represent and who our team is — you will see that, with Hashem’s help, it will gain momentum.”

Cohen asked whether the so-called third bloc could ultimately unite, mentioning Chili Tropper and Benny Gantz as potential partners.

“There is a dramatic difference. First of all, you are right, and the public is right to expect the parties in the bloc known as the ‘unity bloc’ — and I call it ‘unity and solutions’ — and there are currently three parties in this bloc, and it is a legitimate demand that we find a solution for how to work together.

“But when Chili Tropper, who comes from the left, while I am clearly a man of the right, says that he is prepared to give Gadi Eisenkot the votes for a narrow government that will ultimately be controlled by the extreme left-wing positions of Yair Golan or, rachmana litzlan, the Arab parties — then I cannot go together with him, unless he changes that position and makes clear, as we do, that we will not join any narrow government.”

Asked whether that meant he was moving toward a merger with Benny Gantz, Erdan said no agreement could yet be assumed.

“No, it still can’t be assessed, because ultimately it also depends on the conditions. What can be assumed is that every effort will be made to create one party that will lead this. I believe that it will be the Unity Party under my leadership. The people are moving to the right. Whoever is supposed to lead such a bloc needs to be a right-wing person whom the public feels comfortable with.”

Asked directly whether he would insist on leading any such united party, Erdan responded:

“With Hashem’s help, I will try to convince them that this is the right thing. Because if today 70%-80% of the Jewish public defines itself as right-wing or center-right, then whoever needs to lead such a bloc should be a right-wing person whom the public trusts to fight, in any government that is formed, for it to be a government that represents right-wing positions.”

The interview then turned to Chareidi issues. Cohen told Erdan that a Chareidi MK had asked what had happened to a politician who had once been considered a close friend and political partner of the Chareidi parties.

“Whoever calls me anti-Chareidi is a liar or has an agenda. And I come from Religious Zionism and studied at Yeshivat Netiv Meir not far from here, and who better than I understands the importance of keeping mitzvos and, first and foremost, Torah study.

“But together with those values, we live here together in the State of Israel, the state of the Jewish people. And when I look — and this is my obligation as an elected official or as someone who now wants to return to the public arena — my obligation is to look at the long term: How will the State of Israel, with Hashem’s help, continue to exist? And it will only be able to continue to exist if all the citizens of the country… And this is not only connected to Chareidim; it also relates to secular people who don’t serve in the military or national service.”

Cohen asked Erdan to spell out his plan for Chareidi enlistment and whether he would accept Eisenkot’s proposal to exempt 3% of the overall draft-age cohort.

“First of all, I don’t think Gadi Eisenkot will really stand by anything he is saying right now, and the same applies to the other side, because what is important to them is getting to the prime minister’s chair — something that I have currently put aside. I think there must be a basic principle that every citizen in the State of Israel serves the state in some way: national service, civilian service, and combat service. The most urgent thing today is combat soldiers, in order to guarantee Israel’s security with all the fronts surrounding us.

“And therefore, anyone who can be a combat soldier should do it. And I say: The obligation to serve, the obligation to serve, will apply to everyone. I am against mass arrests. I don’t believe that we will turn someone into a combat soldier by sending him to prison. I don’t think, chas v’shalom, that voting rights should be revoked, as in the positions of Lieberman and Hendel.”

Erdan stressed that withholding fundamental democratic rights was a line he would not cross.

“I don’t think, chas v’shalom, that voting rights should be revoked — those are populist positions. In a democratic country, you don’t violate a person’s basic civil rights, not because he or his grandfather was more or less loyal to the state, right? There are basic things, okay? Children deserve to receive what they deserve to receive.”

Asked whether there would be exemptions for Torah learners, Erdan answered unequivocally.

“Absolutely yes. It’s not a matter of exemptions but rather deferment of service. I think Torah study is a more important value than outstanding athletes or artists, okay? And if the State of Israel today knows how to accommodate and prioritize outstanding athletes or outstanding artists in order to exempt them from military service — then certainly, all the more so, and all the more so again, Torah prodigies as well, with the geonim, the roshei yeshiva and the leading rabbonim of the generation deciding whom they want.”

Erdan said, however, that the willingness to accommodate elite Torah scholars must be accompanied by a constructive approach from Chareidi leadership toward military service.

“It also depends on willingness. If the leaders of the Chareidi public do not fight against enlistment but instead come with a constructive approach and say: ‘Listen, in order for us to speak to our public and encourage it to enlist — first of all, we need to see not one Chashmonaim Brigade, but infrastructure ready for ten Chashmonaim Brigades, with the required kashrus, with gender separation.’ I have no problem with any of those things! Because we want to make sure that someone who enters the military as a Chareidi can also leave his military service as a Chareidi.”

Cohen then asked whether Erdan accepted the framework advanced by his political ally Yuli Edelstein before Israel’s strike on Iran, which spoke of eventually reaching enlistment levels of roughly 50% of the Chareidi draft cohort.

“No, don’t call it the ‘Edelstein framework.’ With all due respect, Yuli was the committee chairman. He received it from the government, from the prime minister. And given the overall situation and the existential anxiety that existed in the country at the time, the desire to reach compromises — it still exists. I still understand that we need to try to reach compromises — but there are certain moral principles that I am not interested in compromising on, and I see no reason to compromise on them.”

Erdan argued that the conversation over Chareidi enlistment needs to be reversed, with Chareidi leaders approaching the broader Israeli leadership with their own proposal.

“The approach is that the leadership of the majority of the Israeli public needs to come to the political leadership of the Chareidi public and say, ‘Oh, we’ll give you this-and-this percentage; will you agree to encourage enlistment?’ No! Let the leaders of the Chareidi public come and tell the leadership of the entire country in Israel: ‘Look, if you agree to such-and-such a percentage of exceptional Torah learners receiving an exemption or deferment, then we will encourage the children of the Chareidi public to be part of the country, to get under the stretcher.’ Then we can begin talking! To come and tell the majority of the public, ‘Give us a number and we’ll start from there’?”

The conversation then moved to core curriculum requirements in Chareidi schools. Cohen asked whether Erdan supported Naftali Bennett’s position that institutions failing to teach the full core curriculum should receive no government funding, with education ultimately becoming state-run.

“I think there needs to be a gradual process here, at the end of which the state-Chareidi schools will be an official educational stream, okay? We will legislate it as an official stream, and of course there will be the necessary accommodations for the children of the Chareidi public. I don’t think that overnight we should punish the children, but a gradual framework must be established.”

Asked whether that meant all institutions would eventually become state-run, Erdan said:

“It sounds as though that is some kind of dirty word. Yes, I think that ultimately every sane country that wants to live and wants to survive — its children need to receive an education that connects them to Zionism, that connects them to the state, that brings them to what I believe is the correct conclusion, for which there is no alternative: that they need to be part of the state in every sphere. And that is how I view the education of children in the Chareidi public.”

Cohen asked whether Erdan would rule out sitting in a government with Aryeh Deri, Moshe Gafni or Yitzchok Goldknopf.

“If they accept the principles — I don’t rule anyone out. You know what they say: A baal teshuvah…”

Asked why he does categorically rule out the Arab parties, Erdan replied:

“Correct. It doesn’t matter what the Arab parties say; I don’t believe them. If in the most difficult hours for the people of Israel after October 7 they are incapable of identifying with us, condemning Hamas, saying that it is a terrorist organization — then everything they say is within the framework of what Muhammad taught his believers, right? To lie and one day slaughter Jews when possible. I don’t accept that in any legitimate government.”

Erdan then returned to the possibility of governing alongside the Chareidi parties.

“Now,” he said, “Aryeh Deri, Moshe Gafni, everyone whom we have known for decades — if they accept these principles, then of course we can argue about how much time the processes should take. I’m not naive. I’m a politician and public figure of decades. Obviously, there are processes.”

Cohen presented Erdan with a post-election scenario: If his party crosses the electoral threshold and neither Netanyahu nor Eisenkot agrees to form a unity government, would he support one of them in reaching 61 seats or force another election?

“First of all, we’ll see whom the people gave greater legitimacy to form a government. I will demand that he make a very generous offer to the other side, and therefore, if the side that did not receive the legitimacy refuses, then we will point to that side as the one refusing unity. And with no alternative, I will not violate my commitments to the public: We said that we would bring unity, I am genuinely right-wing, and we will also pass the law requiring service for everyone. Therefore, if one side refuses unity — we will go back to the people, at least once, for at least one additional election. We will point to that side as the one that caused another election because it refused.”

Cohen pressed him on whether that meant he was genuinely prepared to accept another election rather than join either a narrow right-wing government or a narrow center-left coalition.

“A narrow government would be a major disaster for Israel. And I’ll say it in language that may be extreme, yes: Unity or we die! Not that all of us will, chas v’shalom, die. The value today of unity — of sitting together and solving problems, and reaching a broad judicial reform by consensus, and how we fight together against the unions to lower the cost of living, and how we find a solution for service by all citizens of the country that also protects the lifestyle of the Chareidi public, and also Arabs who need to perform national service…”

{Matzav.com}

A government document released Tuesday night has sparked outrage in the Chareidi political establishment after revealing that Finance Ministry officials view the cancellation of after-school daycare subsidies as one of the most effective economic tools for pressuring Chareidi men subject to the draft to enlist in the IDF.

While plans to revoke subsidies under the Education Ministry’s Nitzanim after-school program had previously been reported, the newly released document sheds light on why Finance Ministry professionals consider the measure particularly potent: the large number of Chareidi households that receive the benefit and the significant monthly expense families would face if the subsidy were eliminated.

The document summarizes an August 3 meeting chaired by Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara and attended by Deputy Attorney General Dr. Gil Limon, as well as representatives of the IDF, Israel Police, Finance Ministry and other government agencies.

The meeting focused on expanding financial enforcement measures against individuals who are required to enlist but have failed to report for military service. According to the document, a Finance Ministry representative explained that certain government benefits could exert considerably greater pressure than others because of how extensively they are used within the Chareidi community.

Officials specifically singled out the Education Ministry’s Nitzanim program, which subsidizes after-school care for children.

According to the document, the program “is considered highly effective by the professional officials at the Ministry of Finance for the purpose of increasing the number of recruits.”

Finance Ministry officials explained that their assessment was based on “the scope of households eligible for this benefit, alongside the significant monthly cost it represents.”

The meeting summary consequently stated that “there is particular importance in revoking eligibility for those obligated to enlist with regard to this benefit as early as the upcoming school year.”

The discussion extended beyond after-school care. Finance Ministry representatives also presented a chart analyzing the likelihood that Chareidi households receive various government benefits, apparently as part of an effort to determine which financial sanctions would have the greatest impact. Officials also called for further examination of a Housing Ministry program that provides assistance with rental payments.

Chareidi political figures charged that the policy directly contradicts the government’s stated goal of increasing employment among Chareidi women. They argue that subsidized after-school programs allow mothers to remain at work later in the day, meaning that eliminating the benefit would affect not only the man subject to the draft but also working mothers and their children.

United Torah Judaism MK Uri Maklev sharply condemned the Finance Ministry’s approach, accusing officials of deliberately searching for the most painful financial pressure point within Chareidi families.

“It is shocking to discover in the attorney general’s document how Finance Ministry officials maliciously search for the most harmful and significant tool and present the cancellation of after-school daycare subsidies as an ‘effective tool’ for harming Torah learners,” Maklev told B’Chadrei Chareidim. “This is pure wickedness, cruelty and a moral low.”

Maklev said the policy is particularly troubling because it comes from the same government bureaucracy that regularly speaks about encouraging Chareidi women to enter and remain in the workforce.

“Those same officials who preach about encouraging employment are acting against their own principles. Revoking after-school daycare subsidies is a direct attack on the livelihood and well-being of helpless young children and working mothers, motivated solely by the persecution of Torah learners,” he said.

The revelations are also becoming an election issue, with officials in Degel HaTorah directing criticism at Finance Minister and Religious Zionism chairman Bezalel Smotrich.

The document contains no evidence that Smotrich personally instructed Finance Ministry officials to formulate the recommendation. Degel HaTorah officials nevertheless argued that as finance minister, Smotrich bears political responsibility for policies being advanced by the ministry under his authority.

“There has recently been considerable discussion about Chareidim who are considering voting for Smotrich in the upcoming elections,” the officials said. “Those voters need to examine everything that is actually taking place in the Finance Ministry under his responsibility. Time and again, recommendations emerge from this ministry whose practical effect is severe economic harm to the Chareidi family.”

The Degel officials argued that Smotrich cannot simultaneously court Chareidi voters while distancing himself from recommendations being developed inside his own ministry.

“You cannot court the Chareidi vote while at the same time accepting a situation in which Finance Ministry officials map out the benefits Chareidi families rely upon and examine where revoking them would be especially effective. A minister’s responsibility is measured by what takes place in the ministry under his authority. The Chareidi public will have to take these things into account as well when it goes to the polls.”

{Matzav.com}

Rav Shimon Galai shared a remarkable personal story involving the Steipler Gaon at a gathering marking the 25th yahrtzeit of Rav Avrohom Yaakov Pam zt”l, founder of Shuvu, offering a powerful message about the continued influence of tzaddikim after their passing.

The gathering was held at Rav Galai’s home with leaders of Shuvu, the kiruv organization founded by Rav Pam and with which Rav Galai serves as a member of its presidium.

Addressing the concern that Rav Pam’s passing might mean that Shuvu no longer benefits from his assistance as it did during his lifetime, Rav Galai said the opposite is true: A tzaddik who accomplished great things in this world can continue working on behalf of others from Shomayim with even greater strength.

“The Steipler told me a fundamental principle, and it is clear to me that it is true,” Rav Galai related. “What a tzaddik did here, they do there in Shomayim with far greater strength. I asked him about someone who was connected to a certain rov, and the rov passed away, and that person felt that his world had gone dark.”

Rav Galai then recounted the Steipler’s emphatic response.

“The Steipler told me: Tell him that I said that what they did here, they do there with far greater strength. It is nothing. Tell him, do you understand Yiddish? You understand Hebrew. He repeated it ten times. Tell him that I said that what they did here, they do there with far greater strength. If here he worried about him, he will worry about him. If here he davened for him, he will daven for him.”

Rav Galai connected the Steipler’s words directly to Rav Pam’s legacy and the future of Shuvu, saying there should be no concern over whether the Torah and kiruv work he championed will continue.

“You ask how the Torah and kiruv will continue after Rav Pam passed away? We already heard what the Ponovezher Rov said after the Holocaust, that we have no concern about how the Torah will continue. Hakadosh Boruch Hu promised, ‘For it will not be forgotten from the mouths of his descendants and his descendants’ descendants.’ The only question is who will merit to be part of it.”

Rav Galai then spoke with humility about his own involvement in Shuvu’s work.

“I am nothing. I am only a shamash. I truly try to do whatever I can to help kiruv. It is clear that the Torah will continue, Shuvu will continue, the talmidim will continue. The only question is who will merit to be part of it.”

He concluded by addressing the message that should be conveyed to those who support Shuvu financially, saying that while people sometimes approach him seeking guarantees of success or blessing, the true promise comes from Hakadosh Boruch Hu.

“People come to me so that I should promise. Right? I don’t know how to promise, but Hakadosh Boruch Hu promises. If you make Mine happy, I will make yours happy. There is no greater joy for Hakadosh Boruch Hu than when another one of His children is brought to say Shema Yisrael.”

{Matzav.com}

A former Meta safety researcher delivered damaging testimony Wednesday in a landmark federal trial, accusing Mark Zuckerberg and his company of deliberately avoiding child-safety problems on Facebook and Instagram when addressing them could threaten profits.

Arturo Béjar, who worked on safety issues at Meta for years and later emerged as a prominent critic of the company, told jurors in California federal court that Zuckerberg wielded enormous authority as CEO but failed to adequately confront the dangers the platforms posed to young users.

“You just cannot trust Mark Zuckerberg with kids,” Béjar said on the witness stand.

Béjar became the first witness presented by a coalition of 29 state attorneys general suing Meta. The states allege that the company intentionally designed addictive features that contributed to anxiety, depression and even suicide among teenagers, while also improperly collecting children’s personal information without parental permission.

The attorneys general are asking the court to order significant changes to Meta’s platforms and impose substantial financial penalties for the alleged violations. Attorneys representing the states have suggested damages could approach $200 billion, while Meta has argued that the potential figure under the plaintiffs’ calculations could climb as high as $1.4 trillion.

Béjar headed a safety-oriented team at Meta between 2009 and 2015 before returning as a consultant from 2019 through 2021. During his testimony, he accused Zuckerberg of creating a misleading public picture of how seriously the company treated the welfare of young users.

“I felt that he created a false and misleading impression of Facebook’s commitment to young people,” said Béjar, who estimated that he spoke to Zuckerberg about safety issues at least 100 times during his tenure.

According to Béjar, Meta possessed technology capable of identifying underage users who circumvented the company’s safeguards, but effectively adopted a “don’t ask, don’t tell” approach because younger users represented valuable future customers.

“Where the youngest kids are is where the users are going to be in the future,” Béjar said.

Béjar previously played a major role as a witness in separate litigation brought by New Mexico Attorney General Raul Torrez. In that case, he described the disturbing experiences of his daughter after she joined Instagram at age 16, including receiving sexually explicit messages and “unsolicited penis pictures.”

During cross-examination Wednesday, a Meta attorney questioned Béjar about his decision to permit his daughter to use Instagram. Béjar acknowledged that he had not anticipated the extent of the dangers she would encounter on the platform.

“I kept an eye on how distressing it was for her,” Béjar said. “She got a good following, at the price of harm.”

The multistate trial is expected to continue for approximately six weeks and is set to feature testimony from some of Meta’s most prominent executives. Zuckerberg and Instagram chief Adam Mosseri are both expected to take the witness stand.

Meta has denied the allegations against it and maintains that the attorneys general are pursuing financial penalties far beyond what the case could legitimately justify.

During opening arguments Tuesday, Meta attorney Paul Schmidt defended the company’s record, arguing that Zuckerberg and other executives have repeatedly worked to make Facebook and Instagram safer for children. He pointed to measures including parental supervision features and tools allowing limits to be placed on the amount of time young people spend on social media.

President Trump is set to sit down for an interview with Michael Cohen, his onetime personal attorney and fixer who later became one of his fiercest critics, in a remarkable public reunion following years of bitter legal and personal warfare between the two men.

Cohen, who acknowledged arranging payments to adult film actress Stormy Daniels ahead of the 2016 presidential election over an alleged affair with Trump, said the interview comes after he and the president recently put their long-running feud behind them.

After years of publicly attacking one another following their dramatic falling-out, Cohen revealed earlier this summer that he and Trump had reconciled and were once again on better terms.

Segments of Cohen’s interview with Trump are scheduled to be broadcast Thursday night on New York’s 77 WABC radio, Cohen said in a social media post. Additional portions are expected to air Sunday during a program Cohen is hosting on the station.

MS NOW had earlier reported that Trump would appear with Cohen for an episode of the attorney’s podcast. Cohen disputed that account in his post, saying the interview was instead conducted for the WABC radio program.

The Hill said it contacted the White House seeking confirmation that Trump would participate in the interview.

Cohen disclosed last month that his relationship with Trump had changed dramatically after years of hostility, explaining that an unexpected message from a mutual friend helped open the door to ending their feud.

“Out of nowhere, when I was sitting with my wife at a restaurant, my phone buzzed and it was a text from that friend who expressed to me the president’s genuine empathy for the hell that I was being dragged through … I deeply appreciated that text,” Cohen told John Catsimatidis and Rita Cosby on WABC’s “Cats & Cosby” radio talk show.

Cohen said the message prompted him to reach out directly to Trump in hopes of finally bringing their years-long battle to a close.

“I actually texted the president. I thanked him. Expressed my sincere hope that this long, exhausting feud between the two of us could finally end,” Cohen added.

{Matzav.com}

The United States has crossed a historic and troubling fiscal threshold, with the national debt climbing above $40 trillion as federal borrowing continues to grow and long-term projections point to an increasingly severe financial burden.

Treasury Department figures released Wednesday show that total outstanding public debt reached $40.047 trillion on Tuesday, jumping from $39.987 trillion just one day earlier.

Debt held by the public, which excludes certain obligations the government owes to itself, now totals approximately $32.3 trillion. That figure is equal to about 101% of the nation’s gross domestic product, a debt burden not seen at this scale since the World War II era. In 2001, following four straight years of federal budget surpluses, publicly held debt stood at only 31.5% of GDP.

The climb to $40 trillion did not happen suddenly. It is the product of more than two decades of major wars, tax reductions, economic downturns and massive federal spending programs.

The federal government’s finances began deteriorating in the early 2000s following the collapse of the dot-com bubble, the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and a series of tax cuts that reduced federal revenue.

Another major blow came with the 2007-09 recession, which caused tax receipts to plunge while Washington responded with expensive economic stimulus measures aimed at stabilizing the financial system and reviving the economy.

Federal borrowing accelerated dramatically again during the COVID-19 pandemic, when trillions of dollars were spent on direct relief payments, assistance for businesses and numerous other programs designed to prevent a broader economic collapse.

Long-term demographic changes have added another layer of pressure. An aging U.S. population has driven spending higher for Social Security and Medicare, while federal revenues have consistently failed to grow enough to cover the government’s overall expenditures.

Current forecasts indicate that the gap between spending and revenue is likely to become substantially larger in the decades ahead.

The Congressional Budget Office estimates that debt held by the public will climb to 120% of GDP by 2036. That would eclipse the previous record of 106% reached in 1946 following World War II.

The longer-term outlook is even more dramatic. Assuming current laws remain largely in place, the CBO projects publicly held federal debt could soar to approximately 175% of GDP by 2056.

Meanwhile, annual federal deficits are hovering around 6% of GDP — levels that historically have been associated with major wars or serious recessions. The difference today is that Washington is running deficits of that magnitude without the country being in the midst of a major economic downturn.

Despite the enormous borrowing, investors have not abandoned the market for U.S. government debt. Treasury securities continue to be regarded around the world as highly liquid, relatively safe assets, allowing the federal government to keep financing its obligations without producing an immediate fiscal crisis.

The mounting expense of paying interest on that debt, however, is becoming a growing concern for the federal budget.

According to CBO projections, annual net interest costs will increase from 3.3% of GDP in 2026 to 4.6% by 2036. By 2056, interest payments are projected to consume 6.9% of GDP, meaning the government would spend more simply servicing its debt than it would spend individually on either Social Security or Medicare.

As interest payments consume a larger portion of federal revenue, lawmakers will have less flexibility to finance other government priorities. The problem can also become self-reinforcing, since interest obligations themselves cannot simply be eliminated when Congress attempts to reduce spending.

Finding sufficiently large spending reductions presents its own political obstacles.

A substantial share of federal expenditures goes toward Social Security, Medicare and other benefits paid directly to individuals. Other government expenses — including federal employees, government facilities and law enforcement — account for a much smaller portion of total federal spending, limiting how much deficit reduction can realistically be achieved without addressing the largest programs.

With the national debt now beyond $40 trillion and projected to continue rising, policymakers face increasingly consequential options: collect more revenue through higher taxes, reduce benefits and government spending, or keep adding to a debt load that the Congressional Budget Office has warned cannot continue growing indefinitely.

{Matzav.com}

A coalition representing immigrant-owned grocery stores and other small businesses across New York City is preparing to sue Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s administration over its taxpayer-funded supermarket initiative, with legal action potentially coming as soon as this week, the NY Post reports.

The Multicultural Business Coalition, an umbrella organization made up of 50 chambers of commerce representing businesses from a wide range of ethnic communities, made one final attempt Wednesday to bring City Hall to the negotiating table before proceeding with litigation.

“Although we have not heard from you since May 2026, we are open to resolving this matter amicably with more sensible solutions to feed working class people with nutritious essential food items at affordable prices,” coalition president Kenneth Roldan wrote in a letter to the administration.

Roldan said Wednesday that attorneys are still deciding whether to bring the challenge in state court, federal court, or pursue cases in both jurisdictions.

“We are at the 11th hour — we have multiple versions of the lawsuits that have been prepared,” Roldan said. “The federal case will be based on antitrust and predatory pricing. The state cause of action will be tortuous interference and possibly discriminatory practices by the administration.”

The coalition represents businesses owned by members of New York’s Asian, African, Caribbean, Hispanic, Middle Eastern and Jewish communities. According to Roldan, the organization has repeatedly attempted to secure meetings with City Hall since May but has been turned away.

The escalating legal threat comes as the Mamdani administration moves ahead with plans for five government-owned supermarkets at an estimated taxpayer cost of $70 million. The city recently issued a request for proposals seeking operators for the stores, with bids due by Oct. 16.

In its letter, the coalition argued that the request for proposals “demonstrates a lack of understanding of the supermarket industry and raises questions about the efficacy of the plan.”

The group also warned that subsidized city-owned supermarkets “could paralyze their operations, reduce their slim profit margins or even force some out of business entirely.”

Mark Jaffe, the coalition’s legal counsel and president of the Greater New York Chamber of Commerce, said business owners would still prefer negotiations over a courtroom battle.

“We are asking the mayor to avoid litigation to sit down with us,” Jaffe said. “But we have to try to stop this if they won’t listen to us.”

Under the city’s proposal, private grocery operators would be selected to manage the five supermarkets. Because the stores would operate in government-owned properties, they would not face the rent and tax expenses borne by competing privately owned supermarkets.

The operators would also be required to offer a 30% discount on staple foods, including produce, meat, milk, cheese and bread.

City Hall estimates that the program could reduce participating shoppers’ grocery expenses by approximately $90 per month, or about $1,000 annually, amounting to an overall savings of roughly 15% on their grocery bills.

Nearly $40 million has already been designated for the first two planned locations, one in Harlem and another at Hunts Point in the Bronx. Locations have not yet been finalized for the remaining three supermarkets.

Opponents have raised particular concerns about the impact on existing stores located close to the proposed government-subsidized supermarkets. Roughly 15 bodegas and grocery stores currently operate within five blocks of La Marqueta in East Harlem, one of the areas involved in the initiative.

A Food Bazaar supermarket, meanwhile, sits directly across the street from one of the proposed subsidized locations — a situation critics say illustrates the competitive disadvantage private businesses could face.

“How can a Food Bazaar right across the street from La Marqueta not be affected by such discounts?” Jaffe said.

{Matzav.com}