Matzav

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By Rabbi Berach Steinfeld

The Gemara in Yuma 33b discusses the topic of ein mavirin al hamitzvos. Rashi explains that one who encounters a mitzvah should not leave it. We learn this from “Ushmartem … hamatzos,” which we read as mitzvos.

The Radvaz in Vol. 2:509 says that the concept of not leaving a mitzvah is DeRabbonon, and the posuk mentioned above is an asmachta (a remez in the Torah). The Levush, Taz, and Pri Megadim in siman 25 argue and hold that not leaving a mitzvah is DeOraysa.

Rashi explains this by saying that one should not leave a mitzvah because he may end up missing the mitzvah altogether. The Chasan Sofer, siman 8, says there are two reasons why one should not leave a mitzvah upon encountering it. One reason is that it is embarrassing to the mitzvah when you leave it, even if you are doing another mitzvah. The second reason is that you end up delaying the mitzvah you encountered first.

In a case where one has two mitzvos to do and he encounters one of them, he must do that one first. This applies even if the other mitzvah comes more often, as the rule of ein mavirin al hamitzvos overrides the preference for the mitzvah that is more frequent. The Chasan Sofer says that this applies even if the mitzvah you encounter first is only DeRabbonon; it still must be done first.

The Magen Avraham in 25:4 says that if a person encounters a mitzvah and could do it then, but is not ready to do it at that moment, he may skip that mitzvah and do another mitzvah that is time-sensitive to him. A practical application of this would be if Shimon picks up his weekday tallis on Shabbos by mistake. He may put it down and then take his Shabbos tallis instead.

What happens if Reuven is on his way to daven maariv on Chanukah and it is already after the zman of lighting candles, but he has not yet lit his menorah? He should light the candles first, as he would be passing the mitzvah of hadlaka. This is true even though maariv and krias shema occur more often than candle lighting. One could say that his daas is not to light right now since he wishes to daven first, placing the case under the category of the Magen Avraham—that he is not ready for the first mitzvah. One could argue, however, that the Magen Avraham is discussing a case where he does not intend to do the mitzvah he encountered at all (for example, Shimon does not intend to put on his weekday tallis at all). In the case of Reuven going to maariv, he does want to light the menorah—just not at that second. Nevertheless, the halacha seems to be that he should light first and then daven maariv.

Proof for this can be brought from the case where one picks up the tefillin shel rosh before the shel yad. He must put on the shel rosh first because of ein mavirin, despite the fact that he really wants to put on the shel yad first.

Once Reuven begins lighting his menorah, he should finish lighting the rest of the candles, even though he is yotzei with the first candle and the others are only a hiddur. When he is done, he should then go out to daven maariv.

Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar dismissed Zohran Mamdani’s repeated claims that he would order the NYPD to detain Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu, telling The NY Post during a Monday interview that he had no interest in sparring over the law with New York’s incoming mayor.

Sa’ar made clear that Mamdani’s campaign-trail rhetoric had zero impact on Israel’s plans. Sitting in a Midtown Manhattan hotel, he stressed to the Post that Netanyahu’s travel decisions remain unchanged, regardless of the mayor-elect’s threats. “I don’t want to enter into a legal debate with the elected mayor of New York,” Sa’ar said. He then reiterated Netanyahu’s own words: “But I will only say or repeat what the prime minister had said himself, he will come to New York.”

Mamdani — a Democratic Socialist and outspoken critic of Israel — has long declared that if he won the mayoralty, he would instruct the NYPD to enforce the International Criminal Court’s warrant for Netanyahu over the Gaza conflict. His vow immediately set him at odds with state leadership.

Gov. Kathy Hochul sharply rejected Mamdani’s claim that he had such power, noting that no New York City mayor has authority to execute an ICC order. “No, I do not, and the New York City mayor has not had the power to do that,” Hochul said last week when asked whether Netanyahu could be arrested upon arrival.

The situation also places Mamdani in an awkward position with his own police commissioner–designate, Jessica Tisch, a proud Zionist from a leading Jewish family in the city. Since announcing her appointment, the mayor-elect has avoided commenting on whether he still intends to pursue his arrest pledge.

Repeated inquiries to Mamdani’s transition office on Monday about whether he still stands by that vow went unanswered.

Despite the escalating rhetoric, Sa’ar said he was not closing the door on the possibility of future dialogue with New York’s next mayor, even if he had doubts about where that relationship might lead. “I hope that we will have, in the future, maybe, a constructive dialogue, even though I can be skeptical about it,” he said.

Netanyahu himself has been more direct, signaling he sees no point in engaging with Mamdani unless the mayor-elect fundamentally shifts his stance. “If [Mamdani] changes his mind and says that we have the right to exist, that’ll be a good opening for a conversation,” Netanyahu said last week when asked whether he would initiate contact with the incoming mayor.

While Mamdani has stated publicly that Israel has “a right to exist,” he repeatedly declines to affirm that it has the right to exist as a Jewish state.

{Matzav.com}

Zohran Mamdani’s transition team has sparked an uproar after the mayor-elect handed a coveted advisory position to Bronx activist Mysonne Linen, a onetime rising rapper whose career was derailed by an armed-robbery conviction more than two decades ago, the NY Post reports. Linen, now 49, was selected to help steer criminal justice policy despite a past that includes two violent felonies.

The selection surfaced when Linen celebrated the appointment on Instagram, framing it as recognition of his long-running activism. “This is a testament to our decades of work advocating on behalf of black and brown communities and our expertise in gun violence prevention, legislative advocacy and criminal justice reform,” he wrote. “We are building something different.”

Long before he became a fixture in advocacy circles, Linen was preparing to drop his debut album with Def Jam Recordings. But in 1999, as his career gained momentum, he was found guilty for participating in two armed robberies against Bronx taxi drivers, a case widely covered at the time.

According to the New York Daily News’ reporting then, prosecutors accused his crew of robbing Joseph Exiri on June 8, 1997, and holding up Francisco Monsanto at gunpoint less than a year later, on March 31, 1998. Court records show that he received a sentence of seven to 14 years and ultimately left state prison on parole on July 5, 2006.

Linen has always maintained he was wrongly implicated in the crimes, and after his release he reinvented himself as a voice for vulnerable communities. He worked on the streets as a “violence interrupter,” developed classes for incarcerated men at Rikers Island, and formed Rising Kings, a program dedicated to supporting inmates.

His activism expanded further when he joined forces with Linda Sarsour — another close ally of Mamdani and a vocal critic of Israel — to launch the protest organization Until Freedom, which became known for its sweeping, high-profile demonstrations.

But the backlash to Mamdani’s decision was immediate. Critics lashed out at the mayor-elect for appointing a man with a serious criminal record to the 20-person “Committee on the Criminal Legal System,” a panel tasked with influencing the city’s next wave of public-safety policy. “It is both disheartening and deeply disturbing that individuals who are convicted felons and have a history of breaking the law are being given the opportunity to help shape the future of New York’s criminal justice system,” said Benny Boscio, president of the Correction Officers’ Benevolent Association. He added, “The men and women who risk their lives every day to enforce the law have been shut out from this process entirely.”

Those concerns were echoed by retired NYPD Chief of Department John Chell, who accused Mamdani of stacking his transition committees with ideologues rather than experts. “It’s just another appointed adviser that has a questionable past, which is in line with some of his other recent appointees who were anti-police and establishment,” Chell said. “The optics and reality here point to a potential erosion of public safety in New York City.”

Linen is not alone in being a contentious addition. Mamdani also tapped former Maryland juvenile-justice leader Vincent Schiraldi — who left his post amid allegations of mismanagement — to sit on the very same committee. Even the rollout raised eyebrows: both Linen’s name and that of fellow appointee Lumumba Bandele were misspelled in the transition team’s Nov. 24 announcement.

Bandele, assigned to the “Committee on Community Organizing,” has a long record in far-left activism and leadership in the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement. He has openly championed convicted cop killers such as Assata Shakur and Herman Bell.

All told, the mayor-elect placed about 400 people on his various advisory panels, and many of the names reflect his alliances with the city’s most radical political elements. Among them:

• Alex Vitale, the Brooklyn College academic known for his takedown of “broken windows” policing in a 2017 book, will serve on the “Committee on Community Safety.”
• Zakiyah Shaakir-Ansari, who helped lead the Alliance for Quality Education and has praised fugitive cop-killer Assata Shakur, will advise on youth and education.
• Transportation Alternatives executive Ben Furnas — whose anti-car views include sweeping plans that critics say would gridlock New York — was placed on the transportation and infrastructure panel.
• Susan Herman, who oversaw Bill de Blasio’s deeply criticized $1 billion ThriveNYC mental-health initiative, is also part of the “Community Safety” team.

Mamdani additionally brought in the leadership of the New York City Democratic Socialists of America, including co-chairs Gustavo Gordillo and Grace Mausser. Gordillo will help shape economic and workforce development, while Mausser will weigh in on small-business and MWBE strategy.

Still, the appointment making the loudest noise remains Linen’s — particularly given the mayor-elect’s record of anti-police positions and his strident anti-Israel rhetoric throughout the campaign. “Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani just appointed a convicted armed robber to help shape NYC’s crime and policing policy,” the advocacy group Jews Fight Back declared on X. “Insane. New York City is being handed over to radicals, extremists and outright terrorists,” the group said. “Watch this space. This is going to get even uglier.” The post included a photo of Linen standing with Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan.

{Matzav.com}

A massive crowd of thousands filled the Vizhnitzer Beis Medrash in Bnei Brak for the annual Asifas Hatzalah, a sweeping call for spiritual reinforcement and vigilance against the dangers of modern technology.

Men packed every floor, hallway, and outdoor tent as the renowned mashpia, Rav Tzvi Meir Zilberberg, delivered a powerful two-hour address centered on strengthening personal boundaries in the coming months.

The event, which has become a yearly tradition, drew unprecedented participation from across Eretz Yisroel after leading gedolim and admorim from all communities urged attendance. Ahead of the gathering, messages were issued stressing the importance of creating safeguards, with thousands committing to accept new kabalos related to technology use.

Rav Zilberberg’s address, delivered in Yiddish and simultaneously translated via thousands of headphones into Hebrew and English, focused heavily on the need for caution in an age shaped by rapidly evolving platforms and artificial intelligence. He warned that AI represents “one of the greatest challenges of the generation,” urging the public to fortify themselves spiritually.

Shortly after midnight, the climax of the gathering unfolded as the entire crowd joined in a stirring kabbolas ol malchus Shamayim. The packed Beis Medrash erupted into song—“Vetaher Libeinu” and “Ashrei Ha’am Shekacha Lo”—filling the enormous halls and courtyards. Participants then lined up to sign written kabalos l’maaseh outlining personal limits on technology for the next year. Attendees could join one of eight levels within the “Om Ani Chomah” framework, established under Rav Zilberberg’s guidance based on the rulings of Rav Shmuel Halevi Wosner and Rav Chaim Kanievsky.

Well past 4:00 a.m., a continuous stream of participants filed before Rav Zilberberg, handing him their signed commitments and receiving a personal brachah.

The gathering drew nationwide attention, amplified by earlier messages from leading Torah authorities. In a prerecorded voice message sent before Shabbos to kosher phones, Rav Meir Tzvi Bergman declared: “Certainly it is a great thing when the public gathers to hear words urging them to distance themselves from the dangers of technology like fire. Beyond the tremendous strengthening, the gathering itself is a great kiddush Hashem.”

Public notices also shared guidance from Rav Moshe Hillel Hirsch, who told his talmidim that attending the asifah “is a great matter, and since this spiritual reinforcement is urgently needed, there is no issue of bitul Torah.”

In the days before the event, dozens of recordings circulated from gedolim, including Rav Moshe Shternbuch, Rav Yitzchok Zilberstein, Rav Don Segal, Chacham Moshe Tzadkah, Rav Yaakov Meir Shechter, and many prominent roshei yeshiva such as Rav Aviezer Piltz, Rav Avraham Yitzchak Kook, Rav Chaim Feinstein, and others. Statements were also released from numerous admorim across the chassidic world—Vizhnitz, Sanz, Boyan, Seret-Vizhnitz, Rachmastrivka, Chernobyl, Nadvorna, Modzitz, and more.

Many leading rabbonim personally attended the asifah.

Surrounding streets were lined with booths from organizations involved in promoting safer digital practices. The “Ashreinu” organization distributed a petition demanding improved kosher communication options. “Pelephone K’halachah” operated its mobile “N’tukit” unit offering on-site internet removal services. The Shomrim organization invited attendees to join its various technology-related initiatives.

More than 200 buses transported participants from across the country—from Tzfas in the north to Yerucham in the south—operating with full precision following pre-registration.

In accordance with Rabbi Zilberberg’s request, the entire logistical operation was conducted without any internet use whatsoever.

PHOTOS:

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק. כינוס הטכנולוגיה בראשות רבי צבי מאיר זילברברגצילום: משה גולדשטיין, א. איזנבאך וארי קופרשטוק.

A fierce intra-chareidi dispute erupted today as MK Moshe Gafni, head of Degel HaTorah and chairman of the United Torah Judaism faction, sharply criticized Shas during his party’s weekly meeting. Gafni accused Shas of aggressive maneuvering in the battles over positions in Israel’s religious councils. “They don’t know how to be satisfied. I won’t give it to them,” he declared, taking aim at what he described as excessive demands.

Sources said that the immediate trigger for the clash is Shas chairman Aryeh Deri’s push to appoint Chananel Shem Tov—currently the leader of the party’s faction in Beitar Illit—as head of the Yerushalayim Religious Council, a politically powerful and symbolically significant position.

Against this backdrop, Gafni also addressed the broader chareidi standoff within the coalition amid the intensifying crisis surrounding the draft law. He stated that UTJ “is not returning to the coalition for now,” though the faction is considering allowing certain bills to proceed to a vote. This move would give the coalition some breathing room as it prepares for the major showdown over the draft legislation.

Gafni clarified his position during the meeting: “They say we returned to the coalition. We are not returning for now. There are certain laws we want to release to the coalition and to the Likud MKs ahead of the vote on the draft law.”

MK Yaakov Tessler voiced frustration with the timing of the faction meeting, saying, “We cannot hold a faction meeting at 15:30, moments before the plenum opens. We declared a boycott, and I need to go ask the rabbanim if it can be lifted. I propose that we hold the meeting on Monday at 11:00 in the morning.”

Meanwhile, MK Yaakov Asher confirmed an earlier report and reiterated the faction’s red line: “If the draft law does not pass, we will not vote for the budget in its first reading.”

{Matzav.com}

A major setback emerged tonight for the chareidi factions in the coalition: The Knesset’s legal advisers now estimate that the proposed draft law will require at least two full months of deliberations, far beyond the January 1 deadline the chareidi parties demanded. The report, aired by journalist Amit Segal on Channel 12, signals that the coalition’s internal timeline is no longer feasible.

Chareidi lawmakers had intended to condition their support for the state budget on passing the draft law first. Their goal was to secure guarantees regarding exemptions and enlistment arrangements before agreeing to the government’s fiscal plan. Yet the new legal opinion means that such sequencing is impossible. As a result, the chareidi parties must now advance the budget while the draft law remains uncertain and unresolved.

This shift creates a significant political dilemma for the chareidi bloc. While the delay bolsters Prime Minister Netanyahu’s flexibility, it places his chareidi partners in an uncomfortable position: they may be required to vote for the budget weeks before knowing whether their demands on the draft law will ultimately be met. Without firm assurances, they risk losing leverage at a critical stage.

Adding to the pressure, another blow surfaced during committee discussions. The legal adviser to the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee stated that incorporating the civil-security service alternative into the draft bill poses severe legal challenges. According to her, the proposal fails equality tests and does not meet the current operational needs of the IDF. This position further complicates efforts to shape a bill acceptable to the chareidi parties.

With the clock no longer on their side and legal roadblocks mounting, the path to a negotiated draft law has become considerably narrower, leaving the chareidi factions facing a difficult and uncertain political landscape.

{Matzav.com}

Israeli Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu used his appearance in the Knesset plenum tonight to launch a sweeping rebuttal to the opposition’s accusations in the 40-signature debate, which was framed around claims of “The Collapse of Israel’s International Standing.”

He opened by insisting that the dire picture painted by his rivals bore no resemblance to Israel’s actual position. “The opposition is detached from reality; the State of Israel is the strongest power in the Middle East,” he said, noting that he is preparing to meet the Indian prime minister shortly, is planning a trip to the United States later this month, and maintains ongoing contact with Moscow. “I speak to Putin regularly, and this conversation has significant meaning in preserving security interests, including on our northern border,” he added.

Netanyahu then shifted to his upcoming meeting in the U.S., using it to jab at his critics. “I am about to meet with President Trump for the sixth time since he entered the White House – more than any other leader in the world. Before every meeting, there’s a regular ritual: You cry that there is ‘collision’ and ‘arm twisting,’ and every time, you’re disappointed again.”

Turning his fire back on the opposition benches, he accused them of feeding narratives harmful to Israel. “The antisemites of the world spread things that are said in this house.” He argued that global threats require a united front, saying, “The first quarter of this century was marked by an Islamic threat to the West. We are the hope in this struggle.”

As for the repeated charge that he had failed to take on Hamas, Netanyahu dismissed it with contempt. “Will you deal with Hamas? Really. For every action in the war, you said ‘no’.”

His remarks were repeatedly interrupted, prompting him to mock those shouting over him. “You need to understand the opposition; they are under pressure that they won’t be in the next Knesset. Whoever shouts louder will be in four realistic spots that will enter. The question is, does Yesh Atid have a future? You need to understand their pressure.”

From the opposition benches, MK Meirav Ben Ari shot back with a challenge of her own: “Then let’s see you go to elections.”

{Matzav.com}

It is with great sadness that Matzav.com reports the petirah Rav Gedalia Yitzchak Liyush zt”l, who was 75.

His passing comes just one year after the tragic loss of his wife, who was killed in a car accident in Flatbush.

Rabbi Liyush was born in Hungary on the 3rd of Nissan, 5710, to his father, Rabbi Peretz Liyush, and his mother, Mrs. Ita.

As a young man, he studied at Yeshivas Knesses Chizkiyahu in Kfar Chassidim, developing a close bond with the rosh yeshiva, Rav Eliyahu Mishkovsky, from whom he absorbed much of his Torah and spiritual direction.

When he reached marriageable age, he wed his wife Chana a”h, daughter of Rav Meir Tzvi Fisher, one of the leading rabbonim of the Har Nof neighborhood in Yerushalayim. Her sudden passing last year, in early Kislev, left him shattered, yet he accepted the decree with profound faith and quiet strength.

After his marriage, Rav Liyush traveled to Romania, where he established a kollel dedicated to outreach and founded an organization focused on drawing Hungarian Jews closer to Torah and tradition. His commitment to kiruv became a lifelong calling.

For over fifty years, he served as a pillar of Torah education at Kiryat Noar in Bayit Vegan, shaping generations of students with devotion, humility, and constant immersion in learning. He never sought honor, living a life of unassuming piety and total dedication to his mission.

In recent years, he served as a professor of Talmud at a New York university, where he was a beloved lecturer known for his eloquence and clarity. His talks were treasured for their depth and beauty.

Rav Liyush was widely recognized for his extraordinary emunah, refined through difficult trials that he nevertheless embraced with love.

He is survived by a distinguished family of children, sons-in-law, and grandchildren.

The aron will be brought to Eretz Hakodesh, with the levayah scheduled for tomorrow at 1:00 p.m. at the Shamgar Funeral Home in Yerushalayim, proceeding to Har Hamenuchos for burial.

Yehi zichro boruch.

{Matzav.com}

Russia escalated its legal offensive against Kyiv by unveiling charges against dozens of Ukrainian public figures, accusing them of orchestrating what Moscow calls a “genocide” targeting ethnic Russians in Ukraine’s east, according to reporting from the Moscow Times.

In its declaration, Russian prosecutors alleged that the officials acted “with the intent of committing genocide” in the regions of Donetsk and Luhansk. Moscow claims that since 2014, roughly 5,000 civilians were killed, and it further argues that the ethnic Russian population in those areas plunged by two million by 2022, the year Russia initiated its full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

None of the names listed include Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, though the accusations clearly aim to widen the scope of Russia’s narrative about the conflict.

The Russian announcement coincided with a significant development from The Hague. The International Court of Justice ruled that Moscow’s counterclaims in the pending genocide-related case are permissible, including Russia’s longstanding assertion that Ukraine engaged in “genocide.”

The court outlined its position in a formal notice released Monday, stating: “By an Order dated 5 December 2025, the International Court of Justice has found that the counter-claims submitted by the Russian Federation in the case concerning Allegations of Genocide under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Ukraine v. Russian Federation) are admissible as such and form part of the current proceedings. By that same Order, the Court has authorized Ukraine to submit a Reply and the Russian Federation to submit a Rejoinder. The Court has fixed 7 December 2026 and 7 December 2027 as the respective time-limits for the filing of those written pleadings.”

The ICJ further stressed its authority to evaluate those arguments, noting: “In respect of the first requirement, the Court concludes that it has jurisdiction to entertain the counter-claims of the Russian Federation under Article IX of the Genocide Convention.”

{Matzav.com}

Opposition chief Yair Lapid unleashed a fierce critique from the Knesset podium during a 40-signature debate, using the moment to hammer Israeli Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu on issues ranging from the chareidi draft plan to the unanswered failures of October 7 and the ongoing controversy surrounding Netanyahu’s pardon request.

Lapid spoke immediately after Netanyahu’s address, and although coalition MKs repeatedly interrupted him, he plowed forward. He dismissed the government’s conscription initiative as a “draft-dodging law,” insisting that Netanyahu and those around him were intentionally skipping committee deliberations to avoid being tied to the legislation.

He pledged that the bill would be defeated in every scenario, promising that the opposition would battle it with full force and would not allow it to move forward in any form.

Turning to the government’s sudden enthusiasm for a commission of inquiry into the October 7 catastrophe, Lapid ridiculed the move as nothing more than “investigating yourselves,” demanding clarity about “who was prime minister on October 7, 2023.”

He then pivoted to Netanyahu’s bid for a presidential pardon, delivering an especially sharp criticism. Lapid argued that Netanyahu should “admit guilt, accept disgrace, and go home,” cautioning that anything less would “tear the country apart.”

“Without an admission and without disgrace, it’s not a pardon — it’s a prize. It means that for those with power, the laws simply don’t apply,” he declared, framing the pardon request as a threat to the country’s moral foundation.

{Matzav.com}

U.S. President Donald Trump’s vision for a Gaza “board of peace” is moving ahead without Tony Blair, whose potential appointment was quietly dropped after multiple Arab and Muslim governments made clear they objected to his inclusion, according to officials involved in the conversations.

When Trump rolled out his 20-point blueprint for governing Gaza after the war, Blair was the lone name publicly floated for the council. Trump at the time praised him, describing Blair as a compelling pick, and Blair indicated he was open to participating on the panel Trump intends to lead himself.

But regional leaders swiftly raised alarms behind the scenes, pointing to years of distrust rooted in Blair’s backing of the 2003 Iraq War and warning that Palestinians could be marginalized if he were elevated to the top tier of the new framework, sources said. Trump later conceded he would first need to verify that Blair was “acceptable” to all sides before any appointment took place.

Blair has remained engaged in Mideast diplomacy and has been working for over a year on his own transition plans for Gaza through the Tony Blair Institute, even coordinating with Trump’s inner circle — including Jared Kushner, who previously handled the Middle East file in Trump’s first term.

Although Blair’s team offered no official response, someone close to him said he will not take a seat on the contemplated peace council, which is expected to feature sitting world leaders once finalized. Instead, the understanding is that Blair will participate on a leaner executive committee beneath the council. That working group is also expected to include Trump adviser Steve Witkoff, Kushner, and senior officials from Western and Arab countries, according to those briefed.

Leadership of that executive committee is expected to fall to Nickolay Mladenov, the onetime UN envoy for Middle East peace and former Bulgarian defense minister. His expected responsibilities mirror much of what Blair was once being eyed for — helping steer Gaza’s transition and mediating between international stakeholders and a still-to-be-formed Palestinian technocratic team.

Major components of Trump’s Gaza blueprint remain unresolved. Diplomats note that crucial details — from which Palestinians would make up the administrative body, to the composition and authority of the international stabilization force Trump envisions, to the method of disarming Hamas after the atrocities of October 7, 2023 — are still unset. No nation has yet stepped forward with a public commitment of troops or support for the proposed security model.

Even so, Trump maintains the initiative is advancing and has hinted that a shift into the next implementation stage may be announced soon. For now, though, not a single member of the “board of peace” has been officially named, more than two months after the plan’s debut, while Gaza remains carved between areas held by Hamas and sectors controlled by Israeli forces.

{Matzav.com}

Reports emerging from Kiryat Gat claim that American forces stationed at the facility overseeing the Gaza ceasefire have voiced serious concerns about Israeli military personnel allegedly tracking and monitoring activity inside the joint base. The accusations, first published by the Guardian, were swiftly rejected by the Israel Defense Forces as “absurd.”

According to the report, individuals familiar with the internal workings of the Civil-Military Coordination Center — the CMCC — say Israeli personnel have routinely documented conversations taking place there. Some recordings were said to be done out in the open, others more discreetly, stirring frustration among American personnel and several other participating nations.

The sources cited insisted that the pattern of intelligence gathering grew concerning enough that the base’s American commander, Lt. Gen. Patrick Frank, called in his Israeli counterpart for a direct conversation. During that exchange, he reportedly made it clear that “recording has to stop here.”

The situation allegedly prompted some countries to warn their teams inside the building not to discuss sensitive matters, worried that information could be “collected and exploited,” as the report put it.

While declining to comment on whether Frank issued such a warning, the IDF emphasized to the Guardian that nothing spoken inside the CMCC is classified. It added that taking notes and summarizing discussions is standard procedure for any serious organization. “The IDF documents and summarizes meetings in which it is present through protocols, as any professional organization of this nature does in a transparent and agreed-upon manner,” the military said. It reiterated that “The claim that the IDF is gathering intelligence on its partners in meetings in which the IDF is an active participant is absurd.”

The U.S. military, approached with the same allegations, declined to address them.

Established under American leadership shortly after the current ceasefire took effect, the CMCC functions as the central hub for coordinating humanitarian flows into Gaza while managing the broader stabilization effort for the enclave. It operates out of a logistics company building in Kiryat Gat, around 20 kilometers from Gaza.

The compound divides its space by floor: Israel occupies the first, the U.S. operates from the third, and a shared international operations arena spans the second level, where representatives gather around expansive screens and planning boards. Those with a presence at the base include Israel, the U.S., Jordan, the UK, Germany, Denmark, Canada, Australia, France, Spain, and the United Arab Emirates.

Despite being on home turf, Israel has not been driving the decision-making, according to an Israeli official who told The Times of Israel in November that Washington has effectively taken the lead — including on issues tied to humanitarian aid deliveries. Israel has charged that Hamas has repeatedly hijacked or manipulated aid convoys, prompting Jerusalem to restrict certain goods.

A U.S. official speaking anonymously to the Guardian disputed the notion that America holds unilateral authority over aid. The relationship, the official said, operates “hand in glove,” explaining that Israel functions as the hand, while the CMCC is “the glove over that hand.”

Diplomats quoted in the article said that ongoing discussions at the center have resulted in Israel easing limits on several previously banned items it had categorized as having “dual use” potential — materials it feared Hamas could exploit.

CMCC officers last month reported that roughly 800 aid trucks per day have entered Gaza since the ceasefire began, marking the highest sustained flow of humanitarian assistance since the war broke out.

But while the center has been operating since October, its organizational structure and legal framework remain undefined. This ambiguity persists even as the initial phase of U.S. President Donald Trump’s 20-point outline for Gaza approaches completion.

Under the second phase of Trump’s plan — which is expected to roll out soon — a new administrative model for Gaza is supposed to take shape. That stage is not slated to begin until Israel completes the return of the last fallen hostage, Master Sgt. Ran Gvili.

Trump’s blueprint envisions Hamas disarming and Israeli forces pulling back while a multinational contingent moves in. At the same time, a Palestinian technocratic authority would step in to handle the day-to-day governance of Gaza, as the Strip transitions to its postwar framework.

{Matzav.com}

A legislative committee session erupted in controversy Monday after members of Otzma Yehudit arrived wearing lapel pins shaped like nooses, a dramatic show of support for their effort to impose the death penalty on terror convicts. The display immediately drew fierce criticism from across the political spectrum.

The pins, metallic and gold-colored, resembled the yellow ribbons worn by most Israeli officials since October 7 in solidarity with the hostages. But Otzma Yehudit said the symbolism here was deliberate and stark. According to National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir’s office, the nooses represent the party’s “commitment to the demand for the death penalty for terrorists” and deliver “a clear message that terrorists are deserving of death.”

Ben Gvir and four of his party’s lawmakers wore the pins as they entered the National Security Committee meeting, where their contentious death penalty legislation was again under discussion. That bill, which passed its first reading in November, would allow capital punishment for those convicted of deadly terror attacks — something Israel has historically reserved for only one case, the 1962 execution of Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann.

During the hearing, Ben Gvir told the committee that the noose was merely one illustration of how such executions could be carried out. “One of the options through which we will implement the death penalty law for terrorists,” he said of the symbol. He continued, “Of course, there is the option of the gallows, the electric chair and also the option of euthanasia.”

Despite the Israeli Medical Association’s stated objection to the proposal, Ben Gvir insisted there is support within the healthcare community. He claimed he has received “100 calls from doctors who said: ‘Itamar, just tell us when.’”

Opposition figures reacted sharply. Yair Lapid told his Yesh Atid faction that the display was severely damaging Israel’s already strained image abroad. “Pictures of the pins with a noose are spreading throughout the world and causing indescribable damage,” he said.

Democrats party leader Yair Golan denounced the spectacle as well, warning that it signaled something far darker than a policy debate. “A noose on a minister’s lapel is not a policy statement — it’s a declaration of intent,” he posted on X. “When a government uses the imagery of death to project strength, it is no longer fighting terrorism; it’s rehearsing dictatorship.”

Legal experts expressed similar alarm during the committee session. Gil Shapira of the Public Defender’s Office urged lawmakers to halt the bill, arguing that “A great many countries in the world do not implement it, and the trend is in fact to abolish it.” A written advisory from the committee’s legal counsel also warned that key components of the legislation may violate constitutional standards.

The counsel’s memo stressed that while capital punishment is not rejected categorically, its use must be strictly limited and demonstrably deterrent — not punitive. “In light of the inherent difficulty in the death sentence, in which there is no going back from, and in order to limit — if not prevent entirely — the possibility that innocents will be convicted and sent to their death, it is in our opinion correct to tighten the conditions for using the death penalty,” it read.

The legal team cited several problems: mandatory sentencing provisions that could strip judges of discretion; the sweeping and ambiguous definition of the offense; and applicability to Palestinians under military rule, raising potential conflicts with international treaties. The draft text states that capital punishment would apply to anyone who “intentionally or recklessly” causes the death of an Israeli citizen in an act intended to harm “the State of Israel and the rebirth of the Jewish people in their homeland.” Advisers noted that the vagueness of this wording would likely make the law difficult to interpret.

Another flaw, according to the memo, is that the proposed law would not apply when victims are permanent residents or foreign nationals — a gap that could create inconsistency in terror-related sentencing.

As debate swirled, Ben Gvir seized the moment to boast about deteriorating conditions for Palestinian security inmates since he took office, referencing recent reporting on prisoner deaths. “This morning, I saw that it was published that under Itamar Ben Gvir, 110 terrorists have died. They said there has never been anything like this since the state’s founding,” he said.

He dismissed a damning Public Defender’s Office audit describing hunger, overcrowding, scabies outbreaks, and violent abuse in Israeli detention facilities. While denying that the Prison Service contributed to the deaths — claiming inmates “arrived sick or died from various injuries” — he made clear he had no regrets. What he called the “summer camp” conditions that allegedly existed before his tenure, he said, are now over.

{Matzav.com}

While spending several days in New York, Israeli President Isaac Herzog delivered sweeping remarks to the Biennial National Assembly of the American Zionist Movement, addressing representatives from more than fifty organizations. His talk moved through a range of concerns—from the sharp rise in antisemitism across the United States to Israel’s security challenges and recent political developments affecting Jewish life in New York.

Herzog opened by voicing deep alarm at the climate facing Jews in America. He said he was “extremely disturbed” by what he sees as a dramatic escalation in hostility. “Antisemitism has never been so apparent in the public discourse,” he told the audience, noting that this hostility comes “from both the left and right.” As he put it bluntly, “no Jew should be harassed anywhere in the world because of his or her faith.” Herzog emphasized collective responsibility in pushing back: “We have to fight together, with all the legal tools we have, to combat antisemitism and explain our case that the only nation state of the Jewish people is protecting the free world and is a beacon of tikkun olam to the entire world.”

Turning to New York, home to the largest Jewish population outside Israel, Herzog expressed unease about local political rhetoric. Without naming him, he referenced the incoming mayor, saying the city now has “a mayor-elect who shows utter contempt to the nation state of the Jewish people.” In the wake of demonstrations outside a Manhattan shul hosting an Aliyah program, Herzog stressed that safeguarding the ability of Jews to worship freely is non-negotiable. He reminded the audience that “Jews have prayed three times a day for hundreds of years and thousands of years to Jerusalem, and we yearn to go back to Jerusalem-this is a basic rule of Judaism.” What troubled him most, he said, was that “The fact that a mayor-elect, an elected official, speaks in contempt about this whole notion, which is part and parcel of all of us here and the great Zionist movement, worries me a lot.”

Herzog then confronted head-on the accusations that Israel has engaged in genocide. He dismissed the charge unequivocally, maintaining that “Israel is a law-abiding nation. The law is part of our DNA.” He insisted that “Our guidelines are the rules of international humanitarian law. Our sons and daughters went to fight in order to defend our people and operate according to the rules.” Acknowledging the imperfections of any military campaign, he noted that “if we make mistakes, we also expose them and deal with them.” Herzog contrasted the claims against Israel with its actual conduct: “Israel was never operating in any genocidal form. On the contrary, we supplied humanitarian aid from day one. I was extremely active on this. We care for the pain of the people in Gaza. We care, and I still care very much, for their future.”

He also spoke about the emotional and national aftermath of the October 7 atrocities. Israeli society, he said, continues to show extraordinary strength despite the trauma that lingers from that day. “We’re a very strong, resilient nation which carries a scar of agony from generation to generation, and in this generation, we are carrying the scar of pain and agony of October 7th and onwards.”

Addressing the regional threat environment, Herzog warned that Israel’s adversaries are far from retreating. “Iran is trying to regroup and continue the battle against Israel big time with all of their capabilities,” he cautioned. He added that “They want to get to the bomb. They want to advance their terror agencies. We follow this closely. We see what they’re trying to do in Lebanon. We see what they’re trying to do elsewhere. We should not be naive for a moment.”

{Matzav.com}

Touring key areas of the Gaza Strip, IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir described the position of Israeli forces under the current ceasefire framework in terms that signal a major shift. He referred to the Yellow Line — the line to which the IDF pulled back — as “a new border line,” framing it not as a temporary marker but as a defining security boundary.

Speaking to troops in Beit Hanoun and Jabalia, Zamir emphasized Israel’s determination to prevent Hamas from regaining strength. “We will not allow Hamas to reestablish itself. We control large parts of the Gaza Strip and stand along [strategic] lines. The Yellow Line is a new border line, a forward defensive line for the communities and an offensive line,” he said, according to a statement released by the IDF.

The ceasefire has not halted hostile attempts to breach that line. On Sunday, the IDF reported that soldiers killed a Palestinian terror operative in the south after he crossed the ceasefire line and advanced toward them “in a way that posed an immediate threat.” The previous day, three operatives were shot dead when they crossed the Yellow Line in the north and moved toward Israeli forces.

Under the current map, the Yellow Line leaves Israel holding roughly 53 percent of Gaza, stretching from the northern city of Beit Hanoun down to the entirety of Rafah in the south. Zamir’s choice of calling it a “border” is likely to spark debate among those who insist the IDF’s position is only temporary and part of a phased exit.

Earlier in the day, Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu addressed the timeline for the next stage of the ceasefire, standing alongside Germany’s visiting chancellor. He said that phase two would begin once the body of Ran Gvili — the last hostage remaining in Gaza — is returned. In this stage, the IDF is expected to pull back from current positions as Hamas begins disarming and as the International Stabilization Force begins to deploy.

Netanyahu repeated the message later, telling Israeli diplomats that “in the second phase, we are moving to disarmament and demilitarization.” He noted that Washington intends to establish the international force to carry out the mission, adding, “I said, go ahead.”

The UN Security Council formally endorsed the 20-point peace plan put forward by US President Donald Trump, including the creation of the ISF. But deployment has stalled due to two major issues: the final hostage has not yet been recovered, and several participating countries remain wary, particularly given Hamas’s signals that it does not intend to disarm.

Israel has urged that the ISF be responsible for neutralizing Hamas’s military capacity. That expectation, however, has unsettled governments weighing troop contributions, with many fearing head-on confrontations with Hamas operatives or being dragged into clashes between Palestinian terror groups and Israeli forces.

Thus far, Indonesia and Azerbaijan have committed to joining the mission, while Turkey has expressed enthusiasm as well — though Israel has blocked Ankara from playing any operational role in Gaza.

While moving through the Strip on Sunday, Zamir reminded forces of the human dimension still weighing on the nation. “The vast majority of our hostages have returned, but our mission will not be complete until the final fallen hostage, Master Sgt. Ran Gvili, is brought back,” he said.

He urged the troops not to let the relative quiet of the ceasefire dull their preparation or discipline. The military, he told them, “must not be complacent; we must prepare across all arenas and maintain readiness and vigilance alongside adherence to operational norms.”

{Matzav.com}

Alina Habba is exiting her position as the leading federal prosecutor in New Jersey after a bruising legal battle culminated in an appellate decision that determined she was ineligible to serve in the role. She explained her departure in a written statement, saying, “As a result of the Third Circuit’s ruling, and to protect the stability and integrity of the office which I love, I have decided to step down in my role as the U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey.” She added a pointed reminder that her move should not be misread, declaring, “But do not mistake compliance for surrender. This decision will not weaken the Justice Department, and it will not weaken me.”

Her appointment to the post came in March, when President Trump selected her for the acting role after she had served both as his personal lawyer and later in a White House advisory position. Her brief stretch as the state’s top federal enforcer, however, quickly became entangled in a fierce challenge over whether she had ever lawfully held the job.

The controversy erupted when defendants in two unrelated criminal cases argued that her appointment ran afoul of a 1998 federal vacancies statute. Their contention was that the process used to install her bypassed required legal steps, invalidating her authority from the outset. A federal judge agreed, invalidating her work dating back to late July — though that ruling was temporarily paused as the administration sought relief from a higher court.

Throughout the dispute, the administration maintained that Habba’s elevation complied with a longstanding law that permits a first assistant to step into the U.S. attorney post for an interim period. Habba, then 41, had been sworn in on March 28 for a 120-day term. But on July 22, a federal judicial panel refused to extend her tenure and instead placed First Assistant U.S. Attorney Desiree Grace into the job.

That reshuffling prompted immediate pushback from the Justice Department. Attorney General Pam Bondi swiftly removed Grace and reinstated Habba, attempting to reassert the administration’s authority over the appointment. The appeals court, however, rejected that maneuver, finding that Bondi had never validly appointed Habba as first assistant in the first place — a prerequisite to the legal argument the government was relying on.

In a sharply worded opinion, Senior U.S. Circuit Judge D. Michael Fisher described the administration’s attempts to keep Habba in place as emblematic of broader political obstacles. “It is apparent that the current administration has been frustrated by some of the legal and political barriers to getting its appointees in place,” he wrote, adding that “Its efforts to elevate its preferred candidate for US Attorney for the District of New Jersey, Alina Habba, to the role of Acting US Attorney demonstrate the difficulties it has faced — yet the citizens of New Jersey and the loyal employees in the US Attorney’s Office deserve some clarity and stability.”

The court also found that once President Trump formally nominated Habba for Senate confirmation on June 30 — a nomination later withdrawn to allow Bondi to reinstall her — she became legally barred from continuing in the acting position. Judge Fisher noted that accepting the administration’s argument would create a loophole allowing even unsuccessful nominees to return to acting posts, writing, “The government’s argument basically defeats itself.”

The ruling ultimately closed the door on Habba’s turbulent tenure, prompting her decision to step aside while insisting the fight has not diminished her resolve.

{Matzav.com}

After weeks of speculation about whether he’d stay in his modest Queens rental, incoming Mayor Zohran Mamdani confirmed that he and his wife, Rama Duwaji, will pack up their Astoria apartment and settle into Gracie Mansion once he’s sworn in. The choice, he explained, wasn’t symbolic or political — it was personal.

“My wife Rama and I have made the decision to move into Gracie Mansion in January,” he said, making clear that the move was driven by concerns close to home.

“This decision came down to our family’s safety and the importance of dedicating all of my focus on enacting the affordability agenda New Yorkers voted for.”

For years, Mamdani’s critics hammered him for his rent-stabilized, $2,300 one-bedroom — a setup they said was wildly out of sync with his six-figure earnings in the Assembly and his calls for sweeping rent freezes. The tension around the apartment only intensified during the mayoral campaign, with opponents repeatedly framing his living situation as hypocritical.

Even as the firestorm built, Mamdani stayed largely silent about whether he’d abandon the Astoria unit for the official residence on the Upper East Side. He finally broke that silence, framing the decision within his broader vision for the city.

“My priority, always, is serving the people who call this city home. I will be a mayor for the line cooks on Steinway, for the children swinging at Dutch Kills Playground, for the bus riders waiting for the Q101,” he said.

“While I may no longer live in Astoria, Astoria will always live inside me and the work I do.”

Throughout the campaign, opponents seized on his apartment as a political weak point. Andrew Cuomo — running as an independent — accused Mamdani of misusing the rent-regulated system, arguing that someone with his family background shouldn’t occupy a unit that could go to a struggling tenant.

Mamdani, the son of filmmaker Mira Nair and Columbia professor Mahmood Mamdani, pushed back throughout the race. He has long maintained that when he first moved in, he had no idea the place was rent-stabilized. His team also pointed out that he’d been earning only $47,000 at the time.

Still, even as he prepares to step into the mayoralty, Mamdani acknowledged that leaving his longtime home won’t be easy. He reflected on the details of daily life in the building that had shaped his years in Astoria.

“Cooking dinner side by side in our kitchen, sharing a sleepy elevator ride with our neighbors in the evening, hearing music and laughter vibrate through the walls of the apartment,” Mamdani said.

“To Astoria: thank you for showing us the best of New York City. We have called this neighborhood home as our city weathered a devastating pandemic, cruel attacks on immigrants, and years of an affordability crisis,” he continued.

“Time and again, this community has shown up for one another. We will miss it all — the endless Adeni chai, the spirited conversations in Spanish, Arabic and every language in between, the aromas of seafood and shawarma drifting down the block.”

{Matzav.com}

Images of stray dogs with striking blue coats wandering through the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone set off a frenzy of online theories earlier this year. With the backdrop of the 1986 nuclear catastrophe, many quickly imagined radiation-induced abnormalities or strange genetic twists behind the vivid color.

But according to the scientists closest to the scene, those theories could not “be further from the truth.”

Timothy Mousseau, a University of South Carolina researcher who advises the organization overseeing the dogs, says the explanation is far more mundane — and far less dramatic. As he put it on the Dogs of Chernobyl Facebook page, “The blue dye likely came from a tipped over port-a-potty where the dogs were rolling around in the poop, as dogs are prone to do.”

He compared it to a familiar household problem. “The blue coloration was simply a sign of the dog’s unsanitary behavior!” he explained. “As any dog owner knows, most dogs will eat just about anything, including feces!” The behavior, he noted, mirrors the way some dogs are mysteriously attracted to cat litter boxes.

Mousseau further emphasized that none of the dogs’ unusual appearance signals anything dangerous or biologically altered. Their fur does “not reflect any kind of mutation or evolutionary adaptation to radiation,” he said.

Dogs of Chernobyl — a program supported by the Clean Futures Fund (CFF) that provides care for the roughly 700 strays still living around the former nuclear plant — first posted the images in October. Staff at the time had not yet managed to bring the brightly colored animals in for examination.

“We are on the ground catching dogs for sterilization, and we came across three dogs that were completely blue,” the group wrote on Instagram. “We are not sure exactly what is going [on]. … We do not know the reason, and we are attempting to catch them so we can find out what is happening.”

Those dogs are descendants of pets abruptly abandoned in 1986, when over 120,000 residents were forced to leave. As CFF recounts, “The evacuees were not allowed to bring anything that they could not carry, and their pets had to be left behind.” The site notes, “They were told they would return in 3 days, but they were never allowed to return. Their pets became abandoned.”

{Matzav.com}