Matzav

Dear Matzav Inbox,

There are things we tolerate in our community simply because “that’s how it’s always been,” and then there are things that should make every Yid stop in their tracks and say: This is a shandeh. What I am about to describe falls squarely into the latter category.

I am speaking about the way some bosses in the frum world treat their employees.

It is shocking that in a community built on middos, on derech eretz, on ve’ahavta l’reiacha kamocha, we still have individuals in positions of authority who behave as if basic human dignity is optional. People who talk down to their workers, who yell, who belittle, who humiliate, who forget that the person standing in front of them is not “staff,” not “help,” but a Yid created b’tzelem Elokim.

I have watched employees—hardworking, ehrliche, dependable people—walk out of offices with their shoulders slumped, eyes glazed, faces drained of color. Why? Because their frum boss shredded their dignity over a small mistake, a misunderstood instruction, or worse, just because they were the designated punching bag that day. I’ve heard, and seen, stories of bosses screaming across the room, mocking their workers, calling them names, treating them in ways they themselves would never tolerate for a second.

And somehow, it continues. Somehow, we have allowed it to become normal.

Where did we go wrong? When did we decide that business is a heter to abandon basic decency? When did we forget that becoming successful or yarshening a company from your dad or grandfather does not give a person permission to become arrogant? When did we stop holding individuals accountable for acting like miniature tyrants instead of leaders?

We preach mussar. We attend shiurim about bein adam lechaveiro. We speak about creating a kiddush Hashem in the workplace. Yet, in the very same frum offices, behind closed doors, the behavior is the opposite of everything we claim to stand for.

And the damage? It is enormous. It destroys morale. It erodes self-esteem. It pushes people away from our community’s ideals. It scars them. It teaches an entire generation that frumkeit and menschlichkeit are somehow separable. It is a disgrace.

We must stop pretending this is rare or exaggerated. It is not. Too many people whisper these stories in the hallways, afraid to speak loudly because they need their jobs. Too many workers fear retaliation, fear losing their parnassah, fear being labeled “difficult” for daring to ask for basic respect.

Every boss has a choice: to lift people up or to crush them. To inspire or to intimidate. To behave like a leader or like a bully. And every employee has the right—not a luxury, a right—to be treated with dignity.

To those bosses who act with chesed, who model what it means to be a true baal middos, who speak gently, correct respectfully, and remember that their employees are human beings, yasher koach. You are the ones creating a kiddush Hashem every single day.

But to the others—the ones whose voices thunder down hallways, whose tempers flare without limit, whose arrogance fills the building—they need to hear this loud and clear: Your behavior is a chilul Hashem.

It is not leadership. It is not strength. It is not professionalism. It is cruelty wrapped in frum language.

If you can’t treat your employees with respect, you should not be managing them. Step aside. Get serious help. Learn mussar. Work on your temper. Do whatever you need to do, but stop excusing your behavior as “stress” or “pressure” or “that’s just how I run my business.”

We, as a community, must demand better. We must create workplaces where employees feel valued, where communication is civil, where frumkeit and menschlichkeit coexist, as they were always meant to. Let us have the courage to say that cruelty is not a business model, that yelling is not management, and that being frum is not a costume but a way of life that must permeate even the walls of an office.

If we cannot treat the people who work for us with dignity, what are we even building?

It’s time to fix this. It’s time to speak up. It’s time to stop allowing frum bullies to hide behind their titles.

Because at the end of the day, the greatest success is not measured in profits, properties, or payrolls. It is measured in how we treat other Yidden.

An Employee

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Momentum toward passing a new Israeli draft law — intended to formalize the status of yeshiva students and set updated enlistment targets — hit another major obstacle, as the legal adviser to the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee came out firmly against including civil–security service as part of the draft quotas.

The development follows a report yesterday indicating that the committee’s legal adviser, Miri Frenkel-Shor, had already demanded at least two more months of deliberations on the draft law. Such a delay would push the legislative process dangerously close to the deadline for passing the state budget, creating additional political pressure.

As time goes on, the challenges surrounding the legislation appear only to intensify.

Chareidi parties have insisted that the new draft law recognize civil–security service — work in the police, the Shin Bet, the Mossad, and the Prison Service — as part of the enlistment goals. Their argument is that, given the new targets proposed, these roles must count toward meeting the law’s requirements.

But Frenkel-Shor issued a formal legal opinion rejecting that proposal outright.

In her written assessment to committee members, she stated: “The civil–security service track, which is open only to graduates of chareidi educational institutions, constitutes a violation of equality since the nature of national-civil service is fundamentally different from military service, even if it is considered civil–security service.”

She added further concerns, writing that this service track is significantly shorter, voluntary rather than compulsory, and does not include reserve duty — all of which, she argued, create a substantial disparity between it and actual army service.

According to her, even though civil–security placements may involve some form of security contribution, they “do not currently meet the test of present security needs, which require increasing the number of IDF combat soldiers and personnel.”

The reaction in the chareidi factions has been one of deep concern. There is growing fear that as discussions progress, the legal adviser will object to additional core elements of the bill, making passage nearly impossible.

A senior chareidi figure involved in negotiating the draft law warned: “At this pace, if she indeed opposes the central clauses, we will not be able to amend them, because the rabbanim will not allow it. On the other hand, it would be a mistake to pass a law that contradicts the legal adviser’s position. And if we pass it anyway, it is almost certain to be struck down by the High Court, which would only create a bigger mess. If this continues, there will be no law.”

{Matzav.com}

A stormy scene erupted in the Knesset on Monday after MK Naama Lazimi of the Democrats party was forcibly removed from the podium for the second time in two weeks, following harsh remarks in which she again referred to Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu as a “mafioso” and “head of a crime organization.”

The incident occurred during a plenary session following Netanyahu’s address, in which he criticized the opposition. Immediately afterward, Lazimi took to the podium and declared: “Today we saw yet another deranged performance from the head of the crime organization known as Binyamin Netanyahu. So what is this mafioso, who is extorting an entire country, telling us?”

Her remarks triggered an immediate uproar. Likud MK Tali Gottlieb, seated in the plenum, burst out at Lazimi: “You will not call a prime minister a mafioso — get down!” Gottlieb then appealed to the deputy Knesset speaker, MK Nissim Vaturi, who was overseeing the session, to order Lazimi’s removal.

“You will not call a prime minister a mafioso, get down,” Gottlieb repeated. Lazimi continued speaking and claimed that Netanyahu had transferred suitcases of money to Hamas. At that point, Knesset ushers approached the podium and removed her by force.

This is the second time in two weeks that Lazimi has been ousted from the podium. Two weeks earlier, she was also removed after calling the Likud “a crime organization.” At that time she said: “I want to say something to those who call themselves members of the Likud party, but in reality have long been members of a crime organization.” She continued attacking the coalition: “When the entire Prime Minister’s Office works with a hostile state, Qatar, to make money during wartime and you all stay silent — are these not the codes of organized crime?”

Deputy Speaker Eliahu Revivo, who chaired that earlier session, demanded she retract her statements; after she refused, he ordered her removal. Today, Lazimi repeated similar accusations — and was again removed from the podium.

Earlier in the session, Netanyahu delivered remarks as part of a “40 signatures” debate and sharply criticized the premise of the discussion, which focused on Israel’s supposed declining international standing. “Collapse of Israel’s international status? What a disconnect from reality. What a recycling of hollow slogans that are the opposite of what is actually happening. The State of Israel today is stronger than ever,” he said.

Netanyahu also addressed Israel’s relations with the United States and Russia. “We are friends of the U.S., but we are two independent countries. The friendship is based on shared values and shared interests, which have only sharpened,” he said. “Israel has no better ally than the United States, and the United States has no better ally than Israel.”

On ties with Russia, the prime minister said: “We have ongoing contact with another global power, Russia. I speak regularly with President Putin in order to strengthen the relationship.”

He then discussed the first state visit of the German chancellor to Israel yesterday, explaining its significance. Members of Yesh Atid interrupted with jeers: “He came here because you can’t land in Germany.” Netanyahu shot back: “Why do you keep repeating that lie?”

Turning to the draft law, Netanyahu said: “This is the beginning of a historic process. It is expected to triple or quadruple what the previous government — which called itself the healing government — achieved.”

As opposition shouting grew louder, Netanyahu concluded with a declaration aimed at the core of the public debate: “The world of Torah protected us for thousands of years and will continue to protect us — together with the draft.”

{Matzav.com}

President Donald Trump sharply escalated his criticism of Mexico on Monday, alleging that the country is violating its decades-old water-sharing obligations and depriving Texas agriculture of essential resources. He charged that Mexico has fallen drastically short of delivering the water owed under the 1944 U.S.–Mexico Water Treaty and declared that he is prepared to slap an additional 5% tariff on Mexican goods if the situation is not remedied at once.

The treaty requires each country to send designated amounts of river water across the border—Mexico must transfer 1.75 million acre-feet from the Rio Grande over every five-year cycle. Trump argued on Truth Social that the current cycle has ended with Mexico “owing” roughly 800,000 acre-feet, an amount he says represents a blatant breach of the agreement. “Mexico continues to violate our comprehensive Water Treaty, and this violation is seriously hurting our BEAUTIFUL TEXAS CROPS AND LIVESTOCK,” he wrote, insisting that the deficit accumulated entirely “over the past five years.”

Trump demanded that Mexico begin by releasing 200,000 acre-feet before Dec. 31, stressing that the remainder must follow shortly afterward. He lamented that Mexico has not addressed the problem: “As of now, Mexico is not responding, and it is very unfair to our U.S. Farmers who deserve this much needed water.” He then announced a retaliatory step, saying, “That is why I have authorized documentation to impose a 5% Tariff on Mexico if this water isn’t released, IMMEDIATELY. The longer Mexico takes to release the water, the more our Farmers are hurt. Mexico has an obligation to FIX THIS NOW. Thank you for your attention to this matter!”

This is not Trump’s first warning. In an April 10 Truth Social post, he raised similar concerns, contending that Mexico had repeatedly shorted its treaty commitments. By late April, Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins stated that Mexico had agreed to increase deliveries in an effort to shrink the shortfall, noting that the arrangement provided immediate relief for the growing season while also laying out near-term commitments through the close of the five-year cycle in October.

Yet frustrations in Texas have only intensified. Last month, Gov. Greg Abbott again blasted Mexico for what he called chronic noncompliance. “Mexico must be held accountable for their continued breaches of our long-standing water agreement,” he said, arguing that farmers in the Rio Grande Valley are suffering the consequences. Abbott warned that “Texas farmers are enduring preventable hardship and an erosion of the agricultural viability of the Rio Grande Valley,” citing “almost 2 million acre-feet” in missing water across more than two years’ worth of obligations. He also emphasized that “The breach of the 1944 Water Treaty violates foundational elements of international law and diplomacy and must be corrected immediately.”

The treaty imposes reciprocal responsibilities: the U.S. must send 1.5 million acre-feet from the Colorado River to Mexico annually, while Mexico must fulfill its Rio Grande deliveries in cumulative five-year blocks. The most recent cycle fell so far short that Mexico delivered less than half of its promised supply.

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum, speaking on Oct. 30, insisted her administration intends to meet the treaty’s terms. “There will be a delivery of water now that there are more resources, without putting human consumption and agriculture at risk,” she said, according to El País.

{Matzav.com}

President Donald Trump on Monday offered his most detailed explanation yet for why U.S. forces launched a second missile at a drug-smuggling vessel in the Caribbean, arguing that the two men who survived the initial strike were attempting to overturn their capsized boat. He said the military could not allow them to restore the vessel because “that boat was loaded up with drugs,” framing the follow-up strike as a necessary step to stop narcotrafficking at its source.

Trump also shifted his tone regarding public release of the classified footage. Days earlier, he told reporters he saw “no problem” with making the video public. On Monday, however, he insisted that the matter rests entirely with War Secretary Pete Hegseth. “Whatever Pete Hegseth wants to do is OK with me,” he said when pressed about the apparent change. He later rejected the idea that he had previously endorsed disclosure, despite having said last week, “Whatever they have we’d certainly release.”

Lawmakers, especially from the Democrat side, are demanding full visibility into the Sept. 2 mission. The operation, which unfolded in the Caribbean Sea, left nine people dead in the first strike and two more in the second. It marked the beginning of a months-long U.S. campaign targeting cartel-linked smuggling vessels across the Caribbean and eastern Pacific, a campaign that has now resulted in at least 87 fatalities across 22 acknowledged strikes. Congress is tightening its demands, inserting language into the upcoming $900 billion defense bill requiring the Pentagon to provide “unedited video of strikes” or face cuts to a quarter of Hegseth’s travel funding.

The Pentagon has yet to comment on Trump’s assertion that the survivors were trying to restore the overturned craft, nor has it addressed where Hegseth’s review stands. Over the weekend, Hegseth told Fox News that officials were still examining the footage, cautioning that “Whatever we were to decide to release, we’d have to be very responsible” about the implications of doing so.

Trump continues to frame the maritime strike campaign as integral to stopping fentanyl and other dangerous narcotics from reaching American shores. He has repeatedly said the United States is engaged in armed conflict with “narco-terrorists,” portraying the strikes as part of a broader national-security strategy that targets cartel networks tied to governments such as that of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.

On Capitol Hill, reactions to the classified footage diverged sharply along party lines. Sen. Tom Cotton, who leads the Senate Intelligence Committee and was fully briefed by the Navy admiral overseeing the missions, said the video raised no concerns for him. “It’s not gruesome. I didn’t find it distressing or disturbing,” he said, adding that it resembled “any number of dozens of strikes we’ve seen on jeeps and pickup trucks in the Middle East over the years.” He has no objection to the footage being released to the public.

Democrat lawmakers who viewed the same material described the scenes very differently. Rep. Jim Himes said the footage “was profoundly shaking,” while Rep. Adam Smith said it “did not appear that these two survivors were in any position to continue the fight.” Both argued that the circumstances surrounding the second strike require further scrutiny, particularly regarding compliance with the laws of armed conflict.

Their concerns intensified after reports emerged about Adm. Frank “Mitch” Bradley’s testimony. Bradley told members of Congress that there was no directive from Hegseth to “kill them all,” but the full video sequence raised enough questions that lawmakers demanded additional explanations. Some legal scholars also weighed in, warning that killing survivors adrift at sea could constitute a breach of wartime legal standards.

Others, however, countered that interpretation, arguing that because the operation is classified as part of an armed campaign against narco-terrorist groups, those aboard the vessel were lawful combatants. Under this legal framing, even survivors of an initial attack can still be considered active threats, capable of calling for backup, salvaging drugs, or renewing hostilities — making them legitimate military targets rather than shipwrecked civilians.

{Matzav.com}

Israel’s healing cannot begin until Police Master Sgt. Ran Gvili is brought home — alive or in body — his mother insists, saying any next steps in a peace framework must wait until her son’s return. “We’re at the last stretch and we have to be strong, for Rani, for us, and for Israel. Without Rani, our country can’t heal,” Talik Gvili told Reuters.

Gvili was among the 251 Israelis kidnapped during the Hamas onslaught in southern Israel on October 7, 2023, the attack that plunged Israel into war in Gaza. Though Israeli officials declared him dead in January 2024, his family continues to cling to a sliver of hope. “We want to feel him, we want to feel some tiny doubt [that he died],” his mother said. “It might just be wishful thinking.”

His hometown of Meitar is covered in posters bearing his face — a constant reminder of the young officer who vanished into Gaza. On the day of the massacre, he had been recuperating from a broken collarbone. Despite the injury, he threw on his uniform and raced to help defend Kibbutz Alumim, where he was gravely wounded. According to Israeli authorities, he did not survive long after being dragged into Gaza.

When Israel and Hamas reached their US-brokered truce-hostage agreement on October 9, 20 captives were still alive and 28 were believed to be dead. Within three days of Israel’s partial withdrawal from Gaza on October 10, the living hostages were freed. In return, Israel released nearly 2,000 Palestinians from custody, including approximately 250 convicted terrorists serving life sentences for the murders of dozens of Israeli civilians.

Over the following two months, Hamas gradually transferred the bodies of 27 deceased captives — including a soldier killed back in the 2014 Gaza war. Hamas claimed battlefield conditions made it difficult to locate all remains. Under the terms of the deal, Israel agreed to return the remains of 15 deceased Gazans for each Israeli hostage declared dead.

Now that the hostage exchanges are nearing their conclusion, President Donald Trump’s ceasefire roadmap envisions negotiations over Gaza’s long-term governance, reconstruction, and disarmament, coupled with deeper Israeli withdrawals and expanded humanitarian access. But asked whether those discussions should begin without her son being brought home first, Talik Gvili was unequivocal: “No way. We won’t let that happen.”

The struggle to bring back the captives sparked a nationwide movement. Hostage posters covered highways and storefronts, and thousands gathered weekly in Tel Aviv’s Hostages Square in unified demand for their return. For Gvili’s family, that solidarity has been a lifeline. “We’re not alone,” his mother said, expressing appreciation for support from Israelis of all political backgrounds.

She described her son as someone whose instinct was always to protect others — strong, compassionate, and attentive to anyone more vulnerable than himself. “We’re happy everyone has returned, except for Rani. We have become one big family, so every hostage who returned brought relief, closure. But somebody had to be last, and it looks like that was our fate,” she said. “But that was his thing, to make sure everyone else was okay first.”

{Matzav.com}

Florida took an aggressive new stance on Monday as Governor Ron DeSantis declared that the Muslim Brotherhood and the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) will now be treated by the state as foreign terrorist organizations. Announcing the decision, DeSantis stated, “Florida agencies are hereby directed to undertake all lawful measures to prevent unlawful activities by these organizations, including denying privileges or resources to anyone providing material support.”

The governor’s announcement comes just after Texas executed a similar move. Governor Greg Abbott recently categorized both the Muslim Brotherhood and CAIR as foreign terrorist organizations as well as transnational criminal organizations, a step that carries sweeping enforcement implications and blocks the groups from acquiring land anywhere in Texas.

These measures arrive amid a broader national push led by President Donald Trump, who two weeks ago signed an executive order kickstarting a formal federal review of various Muslim Brotherhood branches. His executive action mandates the State Department and the Treasury to present, within 45 days, a comprehensive determination of which specific entities meet the legal qualifications to be designated as Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs) or Specially Designated Global Terrorists (SDGTs).

Should federal authorities approve such listings, the consequences would be immediate and far-reaching, including sanctions, frozen assets, and strict cuts to international funding streams, all of which would dramatically impede the organizations’ activities worldwide.

The Muslim Brotherhood has pushed back hard against the unfolding federal process, dismissing the president’s initiative as “detached from reality” and insisting that Trump’s claims of terrorist involvement are “unsupported by evidence.”

{Matzav.com}

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres delivered a forceful rebuke on Monday after Israel Police entered the shuttered UNRWA compound in Shimon HaTzadik, blasting the move as a violation of UN protections.

Guterres insisted that “This compound remains United Nations premises and is inviolable and immune from any other form of interference,” declaring that Israel had crossed a red line. He pointed to international agreements in place for decades, emphasizing, “As recently confirmed by the International Court of Justice, any executive, administrative, judicial or legislative action against United Nations property and assets is prohibited under the Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations.”

Demanding corrective action, he urged Israel “to immediately take all necessary steps to restore, preserve and uphold the inviolability of UNRWA premises and to refrain from taking any further action with regard to UNRWA premises, in line with its obligations under the Charter of the United Nations and its other obligations under international law, including those concerning privileges and immunities of the United Nations.”

The site in question has not been used by UNRWA since Israeli lawmakers outlawed its work last year, effectively shutting down the agency’s presence in the country. Still, the compound remained under UN designation, prompting the uproar when Israeli forces arrived Monday, conducted searches, and confiscated equipment. Israel Police officials later stated that the operation was part of enforcing a property seizure order tied to unpaid debts.

A video from the scene circulated shortly after the raid, showing officers raising a large Israeli flag atop the building, further inflaming tensions.

UNRWA, already under intense scrutiny for years over its entanglements with Hamas, has faced a surge of criticism since Israel disclosed in 2024 that agency employees took part in the October 7, 2023 Hamas atrocities. Those revelations prompted Guterres to set up a special review panel led by former French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna. The team concluded that it found neutrality-related issues” within the agency but claimed that Israel had yet to supply proof that large numbers of staff were active members of terrorist groups.

Despite Israeli evidence tying UNRWA to Hamas, the International Court of Justice ruled recently that humanitarian aid must continue to flow into Gaza via UN channels—including UNRWA—drawing objections from both Israel and the United States.

The sharp statement issued Monday adds to a long series of clashes between Guterres and Jerusalem, as the UN leader has repeatedly condemned Israeli military action against Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis. Just last week, he criticized Israel’s war effort in Gaza in an interview with Reuters, asserting that something was “fundamentally wrong” in how the campaign was being run. Asked whether war crimes had taken place, he said, “There are strong reasons to believe that that possibility might be a reality.”

{Matzav.com}

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By Rabbi Berach Steinfeld

The Gemara in Yuma 33b discusses the topic of ein mavirin al hamitzvos. Rashi explains that one who encounters a mitzvah should not leave it. We learn this from “Ushmartem … hamatzos,” which we read as mitzvos.

The Radvaz in Vol. 2:509 says that the concept of not leaving a mitzvah is DeRabbonon, and the posuk mentioned above is an asmachta (a remez in the Torah). The Levush, Taz, and Pri Megadim in siman 25 argue and hold that not leaving a mitzvah is DeOraysa.

Rashi explains this by saying that one should not leave a mitzvah because he may end up missing the mitzvah altogether. The Chasan Sofer, siman 8, says there are two reasons why one should not leave a mitzvah upon encountering it. One reason is that it is embarrassing to the mitzvah when you leave it, even if you are doing another mitzvah. The second reason is that you end up delaying the mitzvah you encountered first.

In a case where one has two mitzvos to do and he encounters one of them, he must do that one first. This applies even if the other mitzvah comes more often, as the rule of ein mavirin al hamitzvos overrides the preference for the mitzvah that is more frequent. The Chasan Sofer says that this applies even if the mitzvah you encounter first is only DeRabbonon; it still must be done first.

The Magen Avraham in 25:4 says that if a person encounters a mitzvah and could do it then, but is not ready to do it at that moment, he may skip that mitzvah and do another mitzvah that is time-sensitive to him. A practical application of this would be if Shimon picks up his weekday tallis on Shabbos by mistake. He may put it down and then take his Shabbos tallis instead.

What happens if Reuven is on his way to daven maariv on Chanukah and it is already after the zman of lighting candles, but he has not yet lit his menorah? He should light the candles first, as he would be passing the mitzvah of hadlaka. This is true even though maariv and krias shema occur more often than candle lighting. One could say that his daas is not to light right now since he wishes to daven first, placing the case under the category of the Magen Avraham—that he is not ready for the first mitzvah. One could argue, however, that the Magen Avraham is discussing a case where he does not intend to do the mitzvah he encountered at all (for example, Shimon does not intend to put on his weekday tallis at all). In the case of Reuven going to maariv, he does want to light the menorah—just not at that second. Nevertheless, the halacha seems to be that he should light first and then daven maariv.

Proof for this can be brought from the case where one picks up the tefillin shel rosh before the shel yad. He must put on the shel rosh first because of ein mavirin, despite the fact that he really wants to put on the shel yad first.

Once Reuven begins lighting his menorah, he should finish lighting the rest of the candles, even though he is yotzei with the first candle and the others are only a hiddur. When he is done, he should then go out to daven maariv.

Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar dismissed Zohran Mamdani’s repeated claims that he would order the NYPD to detain Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu, telling The NY Post during a Monday interview that he had no interest in sparring over the law with New York’s incoming mayor.

Sa’ar made clear that Mamdani’s campaign-trail rhetoric had zero impact on Israel’s plans. Sitting in a Midtown Manhattan hotel, he stressed to the Post that Netanyahu’s travel decisions remain unchanged, regardless of the mayor-elect’s threats. “I don’t want to enter into a legal debate with the elected mayor of New York,” Sa’ar said. He then reiterated Netanyahu’s own words: “But I will only say or repeat what the prime minister had said himself, he will come to New York.”

Mamdani — a Democratic Socialist and outspoken critic of Israel — has long declared that if he won the mayoralty, he would instruct the NYPD to enforce the International Criminal Court’s warrant for Netanyahu over the Gaza conflict. His vow immediately set him at odds with state leadership.

Gov. Kathy Hochul sharply rejected Mamdani’s claim that he had such power, noting that no New York City mayor has authority to execute an ICC order. “No, I do not, and the New York City mayor has not had the power to do that,” Hochul said last week when asked whether Netanyahu could be arrested upon arrival.

The situation also places Mamdani in an awkward position with his own police commissioner–designate, Jessica Tisch, a proud Zionist from a leading Jewish family in the city. Since announcing her appointment, the mayor-elect has avoided commenting on whether he still intends to pursue his arrest pledge.

Repeated inquiries to Mamdani’s transition office on Monday about whether he still stands by that vow went unanswered.

Despite the escalating rhetoric, Sa’ar said he was not closing the door on the possibility of future dialogue with New York’s next mayor, even if he had doubts about where that relationship might lead. “I hope that we will have, in the future, maybe, a constructive dialogue, even though I can be skeptical about it,” he said.

Netanyahu himself has been more direct, signaling he sees no point in engaging with Mamdani unless the mayor-elect fundamentally shifts his stance. “If [Mamdani] changes his mind and says that we have the right to exist, that’ll be a good opening for a conversation,” Netanyahu said last week when asked whether he would initiate contact with the incoming mayor.

While Mamdani has stated publicly that Israel has “a right to exist,” he repeatedly declines to affirm that it has the right to exist as a Jewish state.

{Matzav.com}

Zohran Mamdani’s transition team has sparked an uproar after the mayor-elect handed a coveted advisory position to Bronx activist Mysonne Linen, a onetime rising rapper whose career was derailed by an armed-robbery conviction more than two decades ago, the NY Post reports. Linen, now 49, was selected to help steer criminal justice policy despite a past that includes two violent felonies.

The selection surfaced when Linen celebrated the appointment on Instagram, framing it as recognition of his long-running activism. “This is a testament to our decades of work advocating on behalf of black and brown communities and our expertise in gun violence prevention, legislative advocacy and criminal justice reform,” he wrote. “We are building something different.”

Long before he became a fixture in advocacy circles, Linen was preparing to drop his debut album with Def Jam Recordings. But in 1999, as his career gained momentum, he was found guilty for participating in two armed robberies against Bronx taxi drivers, a case widely covered at the time.

According to the New York Daily News’ reporting then, prosecutors accused his crew of robbing Joseph Exiri on June 8, 1997, and holding up Francisco Monsanto at gunpoint less than a year later, on March 31, 1998. Court records show that he received a sentence of seven to 14 years and ultimately left state prison on parole on July 5, 2006.

Linen has always maintained he was wrongly implicated in the crimes, and after his release he reinvented himself as a voice for vulnerable communities. He worked on the streets as a “violence interrupter,” developed classes for incarcerated men at Rikers Island, and formed Rising Kings, a program dedicated to supporting inmates.

His activism expanded further when he joined forces with Linda Sarsour — another close ally of Mamdani and a vocal critic of Israel — to launch the protest organization Until Freedom, which became known for its sweeping, high-profile demonstrations.

But the backlash to Mamdani’s decision was immediate. Critics lashed out at the mayor-elect for appointing a man with a serious criminal record to the 20-person “Committee on the Criminal Legal System,” a panel tasked with influencing the city’s next wave of public-safety policy. “It is both disheartening and deeply disturbing that individuals who are convicted felons and have a history of breaking the law are being given the opportunity to help shape the future of New York’s criminal justice system,” said Benny Boscio, president of the Correction Officers’ Benevolent Association. He added, “The men and women who risk their lives every day to enforce the law have been shut out from this process entirely.”

Those concerns were echoed by retired NYPD Chief of Department John Chell, who accused Mamdani of stacking his transition committees with ideologues rather than experts. “It’s just another appointed adviser that has a questionable past, which is in line with some of his other recent appointees who were anti-police and establishment,” Chell said. “The optics and reality here point to a potential erosion of public safety in New York City.”

Linen is not alone in being a contentious addition. Mamdani also tapped former Maryland juvenile-justice leader Vincent Schiraldi — who left his post amid allegations of mismanagement — to sit on the very same committee. Even the rollout raised eyebrows: both Linen’s name and that of fellow appointee Lumumba Bandele were misspelled in the transition team’s Nov. 24 announcement.

Bandele, assigned to the “Committee on Community Organizing,” has a long record in far-left activism and leadership in the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement. He has openly championed convicted cop killers such as Assata Shakur and Herman Bell.

All told, the mayor-elect placed about 400 people on his various advisory panels, and many of the names reflect his alliances with the city’s most radical political elements. Among them:

• Alex Vitale, the Brooklyn College academic known for his takedown of “broken windows” policing in a 2017 book, will serve on the “Committee on Community Safety.”
• Zakiyah Shaakir-Ansari, who helped lead the Alliance for Quality Education and has praised fugitive cop-killer Assata Shakur, will advise on youth and education.
• Transportation Alternatives executive Ben Furnas — whose anti-car views include sweeping plans that critics say would gridlock New York — was placed on the transportation and infrastructure panel.
• Susan Herman, who oversaw Bill de Blasio’s deeply criticized $1 billion ThriveNYC mental-health initiative, is also part of the “Community Safety” team.

Mamdani additionally brought in the leadership of the New York City Democratic Socialists of America, including co-chairs Gustavo Gordillo and Grace Mausser. Gordillo will help shape economic and workforce development, while Mausser will weigh in on small-business and MWBE strategy.

Still, the appointment making the loudest noise remains Linen’s — particularly given the mayor-elect’s record of anti-police positions and his strident anti-Israel rhetoric throughout the campaign. “Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani just appointed a convicted armed robber to help shape NYC’s crime and policing policy,” the advocacy group Jews Fight Back declared on X. “Insane. New York City is being handed over to radicals, extremists and outright terrorists,” the group said. “Watch this space. This is going to get even uglier.” The post included a photo of Linen standing with Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan.

{Matzav.com}

A massive crowd of thousands filled the Vizhnitzer Beis Medrash in Bnei Brak for the annual Asifas Hatzalah, a sweeping call for spiritual reinforcement and vigilance against the dangers of modern technology.

Men packed every floor, hallway, and outdoor tent as the renowned mashpia, Rav Tzvi Meir Zilberberg, delivered a powerful two-hour address centered on strengthening personal boundaries in the coming months.

The event, which has become a yearly tradition, drew unprecedented participation from across Eretz Yisroel after leading gedolim and admorim from all communities urged attendance. Ahead of the gathering, messages were issued stressing the importance of creating safeguards, with thousands committing to accept new kabalos related to technology use.

Rav Zilberberg’s address, delivered in Yiddish and simultaneously translated via thousands of headphones into Hebrew and English, focused heavily on the need for caution in an age shaped by rapidly evolving platforms and artificial intelligence. He warned that AI represents “one of the greatest challenges of the generation,” urging the public to fortify themselves spiritually.

Shortly after midnight, the climax of the gathering unfolded as the entire crowd joined in a stirring kabbolas ol malchus Shamayim. The packed Beis Medrash erupted into song—“Vetaher Libeinu” and “Ashrei Ha’am Shekacha Lo”—filling the enormous halls and courtyards. Participants then lined up to sign written kabalos l’maaseh outlining personal limits on technology for the next year. Attendees could join one of eight levels within the “Om Ani Chomah” framework, established under Rav Zilberberg’s guidance based on the rulings of Rav Shmuel Halevi Wosner and Rav Chaim Kanievsky.

Well past 4:00 a.m., a continuous stream of participants filed before Rav Zilberberg, handing him their signed commitments and receiving a personal brachah.

The gathering drew nationwide attention, amplified by earlier messages from leading Torah authorities. In a prerecorded voice message sent before Shabbos to kosher phones, Rav Meir Tzvi Bergman declared: “Certainly it is a great thing when the public gathers to hear words urging them to distance themselves from the dangers of technology like fire. Beyond the tremendous strengthening, the gathering itself is a great kiddush Hashem.”

Public notices also shared guidance from Rav Moshe Hillel Hirsch, who told his talmidim that attending the asifah “is a great matter, and since this spiritual reinforcement is urgently needed, there is no issue of bitul Torah.”

In the days before the event, dozens of recordings circulated from gedolim, including Rav Moshe Shternbuch, Rav Yitzchok Zilberstein, Rav Don Segal, Chacham Moshe Tzadkah, Rav Yaakov Meir Shechter, and many prominent roshei yeshiva such as Rav Aviezer Piltz, Rav Avraham Yitzchak Kook, Rav Chaim Feinstein, and others. Statements were also released from numerous admorim across the chassidic world—Vizhnitz, Sanz, Boyan, Seret-Vizhnitz, Rachmastrivka, Chernobyl, Nadvorna, Modzitz, and more.

Many leading rabbonim personally attended the asifah.

Surrounding streets were lined with booths from organizations involved in promoting safer digital practices. The “Ashreinu” organization distributed a petition demanding improved kosher communication options. “Pelephone K’halachah” operated its mobile “N’tukit” unit offering on-site internet removal services. The Shomrim organization invited attendees to join its various technology-related initiatives.

More than 200 buses transported participants from across the country—from Tzfas in the north to Yerucham in the south—operating with full precision following pre-registration.

In accordance with Rabbi Zilberberg’s request, the entire logistical operation was conducted without any internet use whatsoever.

PHOTOS:

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

A fierce intra-chareidi dispute erupted today as MK Moshe Gafni, head of Degel HaTorah and chairman of the United Torah Judaism faction, sharply criticized Shas during his party’s weekly meeting. Gafni accused Shas of aggressive maneuvering in the battles over positions in Israel’s religious councils. “They don’t know how to be satisfied. I won’t give it to them,” he declared, taking aim at what he described as excessive demands.

Sources said that the immediate trigger for the clash is Shas chairman Aryeh Deri’s push to appoint Chananel Shem Tov—currently the leader of the party’s faction in Beitar Illit—as head of the Yerushalayim Religious Council, a politically powerful and symbolically significant position.

Against this backdrop, Gafni also addressed the broader chareidi standoff within the coalition amid the intensifying crisis surrounding the draft law. He stated that UTJ “is not returning to the coalition for now,” though the faction is considering allowing certain bills to proceed to a vote. This move would give the coalition some breathing room as it prepares for the major showdown over the draft legislation.

Gafni clarified his position during the meeting: “They say we returned to the coalition. We are not returning for now. There are certain laws we want to release to the coalition and to the Likud MKs ahead of the vote on the draft law.”

MK Yaakov Tessler voiced frustration with the timing of the faction meeting, saying, “We cannot hold a faction meeting at 15:30, moments before the plenum opens. We declared a boycott, and I need to go ask the rabbanim if it can be lifted. I propose that we hold the meeting on Monday at 11:00 in the morning.”

Meanwhile, MK Yaakov Asher confirmed an earlier report and reiterated the faction’s red line: “If the draft law does not pass, we will not vote for the budget in its first reading.”

{Matzav.com}

A major setback emerged tonight for the chareidi factions in the coalition: The Knesset’s legal advisers now estimate that the proposed draft law will require at least two full months of deliberations, far beyond the January 1 deadline the chareidi parties demanded. The report, aired by journalist Amit Segal on Channel 12, signals that the coalition’s internal timeline is no longer feasible.

Chareidi lawmakers had intended to condition their support for the state budget on passing the draft law first. Their goal was to secure guarantees regarding exemptions and enlistment arrangements before agreeing to the government’s fiscal plan. Yet the new legal opinion means that such sequencing is impossible. As a result, the chareidi parties must now advance the budget while the draft law remains uncertain and unresolved.

This shift creates a significant political dilemma for the chareidi bloc. While the delay bolsters Prime Minister Netanyahu’s flexibility, it places his chareidi partners in an uncomfortable position: they may be required to vote for the budget weeks before knowing whether their demands on the draft law will ultimately be met. Without firm assurances, they risk losing leverage at a critical stage.

Adding to the pressure, another blow surfaced during committee discussions. The legal adviser to the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee stated that incorporating the civil-security service alternative into the draft bill poses severe legal challenges. According to her, the proposal fails equality tests and does not meet the current operational needs of the IDF. This position further complicates efforts to shape a bill acceptable to the chareidi parties.

With the clock no longer on their side and legal roadblocks mounting, the path to a negotiated draft law has become considerably narrower, leaving the chareidi factions facing a difficult and uncertain political landscape.

{Matzav.com}

Israeli Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu used his appearance in the Knesset plenum tonight to launch a sweeping rebuttal to the opposition’s accusations in the 40-signature debate, which was framed around claims of “The Collapse of Israel’s International Standing.”

He opened by insisting that the dire picture painted by his rivals bore no resemblance to Israel’s actual position. “The opposition is detached from reality; the State of Israel is the strongest power in the Middle East,” he said, noting that he is preparing to meet the Indian prime minister shortly, is planning a trip to the United States later this month, and maintains ongoing contact with Moscow. “I speak to Putin regularly, and this conversation has significant meaning in preserving security interests, including on our northern border,” he added.

Netanyahu then shifted to his upcoming meeting in the U.S., using it to jab at his critics. “I am about to meet with President Trump for the sixth time since he entered the White House – more than any other leader in the world. Before every meeting, there’s a regular ritual: You cry that there is ‘collision’ and ‘arm twisting,’ and every time, you’re disappointed again.”

Turning his fire back on the opposition benches, he accused them of feeding narratives harmful to Israel. “The antisemites of the world spread things that are said in this house.” He argued that global threats require a united front, saying, “The first quarter of this century was marked by an Islamic threat to the West. We are the hope in this struggle.”

As for the repeated charge that he had failed to take on Hamas, Netanyahu dismissed it with contempt. “Will you deal with Hamas? Really. For every action in the war, you said ‘no’.”

His remarks were repeatedly interrupted, prompting him to mock those shouting over him. “You need to understand the opposition; they are under pressure that they won’t be in the next Knesset. Whoever shouts louder will be in four realistic spots that will enter. The question is, does Yesh Atid have a future? You need to understand their pressure.”

From the opposition benches, MK Meirav Ben Ari shot back with a challenge of her own: “Then let’s see you go to elections.”

{Matzav.com}

It is with great sadness that Matzav.com reports the petirah Rav Gedalia Yitzchak Liyush zt”l, who was 75.

His passing comes just one year after the tragic loss of his wife, who was killed in a car accident in Flatbush.

Rabbi Liyush was born in Hungary on the 3rd of Nissan, 5710, to his father, Rabbi Peretz Liyush, and his mother, Mrs. Ita.

As a young man, he studied at Yeshivas Knesses Chizkiyahu in Kfar Chassidim, developing a close bond with the rosh yeshiva, Rav Eliyahu Mishkovsky, from whom he absorbed much of his Torah and spiritual direction.

When he reached marriageable age, he wed his wife Chana a”h, daughter of Rav Meir Tzvi Fisher, one of the leading rabbonim of the Har Nof neighborhood in Yerushalayim. Her sudden passing last year, in early Kislev, left him shattered, yet he accepted the decree with profound faith and quiet strength.

After his marriage, Rav Liyush traveled to Romania, where he established a kollel dedicated to outreach and founded an organization focused on drawing Hungarian Jews closer to Torah and tradition. His commitment to kiruv became a lifelong calling.

For over fifty years, he served as a pillar of Torah education at Kiryat Noar in Bayit Vegan, shaping generations of students with devotion, humility, and constant immersion in learning. He never sought honor, living a life of unassuming piety and total dedication to his mission.

In recent years, he served as a professor of Talmud at a New York university, where he was a beloved lecturer known for his eloquence and clarity. His talks were treasured for their depth and beauty.

Rav Liyush was widely recognized for his extraordinary emunah, refined through difficult trials that he nevertheless embraced with love.

He is survived by a distinguished family of children, sons-in-law, and grandchildren.

The aron will be brought to Eretz Hakodesh, with the levayah scheduled for tomorrow at 1:00 p.m. at the Shamgar Funeral Home in Yerushalayim, proceeding to Har Hamenuchos for burial.

Yehi zichro boruch.

{Matzav.com}