The Shas movement has filed a defamation lawsuit against Yisroel Tropper, an activist associated with the Perel Yerushalmi faction, following comments he made during an interview on Channel 12 with journalist Rafi Reshef.
According to the party, Tropper falsely claimed that Rishon LeTzion Rav Yitzchok Yosef had “given in to severe criminal threats,” an allegation Shas says is baseless, inflammatory, and damaging to the standing of a senior member of the Moetzet Chachmei HaTorah.
Shas announced that before moving forward, the party sought halachic guidance from its rabbinic leadership. Party officials said they consulted with rabbanim, dayanim, and poskim, who ruled that due to the frequent incidents of violence surrounding these issues, “the authorities will rule in this matter,” thereby granting Shas the space to pursue the matter through civil courts.
The lawsuit, submitted through attorney Yisroel Bach, accuses Tropper of presenting a “false and deceptive narrative” intended to undermine the legitimacy of the party’s spiritual leadership. The complaint notes that the comments were made only hours after the attempted lynching of MK Yoav Ben-Tzur, thereby giving Tropper’s statements “additional inciting force.”
In the interview, Tropper said, among other remarks: “I recommend that the chareidi Knesset members not walk near yeshiva bochurim these days — they are very angry.”
Shas argues that Tropper’s claims go beyond a personal attack on the Rishon LeTzion and amount to an effort to fabricate a narrative of internal chareidi violence. “The defendant knows full well that this is an absolute fabrication,” the lawsuit states.
In a statement, the party declared, “We will not remain silent in the face of disgrace to our rabbanim. Anyone who incites, spreads lies, and encourages violence will be held accountable and will pay the price.”
{Matzav.com}
CIA Director John Ratcliffe delivered a blistering assessment of the federal government’s handling of Afghan admissions after an Afghan national allegedly opened fire on two National Guard members in Washington, D.C., an attack he said “should never have been allowed to come here.”
Authorities say the suspect, 29-year-old Rahmanullah Lakanwal, entered the United States in 2021 through Operation Allies Welcome, the Biden-era program that resettled Afghans who had worked with American forces. He later filed an asylum request in December 2024, which was granted four months later.
While Ratcliffe acknowledged that Lakanwal had previously worked alongside the CIA, his office declined to offer clarity on how he was screened before entering the U.S. Veterans affiliated with #AfghanEvac, a coalition that helped evacuate Afghan partners during the withdrawal, noted that Lakanwal had once been part of NDS-03 — a highly trained Afghan counterterrorism unit created and funded in partnership with the CIA and American special forces.
In a harsh denunciation of the administration’s actions, Ratcliffe argued that the collapse in Afghanistan and subsequent rushed admission process created dangerous openings. “In the wake of the disastrous Biden Withdrawal from Afghanistan, the Biden Administration justified bringing the alleged shooter to the United States in September 2021 due to his prior work with the U.S. Government, including CIA, as a member of a partner force in Kandahar, which ended shortly following the chaotic evacuation,” he said.
Ratcliffe went further, insisting that the attack was part of a broader pattern resulting from poor oversight. “This individual — and so many others — should have never been allowed to come here,” he said. “Our citizens and servicemembers deserve far better than to endure the ongoing fallout from the Biden Administration’s catastrophic failures. God bless our brave troops.”
The fallout prompted swift action from the Department of Homeland Security, which announced that it was freezing all Afghan-related immigration processing while security reviews are conducted. “This Afghan national was paroled in by the Biden Administration,” DHS said. “Regardless if his asylum was granted or not, this monster would not have been removed because of his parole.”
The agency said it is initiating a sweeping pause and reassessment. “Effective immediately, processing of all immigration requests relating to Afghan nationals is stopped indefinitely pending further review of security and vetting protocols,” the statement read. “The Trump Administration is also reviewing all asylum cases approved under the Biden Administration, which failed to vet these applicants on a massive scale.”
{Matzav.com}
A political firestorm broke out Thursday after Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee chairman Boaz Bismuth unveiled the latest version of his proposal to overhaul the military draft system for chareidim. Opposition parties immediately announced that they would fight the bill at every stage and prevent it from advancing.
Yoaz Hendel, head of the Reservists Party, blasted the proposal for its lax timetables and flexible recruitment targets. “The ‘new’ draft law that Bismuth is promoting is extremely lenient regarding the timing of enlistment and the quotas,” Hendel charged. “The text is yet another example of how governments that rely on non-Zionist parties are pressured into approving non-Zionist decisions.”
Former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett issued an unequivocal rejection of the legislation. “We will not let this go through,” he declared. Calling the moment “the ultimate test,” Bennett accused the government of deciding to push through what he labeled “the draft-dodging law” in its final readings. “This is the most anti-Zionist law ever legislated in our country’s history,” he said.
Bennett intensified his criticism, saying the plan amounted to “a declaration of war by the government on every reservist, every IDF soldier, and the entire serving public.” He vowed that Israelis “from every background—religious, secular, right, left—will unite and say no to the draft-dodging law.”
Opposition leader Yair Lapid voiced similar outrage, warning that the legislation was an affront to those who serve. “We will not allow this anti-Zionist disgrace to pass,” he said. “We will not let them dishonor the fighters, the wounded, and the fallen like this. This is not a law—it’s pathetic politics by the corrupt and the shirkers at the expense of our children. Not happening, not possible, not passing.”
Criticism came not only from the opposition. Likud MK Yuli Edelstein, a former chairman of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, said the bill fails the most basic test of addressing national security needs. “As someone who has led the effort over the past two years to expand the IDF’s recruitment base, I say with deep regret: this is not a draft law,” he stated.
Referencing the trauma of October 7, Edelstein warned that the government had promised systemic change—and this bill delivers none of it. “Unlike the draft I proposed, the current version does not meet the IDF’s needs in any way,” he said. “It is yet another political band-aid instead of a historic law. We will not give up. We will fight to the end for a real draft law.”
Deputy Foreign Minister Sharren Haskel also announced she would oppose the bill, saying her commitment to national security requires independent judgment. “Blindly adopting legislation that harms security during wartime and undermines social cohesion will inflict grave long-term damage,” she said. “I will continue to fight for a draft framework that is fair, just, and real. In its current form, I will vote against it.”
United Torah Judaism chairman Yitzchok Goldknopf stated that the position of the Moetzes Gedolei HaTorah remains unchanged: any arrangement must fully protect Torah study and avoid imposing sanctions on those learning full-time. He said the draft text released Thursday will be presented to the senior Torah leadership for review, and the party will act solely based on their ruling.
The Religious Zionism party said it is still analyzing the proposal. “Our guiding principle remains the same,” the party stated. “We will only support a law that ensures real and rapid enlistment of chareidim into the IDF to meet security needs and ease the burden on soldiers, reservists, and their families.”
{Matzav.com}
The Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee on Thursday circulated the newest version of Israel’s draft law to committee members, revealing a series of tightened provisions added at the request of the committee’s legal advisers. The distribution is intended to allow formal discussions to begin at the start of next week.
Committee chairman Boaz Bismuth presented the release of the draft as the formal launch of the legislative process, stating: “This is it, we are moving forward with a balanced, responsible draft law that is good for the people of Israel. This law is not here to stabilize a coalition; it is here to stabilize a country.”
One of the most consequential changes is the hard definition and shortening of the law’s first year of implementation. Regardless of when the legislation ultimately passes, the first year will end on June 30, 2026. As a result, the first recruitment target—5,760 new draftees—will apply in just over six months.
The draft sets sharply rising recruitment targets for the years ahead: 6,840 in the second year, 7,920 in the third year, not fewer than 8,500 in the fourth year, and beginning in the fifth year, the enlistment of 50 percent of each annual cohort of graduates from the chareidi school system.
Another major revision dramatically narrows the civilian service track. Under the proposed changes, national service will be recognized only within security-related agencies such as the Israel Police, the Prison Service, the Shin Bet, and the Mossad. This removes the option of placement in general civilian institutions and ties alternative service exclusively to national security needs.
The law also introduces personal sanctions starting in the very first year. Individuals who do not meet the law’s requirements would lose eligibility for academic scholarships, and could also face restrictions on obtaining a driver’s license and limitations on traveling abroad. The draft replaces the previously planned involvement of a military rabbi with an officer from the IDF’s Manpower Directorate at the rank of lieutenant colonel, shifting oversight toward professional rather than sector-specific considerations.
Additional updates include narrowing the criteria for defining someone as chareidi for the purpose of recruitment calculations, eliminating the previously fixed quota for combat soldiers, and clarifying that license revocation would apply only to new draft evaders. Travel restrictions would apply only until the age of 23.
Debate on the draft is set to begin next week.
{Matzav.com}
Israel’s inner-city commuters are bracing for yet another fare hike as government ministries remain locked in disagreement. The latest change, expected to take effect in January, would push the price of a single ride from 8 NIS to 9 NIS — the result of an ongoing standoff between Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and Transportation Minister Miri Regev over where to slice the budget.
The looming increase comes just a short time after the government introduced its “Derech Shavah” initiative in 2022, which had originally slashed the price to 5.5 NIS. What was marketed as a major affordability reform has now become a sequence of rapid-fire fare shocks.
In under three years, the cost of a bus ride has climbed at a stunning pace. July 2024 saw prices rise to 6 NIS, and in April 2025 commuters were hit with a massive 45% jump that brought fares to 8 NIS. The upcoming boost to 9 NIS continues the steep upward trajectory.
Driving this pattern of increases is the effort to cover the expenses of the government’s “Transportation Justice” plan, which provides discounted transportation rates to roughly 80% of Israelis. To keep that program alive, Regev was compelled to sign off on raising fares and even to scrap funding that would have expanded routes and boosted frequency.
Although Regev has publicly expressed her opposition, officials in the Finance Ministry insist their hands are tied. They argue that “without budget cuts, the fare increases are inevitable.”
{Matzav.com}
A full year has passed since the understandings that halted hostilities between Israel and Lebanon took effect, and the IDF is outlining the sweeping scope of its operations during that period.
The ceasefire arrangements, which began on November 27, 2024, opened the door for an extensive IDF deployment inside Lebanon aimed at blocking Hezbollah from restoring its networks. Units from the Northern Command, alongside the 91st Division, have maintained a persistent presence across key areas as part of that mission.
Forces from the 810th Brigade, operating under the 210th Division, have been active throughout the Har Dov region inside Lebanon, balancing that front with their responsibilities across the Syrian border as well.
According to the IDF, enforcing the agreement demanded a steady tempo of field activity. Troops from the 769th Brigade, the 300th Brigade, and the Central Brigade—all subordinate to the 91st Division—executed roughly 1,200 focused missions over the past year.
Dozens of those missions were offensive, designed to remove terrorist infrastructure, impede efforts by Hezbollah operatives to monitor IDF movements, and weaken the group’s operational strength. Military officials say these actions significantly hindered Hezbollah’s ability to reassert its presence.
Throughout these operations, IDF units uncovered a substantial network of hostile assets: military buildings used by operatives for attacks, weapons depots, rocket-launching sites, launchers, and observation or firing positions.
The IDF says that the campaign also relied heavily on coordinated strikes. Led by the Northern Command, and working alongside the Israeli Air Force with intelligence guidance from the Intelligence Directorate, Israeli forces eliminated more than 370 terrorists belonging to Hezbollah, Hamas, and other Palestinian terror groups.
{Matzav.com}
Dear Matzav Inbox,
I am a regular guy, born and raised in Monsey, NY. I try hard to be kovea itim, to do chessed, to provide for my family, and to live with ahavas Yisrael. I have always pushed myself to love every Jew from every background, and when that love was difficult, I made it a point to give more in order to strengthen it. The kinds of Yidden that many people avoid are often the ones I try to get close to. If I see someone hitchhiking, I try to pick them up. For me, the philosophy is simple: when I don’t know how to act, I ask myself, “What does Hashem want?”
I am Litvish, but I have always been drawn to Chassidish Torah and sefarim. Many of my rabbeim are Chassidish, and few things bring me more joy than a Chassidishe tish, farbrengen, or Simchas Beis HaShoeva.
Another important piece of who I am is that I live within a mile of New Square. I’ve always considered it an honor to be their neighbor. I’ve gone to the mikvah there on Fridays, schmoozed with the Yidden, and built friendships through business connections.
Throughout the years in which Skver bought up houses in my neighborhood, I tried to stay positive and be dan l’kaf zechus. I told myself that I didn’t need to understand everything — it’s all in Hashem’s hands. But as the situation progressed, and as my rabbeim told me that I have a responsibility to stand up against what I believe is injustice, I began to see a side of Judaism that I never believed existed.
I see a community of thousands of families following rabbanim, dayanim, askanim, and ultimately a Rebbe — and yet it feels to me as though they are trying to destroy another frum community in a way I have never seen frum Jews treat each other. At first, I assumed they simply didn’t realize the impact of their actions. But as time went on, it became clear that not only do they understand, they believe they are doing the right thing — and they are doubling down.
So I ask myself: could it be that they never stop to ask, “Is this what Hashem wants?” Could it be that people can live their whole lives as frum Yidden without asking that question? Could it be that sinas chinam becomes justified simply because peers say it’s okay?
I have spoken to many gedolim from different backgrounds, to askanim, and to regular Jews on the street. The response I’ve consistently heard is that what’s happening is wrong and very difficult to comprehend.
I am trying hard to keep an open mind. I still give tzedakah every time someone from Skver knocks on my door collecting for a chasunah or for Shabbos food. I keep telling myself that this is what Hashem wants. But what I see is a community that externally follows Torah, yet seems to care more about currying favor with politicians, wealthy individuals, or anyone who can elevate their public image — while forgetting what Hashem truly asks of us, and the fact that the purpose of this world is to grow closer to Him.
This entire situation has left me sad and confused. For the first time in nearly forty years, I find myself struggling to see the good — not just in one Yid, but in thousands. It leads my mind to places and questions I wish I never had to think about.
I hope this all disappears like a bad dream. But one thing I know with absolute clarity is this: I am here in this world to do what Hashem wants from me. So when I see a Skverer Yid hitchhiking or collecting for a poor family, I will still give — even if the smile is forced — because I believe that is what Hashem wants.
But I beg my friends in Skver: please ask yourselves the same question. You have spent your whole lives striving to grow closer to Hashem. Please don’t throw that away for this.
A Standard Monsey Yid
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