Matzav

A political firestorm broke out Thursday after Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee chairman Boaz Bismuth unveiled the latest version of his proposal to overhaul the military draft system for chareidim. Opposition parties immediately announced that they would fight the bill at every stage and prevent it from advancing.

Yoaz Hendel, head of the Reservists Party, blasted the proposal for its lax timetables and flexible recruitment targets. “The ‘new’ draft law that Bismuth is promoting is extremely lenient regarding the timing of enlistment and the quotas,” Hendel charged. “The text is yet another example of how governments that rely on non-Zionist parties are pressured into approving non-Zionist decisions.”

Former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett issued an unequivocal rejection of the legislation. “We will not let this go through,” he declared. Calling the moment “the ultimate test,” Bennett accused the government of deciding to push through what he labeled “the draft-dodging law” in its final readings. “This is the most anti-Zionist law ever legislated in our country’s history,” he said.

Bennett intensified his criticism, saying the plan amounted to “a declaration of war by the government on every reservist, every IDF soldier, and the entire serving public.” He vowed that Israelis “from every background—religious, secular, right, left—will unite and say no to the draft-dodging law.”

Opposition leader Yair Lapid voiced similar outrage, warning that the legislation was an affront to those who serve. “We will not allow this anti-Zionist disgrace to pass,” he said. “We will not let them dishonor the fighters, the wounded, and the fallen like this. This is not a law—it’s pathetic politics by the corrupt and the shirkers at the expense of our children. Not happening, not possible, not passing.”

Criticism came not only from the opposition. Likud MK Yuli Edelstein, a former chairman of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, said the bill fails the most basic test of addressing national security needs. “As someone who has led the effort over the past two years to expand the IDF’s recruitment base, I say with deep regret: this is not a draft law,” he stated.

Referencing the trauma of October 7, Edelstein warned that the government had promised systemic change—and this bill delivers none of it. “Unlike the draft I proposed, the current version does not meet the IDF’s needs in any way,” he said. “It is yet another political band-aid instead of a historic law. We will not give up. We will fight to the end for a real draft law.”

Deputy Foreign Minister Sharren Haskel also announced she would oppose the bill, saying her commitment to national security requires independent judgment. “Blindly adopting legislation that harms security during wartime and undermines social cohesion will inflict grave long-term damage,” she said. “I will continue to fight for a draft framework that is fair, just, and real. In its current form, I will vote against it.”

United Torah Judaism chairman Yitzchok Goldknopf stated that the position of the Moetzes Gedolei HaTorah remains unchanged: any arrangement must fully protect Torah study and avoid imposing sanctions on those learning full-time. He said the draft text released Thursday will be presented to the senior Torah leadership for review, and the party will act solely based on their ruling.

The Religious Zionism party said it is still analyzing the proposal. “Our guiding principle remains the same,” the party stated. “We will only support a law that ensures real and rapid enlistment of chareidim into the IDF to meet security needs and ease the burden on soldiers, reservists, and their families.”

{Matzav.com}

The Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee on Thursday circulated the newest version of Israel’s draft law to committee members, revealing a series of tightened provisions added at the request of the committee’s legal advisers. The distribution is intended to allow formal discussions to begin at the start of next week.

Committee chairman Boaz Bismuth presented the release of the draft as the formal launch of the legislative process, stating: “This is it, we are moving forward with a balanced, responsible draft law that is good for the people of Israel. This law is not here to stabilize a coalition; it is here to stabilize a country.”

One of the most consequential changes is the hard definition and shortening of the law’s first year of implementation. Regardless of when the legislation ultimately passes, the first year will end on June 30, 2026. As a result, the first recruitment target—5,760 new draftees—will apply in just over six months.

The draft sets sharply rising recruitment targets for the years ahead: 6,840 in the second year, 7,920 in the third year, not fewer than 8,500 in the fourth year, and beginning in the fifth year, the enlistment of 50 percent of each annual cohort of graduates from the chareidi school system.

Another major revision dramatically narrows the civilian service track. Under the proposed changes, national service will be recognized only within security-related agencies such as the Israel Police, the Prison Service, the Shin Bet, and the Mossad. This removes the option of placement in general civilian institutions and ties alternative service exclusively to national security needs.

The law also introduces personal sanctions starting in the very first year. Individuals who do not meet the law’s requirements would lose eligibility for academic scholarships, and could also face restrictions on obtaining a driver’s license and limitations on traveling abroad. The draft replaces the previously planned involvement of a military rabbi with an officer from the IDF’s Manpower Directorate at the rank of lieutenant colonel, shifting oversight toward professional rather than sector-specific considerations.

Additional updates include narrowing the criteria for defining someone as chareidi for the purpose of recruitment calculations, eliminating the previously fixed quota for combat soldiers, and clarifying that license revocation would apply only to new draft evaders. Travel restrictions would apply only until the age of 23.

Debate on the draft is set to begin next week.

{Matzav.com}

Israel’s inner-city commuters are bracing for yet another fare hike as government ministries remain locked in disagreement. The latest change, expected to take effect in January, would push the price of a single ride from 8 NIS to 9 NIS — the result of an ongoing standoff between Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and Transportation Minister Miri Regev over where to slice the budget.

The looming increase comes just a short time after the government introduced its “Derech Shavah” initiative in 2022, which had originally slashed the price to 5.5 NIS. What was marketed as a major affordability reform has now become a sequence of rapid-fire fare shocks.

In under three years, the cost of a bus ride has climbed at a stunning pace. July 2024 saw prices rise to 6 NIS, and in April 2025 commuters were hit with a massive 45% jump that brought fares to 8 NIS. The upcoming boost to 9 NIS continues the steep upward trajectory.

Driving this pattern of increases is the effort to cover the expenses of the government’s “Transportation Justice” plan, which provides discounted transportation rates to roughly 80% of Israelis. To keep that program alive, Regev was compelled to sign off on raising fares and even to scrap funding that would have expanded routes and boosted frequency.

Although Regev has publicly expressed her opposition, officials in the Finance Ministry insist their hands are tied. They argue that “without budget cuts, the fare increases are inevitable.”

{Matzav.com}

A full year has passed since the understandings that halted hostilities between Israel and Lebanon took effect, and the IDF is outlining the sweeping scope of its operations during that period.

The ceasefire arrangements, which began on November 27, 2024, opened the door for an extensive IDF deployment inside Lebanon aimed at blocking Hezbollah from restoring its networks. Units from the Northern Command, alongside the 91st Division, have maintained a persistent presence across key areas as part of that mission.

Forces from the 810th Brigade, operating under the 210th Division, have been active throughout the Har Dov region inside Lebanon, balancing that front with their responsibilities across the Syrian border as well.

According to the IDF, enforcing the agreement demanded a steady tempo of field activity. Troops from the 769th Brigade, the 300th Brigade, and the Central Brigade—all subordinate to the 91st Division—executed roughly 1,200 focused missions over the past year.

Dozens of those missions were offensive, designed to remove terrorist infrastructure, impede efforts by Hezbollah operatives to monitor IDF movements, and weaken the group’s operational strength. Military officials say these actions significantly hindered Hezbollah’s ability to reassert its presence.

Throughout these operations, IDF units uncovered a substantial network of hostile assets: military buildings used by operatives for attacks, weapons depots, rocket-launching sites, launchers, and observation or firing positions.

The IDF says that the campaign also relied heavily on coordinated strikes. Led by the Northern Command, and working alongside the Israeli Air Force with intelligence guidance from the Intelligence Directorate, Israeli forces eliminated more than 370 terrorists belonging to Hezbollah, Hamas, and other Palestinian terror groups.

{Matzav.com}

Dear Matzav Inbox,

I am a regular guy, born and raised in Monsey, NY. I try hard to be kovea itim, to do chessed, to provide for my family, and to live with ahavas Yisrael. I have always pushed myself to love every Jew from every background, and when that love was difficult, I made it a point to give more in order to strengthen it. The kinds of Yidden that many people avoid are often the ones I try to get close to. If I see someone hitchhiking, I try to pick them up. For me, the philosophy is simple: when I don’t know how to act, I ask myself, “What does Hashem want?”

I am Litvish, but I have always been drawn to Chassidish Torah and sefarim. Many of my rabbeim are Chassidish, and few things bring me more joy than a Chassidishe tish, farbrengen, or Simchas Beis HaShoeva.

Another important piece of who I am is that I live within a mile of New Square. I’ve always considered it an honor to be their neighbor. I’ve gone to the mikvah there on Fridays, schmoozed with the Yidden, and built friendships through business connections.

Throughout the years in which Skver bought up houses in my neighborhood, I tried to stay positive and be dan l’kaf zechus. I told myself that I didn’t need to understand everything — it’s all in Hashem’s hands. But as the situation progressed, and as my rabbeim told me that I have a responsibility to stand up against what I believe is injustice, I began to see a side of Judaism that I never believed existed.

I see a community of thousands of families following rabbanim, dayanim, askanim, and ultimately a Rebbe — and yet it feels to me as though they are trying to destroy another frum community in a way I have never seen frum Jews treat each other. At first, I assumed they simply didn’t realize the impact of their actions. But as time went on, it became clear that not only do they understand, they believe they are doing the right thing — and they are doubling down.

So I ask myself: could it be that they never stop to ask, “Is this what Hashem wants?” Could it be that people can live their whole lives as frum Yidden without asking that question? Could it be that sinas chinam becomes justified simply because peers say it’s okay?

I have spoken to many gedolim from different backgrounds, to askanim, and to regular Jews on the street. The response I’ve consistently heard is that what’s happening is wrong and very difficult to comprehend.

I am trying hard to keep an open mind. I still give tzedakah every time someone from Skver knocks on my door collecting for a chasunah or for Shabbos food. I keep telling myself that this is what Hashem wants. But what I see is a community that externally follows Torah, yet seems to care more about currying favor with politicians, wealthy individuals, or anyone who can elevate their public image — while forgetting what Hashem truly asks of us, and the fact that the purpose of this world is to grow closer to Him.

This entire situation has left me sad and confused. For the first time in nearly forty years, I find myself struggling to see the good — not just in one Yid, but in thousands. It leads my mind to places and questions I wish I never had to think about.

I hope this all disappears like a bad dream. But one thing I know with absolute clarity is this: I am here in this world to do what Hashem wants from me. So when I see a Skverer Yid hitchhiking or collecting for a poor family, I will still give — even if the smile is forced — because I believe that is what Hashem wants.

But I beg my friends in Skver: please ask yourselves the same question. You have spent your whole lives striving to grow closer to Hashem. Please don’t throw that away for this.

A Standard Monsey Yid

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Dear Matzav Inbox,

It is no secret that כלל ישראל is going through very challenging times—spiritually, emotionally, and financially. We all feel the pressure, and we all know how much רחמי שמים we need.

There is one issue, however, that weighs particularly heavily on my heart, because it relates directly to the future of Torah: שלא תשתכח תורה מישראל.

The Gemara in Bava Metzia 85a tells the famous story of רבי חייא, who went to extraordinary lengths to ensure that Torah would never be forgotten. He planted flax, made nets, trapped deer, prepared parchment, wrote seforim, and then taught children—step by step, until Torah was firmly rooted.

One thing is clear: רבי חייא did not begin by investigating “who” the parents were, whether they were from “elite” backgrounds, or whether they fit a certain profile. If there was a Jewish child, there was a נשמה. A child of בני אברהם יצחק ויעקב. And that meant a responsibility to give that child access to תורה ומצוות.

Today, unfortunately, we are hearing more and more stories of Yiddishe kinderlach who are not accepted into mosdos, or whose parents are put through an emotionally draining and humiliating process just to receive a “yes.” Even when a child is eventually taken, the pain and stress leading up to that point can be enormous.

Many of us remember a different reality. When we were children, there were all kinds of families in every class. There were stronger homes and weaker homes, wealthier and simpler, more “yeshivish” and less. And yet, many children from the most “simple” homes grew into beautiful בני תורה and בעלי מידות. At the same time, not every child from the most respected families remained on the straightest path. Why? Because every person has כח הבחירה and unique nisyonos. We simply cannot judge a child’s future by the external package of the home.

Meanwhile, the tuition burden has reached staggering levels. Families are paying $10,000, $15,000, sometimes far more per child. Parents are sacrificing half—or even more—of their income for chinuch, because Torah is precious to them. And yet, instead of always feeling appreciation for that sacrifice, many parents feel examined and scrutinized, as if going through an X-ray or MRI.

This is not to ignore the complexity on the side of the mosdos. Running a school is extremely difficult. There are finances, staff, standards, legal issues, social dynamics, and real concerns about hashpa’ah. The menahalim and hanhalah are shouldering a heavy load for Klal Yisroel, and their avodah should be respected and appreciated.

At the same time, we cannot ignore the painful stories of parents crying at night because they don’t know where their child will be on the first day of school.

So what can we do?

A Humble Proposal

Without pretending to have all the answers, I would like to suggest a communal framework, and ask our גדולי ישראל and askanim to consider something along these lines:

• Every town or city with a frum community should have a clear, communal responsibility that every Jewish child who wants a Torah education has a place.
• Whether through one designated mosad, or through a coordinated system among all mosdos, there should be a no-child-left-out policy for families who are truly seeking a Yiddishe chinuch.
• Alongside this, there should be a communal, dignified system to help families who cannot pay full tuition—similar to how communities arrange funds for תומכי שבת and other basic needs.

This is not about forcing any specific school to change its entire system. It is about saying, as a community: “If there is a Jewish child who wants to learn Torah, we will find a place for that child. Period.”

Imagine the קידוש השם if parents knew: No matter what, if I am trying to do the right thing, my child will not be left without a school. Imagine the nachas ruach this would bring to Hashem.

I am not writing to criticize, חס ושלום, any particular mosad, nor to point fingers at specific individuals. I am writing as a fellow Yid, as a parent, and as someone who fears for the long-term impact if children feel rejected by the very system that is meant to embrace them.

Our grandparents and great-grandparents who survived the war would likely be shocked to hear that a frum family who wants to send their child to a frum school might face closed doors. After everything they went through to keep Yiddishkeit alive, can we allow this to be the experience of their descendants?

We have the ability—if we choose—to change this dynamic. With leadership from our גדולים, guidance from experienced mechanchim, and the heart of Klal Yisroel, we can create a structure in which every child who wants Torah has a makom in Torah.

May we be zocheh that through strengthening the dignity and inclusion of every Jewish child, we bring more rachamei shamayim and more siyata dishmaya upon our entire community.

A Concerned Community Member  

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The Knesset held its annual memorial session Wednesday marking the yahrtzeit of Israel’s first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, and the speech that drew the most attention came from UTJ MK Meir Porush, who used the podium to sharply criticize the legal establishment while invoking Ben-Gurion’s historic role in securing the status of bnei hayeshivos.

Porush opened by declaring that although he never supported Ben-Gurion or the Labor movement, the chareidi community owes him acknowledgment. “I never voted for Ben-Gurion or for the Labor Party — I have been an Agudas Yisroel man since birth — but there is no doubt that given the harmful behavior toward chareidim today, Ben-Gurion is among the few leaders deserving of praise from the chareidi public in recent generations,” he said. He cited Ben-Gurion’s authorship of the status quo agreement and his establishment of the yeshiva draft exemption framework as actions that “poured concrete foundations for the existence of the yeshiva world.”

Porush lamented that “75 years after Ben-Gurion hammered in the nails that secured the status of yeshiva students, jurists — utterly detached from any spark of Judaism — arrived and declared war on the world of Torah, and in my view, on Ben-Gurion’s own legacy.”

Porush went on to describe Ben-Gurion’s original motivation for the status quo agreement. “When Ben-Gurion sought to establish the state, he wanted to prevent opposition from Agudas Yisroel, which at the time represented chareidi Jewry. He knew the UN would weigh that position. That is why the status quo document was crafted — to guarantee the preservation of basic Jewish principles in Eretz Yisroel.”

Porush then escalated his criticism, arguing that had Ben-Gurion been told that, decades later, “a group of unelected jurists would seize control of the state, embark on a campaign against the world of Torah and erase the agreements he set in place, I am not sure his stance would have been the same.”

He then turned his fire directly at Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara. “Yesterday, the Attorney General — who has already been dismissed but clings to the horns of the altar — sent a letter to the prime minister demanding the arrest of more Torah learners and economic sanctions on families of struggling avreichim.”

Porush added angrily that the Attorney General is now urging Netanyahu to bypass the Knesset legislatively. “The one entrusted with upholding the law proposes circumventing the Knesset. Why? Because she knows that despite all disagreements, there is no majority in this building for her program of persecuting and arresting Torah students. Is this democracy?”

He also attacked the rebranding of the Labor Party as “The Democrats.” “Recently, they changed the name of the party Ben-Gurion founded to ‘Democrats,’ even though Ben-Gurion spoke of a Jewish and democratic state — because a democratic state alone can be established even in Uganda. Are Ben-Gurion’s successors trying to erase his legacy?”

Porush concluded with an appeal to Labor MKs. “I call on members of the Labor Party: follow in Ben-Gurion’s path and work to resolve the status of yeshiva students through dialogue and consensus. From Lieberman and Lapid I have no expectations — they build themselves by persecuting chareidim — but you, what do you have to do with all this?”

After finishing his remarks, Porush recited a perek of Mishnayos in Ben-Gurion’s memory.

{Matzav.com}

The Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee is set to enter a high-stakes phase today as its chairman, MK Boaz Bismuth, prepares to present the latest draft of the controversial draft law and announce an intensive series of committee deliberations aimed at pushing the legislation toward final approval.

Once the text is publicly released, lawmakers and the broader public will see, for the first time, the complete and updated version of the proposed law regulating the status of yeshiva students. Coalition officials hope that the upcoming discussions will produce enough agreement on changes to move the bill forward to its second and third readings in the Knesset plenum.

Bismuth is expected to launch a marathon of debates in the committee, a move reflecting pressure from Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Shas chairman Aryeh Deri, both of whom believe the coalition can ultimately secure a majority for the legislation.

However, in a direct challenge to Netanyahu’s demands, the heads of the chareidi parties have refused to commit to supporting the bill before committee deliberations conclude and the final text is reviewed by the gedolei Yisroel. Their hesitation has sharpened political concerns inside the coalition.

Knesset sources say that the sudden acceleration of the legislative timetable is driven partly by a looming deadline: in just over two weeks, six months will have passed since the last bill to dissolve the Knesset was voted down. Once that window closes, the opposition will once again be able to submit a new dissolution bill — raising fears in Netanyahu’s circle that the chareidi parties might use the opportunity to back early elections if they feel cornered over the draft law.

A senior chareidi figure involved in the negotiations said this week that the chances of the bill surviving the full legislative process are low. “The law — with high probability — will not pass second and third readings, and if it does, it will not withstand scrutiny in the High Court,” he said. He added that the version crafted by MK Yaakov Asher Atias was designed largely to demonstrate to rabbinic leaders that genuine efforts were made to regulate the issue — perhaps paving the way for the chareidi parties to re-enter the government even without actual legislation.

The same official warned that the committee discussions could still take a dramatic turn. One example he cited was the legal adviser’s demand to raise the first-year enlistment quota to 7,500 chareidim — a move that would require an additional 1,500 recruits in the first year alone.

Earlier this week, as reported by Matzav.com, Deri told Shas MKs that the committee is expected to begin debating the final language “in the coming days.” But he reiterated that Shas would not commit to supporting the legislation until the Moetzet Chachmei Hatorah reviews the final draft. Only after that ruling, he said, will Shas decide how to vote.

Deri nevertheless expressed optimism, insisting that if the gedolim approve the bill, the coalition will have enough votes to pass it, despite several coalition MKs already declaring they will oppose it. “It’s possible that in the near future, we’ll already be past all of this,” Deri added.

Meanwhile, Religious Zionism leader Betzalel Smotrich continued to press for a more substantive overhaul. He said: “Only a law that creates a real process where the chareidi public participates in the great mitzvah of defending the security of Israel and its eternity. That is essential. The situation cannot remain as it is.” He added, “Anyone who thinks I’ll be a rubber stamp doesn’t understand anything. In my worldview, there is no exemption from this mitzvah.”

Smotrich insisted on a genuine, rapid process that would draft “thousands of chareidim every year into the Israel Defense Forces, into combat service, into positions where they are needed.”

In contrast, Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi argued that opposing the draft law is itself a security threat. “Anyone who opposes the draft law is harming the security of the state and harming the army,” he said, adding that political objections over the past two years — including by former officials — prevented the law from advancing before the war. Passing the bill, he insisted, would unquestionably lead to an increase in chareidi enlistment.

Karhi accused opposition leaders Avigdor Liberman and Yair Lapid of exploiting the issue for political gain. “They want the chareidim drafted for their election campaign,” he said. “If the chareidim pass a law by consensus, what will they sell to their voters? All they will have left is incitement against the chareidi public.”

The coming weeks in the committee are expected to determine not only the fate of the draft law, but potentially the fate of the coalition itself.

US officials have now acknowledged that the man accused of shooting two National Guard members near the White House had previously been part of American-supported counterterror units during the Afghanistan war. The CIA confirmed that Rahmanullah Lakanwal, 29, served with forces aligned with the agency before the collapse of Kabul.

Authorities say Lakanwal entered the United States in September 2021 through Operation Allies Welcome, the emergency entry track created for Afghans who worked alongside American personnel and were swept up in the frantic evacuation. His background with US-connected security units was not publicly known until Wednesday night, when CIA director John Ratcliffe addressed the matter.

According to The New York Times, Lakanwal was attached to multiple American agencies during the war, including a CIA-supported group operating out of Kandahar — a region that long served as a key base of Taliban activity. Ratcliffe, speaking to Fox News Digital, said: “The Biden administration justified bringing the alleged shooter to the United States in September 2021 due to his prior work with the US government, including CIA,” noting that Lakanwal’s role was “as a member of a partner force in Kandahar, which ended shortly following the chaotic evacuation”.

In the wake of the attack, US Citizenship and Immigration Services announced a sweeping pause affecting Afghan nationals seeking immigration benefits. The agency stated on its social platforms: “Effective immediately, processing of all immigration requests relating to Afghan nationals is stopped indefinitely pending further review of security and vetting protocols.”

As Washington reeled from the incident, President Trump ordered hundreds of additional Guard members into the capital. He characterized the shooting as an “act of terror” and warned that immigration represents “the single greatest national security threat facing our nation.”

{Matzav.com}

Moshe Indig, prominent Satmar askan from Williamsburg, mounted a full-throated defense of his endorsement of Zohran Mamdani in an interview with Mishpacha Magazine this week, addressing mounting criticism over his decision to back a politician whose statements about Israel and his associations have alarmed much of the Jewish community.

Mr. Indig, who has been involved in political advocacy for more than twenty-five years, described how his relationship with Mamdani began long before the primary. A Jewish staffer who had previously worked for Assemblywoman Emily Gallagher and later became Mamdani’s aide asked for a meeting months before the race tightened. Indig said he agreed, as his policy is to meet “almost anyone who requests it.” Mamdani, then considered a longshot, came to the JCC in Williamsburg.

Indig recalled confronting the candidate directly about concerns within the community. “I said to him, ‘The perception is that you are an anti-Semite. So I want to ask you straight out, are you an anti-Semite?'” According to Indig, Mamdani responded: “No, I’m not an anti-Semite. I just don’t like what Israel is doing in Gaza.”

Indig said he pressed further, challenging what he perceived as a double standard.
“Do you like what Russia is doing in Ukraine?” he asked.
“No, of course not,” Mamdani answered.
“So how come no one hears about that?” Indig said he countered.

Mamdani, he said, claimed the distinction was based on U.S. taxpayer dollars going to Israel, not Russia. While Indig said he found that rationale “untenable,” he emphasized that he was not attempting to debate foreign policy. The focus, he said, was determining whether Mamdani’s worldview left room for cooperation. He described their first conversation as “like a good first date.”

Despite the candidate’s record, Indig insisted he believed Mamdani had approached the community sincerely. “He didn’t have anything to gain by convincing me that he was not an anti-Semite, and neither did I,” Indig said. “He was going to win without a single vote from our community — he knew it and so did I.”

He added that Mamdani consistently returned for follow-up meetings, “repeatedly working diligently to build a rapport.”

“I’ve been doing this for twenty-five years, and I know there was really no reason for him to pursue a relationship with us unless he meant it,” he said.

The interview touched on the uproar following Mamdani’s lukewarm condemnation of a protest outside Park East Synagogue, where demonstrators shouted “Death to the IDF” and “Globalize the intifada,” while Mamdani simultaneously criticized a Nefesh B’Nefesh event inside the shul. Indig dismissed the reaction to Mamdani’s statement as an example of inexperience rather than malice. “He’s still young and fresh… he’s going to make some mistakes,” Indig said. “He is a pretty smart man and will learn quickly what to say, how to say it, and mostly what not to say.”

Indig also argued that the significant flaw in that incident was the police response, not Mamdani’s. “The real problem at that demonstration was the weak police response, which he doesn’t have any control over until January 1st,” he said.

When asked whether he personally believes Mamdani is an anti-Semite, Indig offered a notably blunt answer. “Not any more than any other politician in New York, no more than Cuomo or anyone else,” he said. “The truth is that it is irrelevant. I only need to be able to work with people, I don’t have to trust them.”

He insisted that securing pre-election commitments gave him leverage afterward. “Getting guarantees from him before the election gives me critical leverage afterward — if he fails to be a friend, I can call him on his promise,” he said.

Indig dismissed speculation that Satmar’s anti-Zionist stance influenced the endorsement. “I’m don’t involve myself in foreign affairs and international politics,” he said. “I’m only interested locally, here in New York, in what is in the best interest of our community now.”

He cited the position of the Divrei Yoel regarding anti-Zionism as a possible cover for anti-Semitism, but argued that a Muslim politician identifying with Palestinians might be motivated by personal ties rather than hatred of Jews. “To us, that’s unacceptable sympathy for terrorists and murderers, perversion of truth and justice. But his personal ties could at least justify a perspective that bifurcates Israel and the Jews of New York,” he said.

Indig said that the fears that Mamdani’s rhetoric would trigger violence were exaggerated. “Most of the response inspired by his rhetoric is confined to anti-Semitic symbolism, chanting, and rallying… If we stop making a big deal out of it, many of them will lose interest and move on,” he said.

According to Indig, he refused to endorse Mamdani while Eric Adams remained in the race, citing loyalty. But after Adams withdrew, Mamdani pursued the endorsement repeatedly. “I didn’t promise him votes,” Indig said, explaining that most Satmar voters were convinced Mamdani was a danger. Mamdani, he said, brushed that off.

“‘I don’t need your votes,’ he said. ‘I have the votes. I’ll win anyway, with you or without you, but I want to win with you. I just want your endorsement because I want to prove that I’m not an anti-Semite.’”

Indig said he viewed that as “a beautiful invitation to our community.”

He said Mamdani promised access, an open door, and sensitivity to Satmar’s concerns, especially on education. Indig also pointed out that Mamdani had supported a yeshiva-friendly education bill as an assemblyman and vowed to retain Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch.

Indig added that he and Rabbi Hoffman were “the only two Jews invited to his victory party” and were taken backstage during the celebration of 3,000 attendees.

“He greeted us, promised he would not forget, and that we had access at all times,” he said.

The decision to bring Mamdani into Indig’s sukkah — one of the most heavily criticized moments — was also defended.

“Politicians always come visit askanim in the sukkah… It’s meant to be a sign of respect to the community,” Indig said. He called the backlash “nonsense” and “part of the propaganda campaign against him.”

He said that the Satmar Rebbe, Rav Aharon Teitelbaum, was fully informed of the situation and approved the plan.

“He said, ‘Go ahead,’” Indig stated.

But the blowback from across the Jewish community has been intense. “I’m taking missiles over this, not just bullets,” Indig said.

He claimed wealthy critics and major developers — many of whom, he said, helped create the voter base that elected Mamdani by building luxury housing that priced out families — called him to complain. Others accused him of having personal motives, a charge he rejected with anger. “If he turns out to be an anti-Semite, who is going to have to deal with him? Me! Not them!” he said.

Some even called him a “kapo.”

“Anyone who knows what a kapo is can see that I am the exact opposite — a kapo beat you up to save himself. I’m taking beatings to save you,” he said.

Despite the backlash, Indig insisted that the endorsement was the correct strategic choice, emphasizing political necessity and long-term access. “To be a real and responsible leader, you need to make correct decisions that are in the best interest of the community, even when they are difficult and unpopular,” he said.

He claimed that many who initially attacked him have since privately conceded that he may have been right. “People are already telling us we were right, that it was chacham haroeh es hanolad,” Indig said. “We are currently the only Yidden with access to the future City Hall, but I hope that changes.”

{Matzav.com}

In a new and deeply troubling escalation, a fringe group of self-styled kanna’im launched a wave of robo-calls and hotline messages overnight maligning the Slabodka roshei yeshiva, Maran Hagaon Rav Dov Landau and Maran Hagaon Rav Moshe Hillel Hirsch, in an unprecedented bizayon haTorah.

The attacks were timed precisely as Rav Moshe Hillel Hirsch arrived in the United States on behalf of the Slabodka Yeshiva.

One of the messages, dripping with disrespect, referred to the venerated rosh yeshiva simply as “the hanhala of Yeshiva Slabodka in Bnei Brak.”

This latest barrage follows a pattern of harassment in which this small faction has repeatedly defamed gedolei Yisroel, questioned their leadership, and spread incendiary falsehoods regarding the developing draft legislation in Israel, including the latest claim that the Slabodka roshei yeshiva have endorsed a law drafting 50% of bnei yeshiva.

One hotline broadcast the following message:

“Urgent message regarding the Slabodka roshei yeshiva agreeing to draft 50% of all bochurim in Eretz Yisroel. The hanhalah of Yeshivas Slabodka Bnei Brak is coming to fundraise in America. In Eretz Yisroel, a law is being passed to draft 50% of bochurim. It is being supported by the leaders of Yeshivas Slabodka.”

The message continued with inflammatory rhetoric: “Because of the Slabodka roshei yeshiva’s support for the law, 50% of all yeshiva bochurim in Eretz Yisroel are about to be sent to kill, die, and get shmadded by atheist commanders and female soldiers. Rabbi Yitzchok Kalmanovich said that the Slabodka roshei yeshivas are making a churban. Please, spread the word.”

A separate recording added: “The following is an important message regarding the ‘Slabodka chok hagiyus.’ As the hanhalah of Yeshivas Slabodka Bnei Brak travels to America to fundraise, back in Eretz Yisroel, unsavory politicians are pushing through a military draft law against yeshiva bochurim, all in the name of Yeshivas Slabodka and its leaders. It is urgent that the word gets through to the hanhalas hayeshiva about what is happening behind their backs while they are abroad. 50% of all yeshiva bochurim are now on the chopping block. Please, spread the word.”

LISTEN:

For months, these kannaim have hurled accusations at gedolei hador, spread misinformation, and aggressively attacked the leaders of the Torah world. Many are afraid to confront them; others simply hope they will fade away. But the lack of pushback has emboldened them further, until now they speak openly against the gedolei hador. Silence has allowed these individuals to operate freely and to sow confusion at will.

{Matzav.com}

President Donald Trump has argued with the architect he handpicked to design a White House ballroom over the size of the project, reflecting a conflict between architectural norms and Trump’s grandiose aesthetic, according to four people who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe internal conversations.

Trump’s desire to go big with the project has put him at odds with architect James McCrery II, the people said, who has counseled restraint over concerns the planned 90,000-square-foot addition could dwarf the 55,000-square-foot mansion in violation of a general architectural rule: don’t build an addition that overshadows the main building.

A White House official acknowledged the two have disagreed but would not say why or elaborate on the tensions, characterizing Trump and McCrery’s conversations about the ballroom as “constructive dialogue.”

“As with any building, there is a conversation between the principal and the architect,” said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations. “All parties are excited to execute on the president’s vision on what will be the greatest addition to the White House since the Oval Office.”

McCrery declined an interview request through a representative who declined to answer questions about the architect’s interactions with Trump in recent weeks.

Trump’s intense focus on the project and insistence on realizing his vision over the objections of his own hire, historic preservationists and others concerned by a lack of public input in the project reflect his singular belief in himself as a tastemaker and obsessive attention to details. In the first 10 months of his second term, Trump has waged a campaign to remake the White House in his gilded aesthetic and done so unilaterally – using a who’s-going-to-stop-me ethos he honed for decades as a developer.

Multiple administration officials have acknowledged that Trump has at times veered into micromanagement of the ballroom project, holding frequent meetings about its design and materials. A model of the ballroom has also become a regular fixture in the Oval Office.

The renovation represents one of the largest changes to the White House in its 233-year history, and has yet to undergo any formal public review. The administration has not publicly provided key details about the building, such as its planned height. The 90,000-square-foot structure also is expected to host a suite of offices previously located in the East Wing. The White House has also declined to specify its plans for an emergency bunker that was located below the East Wing, citing matters of national security.

On recent weekdays, a bustling project site that is almost entirely fenced off from public view contained dozens of workers and materials ready to be installed, including reinforced concrete pipes and an array of cranes, drills, pile drivers and other heavy machinery, photos obtained by The Washington Post show.

Plans for the addition as of Tuesday had not been submitted to the National Capital Planning Commission, a 12-member board charged by Congress with overseeing federal construction projects and now led by Trump allies. A preliminary agenda for the commission’s next meeting, scheduled for Dec. 4, does not include the ballroom project under projects expected to be covered at the meeting or reviewed by the body in the next six months. White House officials say that the administration still plans to submit its ballroom plans to the commission at “the appropriate time.”

The administration’s rapid demolition of the East Wing annex and solicitations from companies and individuals to fund the new construction have caused controversy over the project, which Trump believes the White House needs to host special events. Democrats, historical preservation groups and some architects have criticized the project’s pace, secrecy and shifting specifications. The White House initially said this summer that the ballroom would cost $200 million and fit 650 people, while Trump in recent weeks asserted that it could cost $300 million or more and would fit about 1,000 people.

McCrery has kept his criticism out of the public eye, quietly working to deliver as Trump demanded rushed revisions to his plans, according to two of the people with knowledge of the conversations. The president – a longtime real estate executive who prides himself on his expertise – has repeatedly drilled into the details of the project in their Oval Office meetings, the people said.

McCrery has wanted to remain with the project, worried that another architect would design an inferior building, according to a person with knowledge of his thinking.

McCrery, a classical architect and the founder and principal of McCrery Architects, had designed works like the U.S. Supreme Court bookstore and the pedestal for President Ronald Reagan’s statue in the U.S. Capitol. The ballroom was the largest-ever project for his firm, which has specialized in designing churches, libraries and homes.

Trump hired McCrery for the project on July 13. Eighteen days later, the White House announced the ballroom project, with officials promising to start construction within two months and finish before the end of Trump’s second term.

Trump also appointed McCrery in 2019 to serve a four-year term on the U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, which provides advice to the president, Congress and local government officials on design matters related to construction projects in the capital region.

Democrats have pressed the White House and its donors for more details on the planned construction and what was promised to financial contributors. The ballroom is being funded by wealthy individuals and large companies that have contracts with the federal government, including Amazon, Lockheed Martin and Palantir Technologies.

Several donors have cast the decision in statements as an investment in the future of a building that belongs to the American people, pushing back on the suggestion that their largesse was intended to curry favor with Trump.

A donor list released by the White House of 37 businesses and individuals who underwrote the ballroom is not comprehensive, administration officials acknowledged, leaving open the possibility that millions of dollars have been funneled toward the president’s pet project with no oversight.

“Billionaires and giant corporations with business in front of this administration are lining up to dump millions into Trump’s new ballroom – and Trump is showing them where to sign on the dotted line,” Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Massachusetts) said in a statement last week. Warren and her colleagues also introduced legislation that would impose restrictions on White House construction and require more transparency from donors.

(c) 2025 , The Washington Post · Jonathan Edwards, Dan Diamond 

A major shift in West Virginia’s long-standing school immunization rules emerged this week after Raleigh County Circuit Judge Michael Froble ruled that parents may rely on their religious convictions to exempt their children from mandatory school vaccinations. The decision rewrites the practical landscape of one of the strictest vaccine policies in the country.

In a permanent injunction issued Wednesday, the judge concluded that families who object to compulsory immunization on religious grounds must be allowed to send their children to class and allow them to participate in extracurricular activities. The ruling immediately put a halt to the state’s prohibition on religious exemptions.

At the heart of Froble’s finding was the Equal Protection for Religion Act enacted in 2023 under Gov. Jim Justice. Froble determined that blocking parents from seeking religious exemptions “violates” that law and cannot stand alongside constitutional protections.

For years, West Virginia permitted only medical exemptions, placing it among the few states with no pathway for religious objectors. That dynamic changed when Gov. Patrick Morrisey signed an executive order earlier this year authorizing religious exemptions. But the state Board of Education promptly pushed back, voting in June to disregard Morrisey’s directive and continue enforcing vaccine rules without exception.

Following Wednesday’s ruling, the Board of Education announced that it “hereby suspends the policy on compulsory vaccination requirements” while it prepares an appeal to the state Supreme Court. The legal fight is expected to escalate quickly.

Morrisey celebrated the decision, saying the ruling “is a win for every family forced from school over their faith.” His opponents, however, insist he bypassed the legislature. Two organizations sued to block his executive order, arguing that lawmakers—not the governor—hold authority over vaccination policy.

Earlier this year, the Senate approved a bill allowing religious exemptions, but the House of Delegates rejected it. Defendants in the case argued that the legislature’s failure to pass the law shows that exemptions should not exist. Froble dismissed that reasoning outright, writing: “Legislative intent is not absolute nor controlling in interpreting a statute or determining its application; at most, it is a factor.”

The lawsuit was filed by several parents against the state, multiple school boards, and the Raleigh County superintendent. One parent received a religious exemption from the state health department and enrolled her child in school, only to have the local superintendent revoke the approval by email in June, prompting the legal challenge.

Froble previously issued a preliminary injunction in July ensuring the three plaintiff families could continue sending their children to school for the current academic year. Last month, he expanded the case dramatically, certifying it as a class action representing 570 families across West Virginia who had been granted religious exemptions, along with any families who may seek such exemptions going forward.

Addressing concerns that the ruling could create public-health risks, Froble wrote that the number of families involved represents only a limited fraction of the student population and “would not meaningfully reduce vaccination rates or increase health risks.”

State law still requires immunization against a wide list of illnesses—including measles, mumps, rubella, chickenpox, polio, tetanus, whooping cough, meningitis, diphtheria, and hepatitis B—before children may attend school. The ruling does not erase these requirements, but it allows religious objectors to challenge them.

West Virginia now joins at least 30 states that have some form of religious-freedom statute. These laws trace back to the federal Religious Freedom Restoration Act, signed in 1993 by President Bill Clinton, which created a legal avenue to contest government rules that interfere with religious belief.

By Rabbi Pinchos Lipschutz

Recently, a fascinating sefer was published, woven from the cherished recollections of Rav Meir Heisler. It contains stories, anecdotes, and teachings he heard firsthand and shared with his talmidim in moments of closeness. Each page glimmers with hidden jewels, stories that had long rested in silence, unknown to the wider world. As you journey through its lines, a new appreciation blossoms for the gedolim it portrays, and life itself comes into focus with radiant clarity.

Rav Heisler recounts that he was once with Rav Elazar Menachem Man Shach when somebody told him that a certain cheder had stopped learning Parshas Bereishis with its students. Upon hearing that, Rav Shach reached for the phone and dialed the number of the principal of that school. When he wasn’t able to reach him, he called the principal’s son-in-law and, with passionate urgency, said to him, “What does it mean that your father-in-law isn’t teaching Bereishis to the children? Tell him that the Chofetz Chaim would make a cheirem over this!”

The son-in-law responded that his father-in-law felt that the children would not understand Bereishis anyway, so why bother teaching it to them?

Rav Shach grew emotional and said to the man, “And today your father-in-law understands the pesukim of Bereishis? This is what sustains—what we learned when we were young children!”

The parshiyos of Bereishis that we learned when we were young fascinated us and engraved themselves upon our neshamos. Those stories we learned, the songs we sang about them, the projects we made and the little sheets we brought home all became the bedrock of our emunah, enduring across the years.

Each year, when we learn the parshiyos, those memories awaken. Although we grow in our learning and understanding, the foundation of our knowledge of Chumash remains what our rabbeim and moros instilled in us when we were young and innocent. Ask a child about these parshiyos and their eyes will sparkle as they recount the week’s story.

I remember, as a young, small child, sitting at a classroom desk and hanging on to every word of my rebbi as we learned Parshas Vayeitzei, describing Yaakov Avinu’s dream, his years in Lovon’s house, his marriages, and the birth of the shevotim. We were captivated by the image of many stones joining to become the single rock upon which Yaakov rested his head. We were taught that Yaakov slept on Har Hamoriah, site of his father’s Akeidah and the future site of the Botei Mikdosh.

The sun set early and all of Eretz Yisroel folded under Yaakov. In his sleep, Hashem promised him the land, protection, brachos, and innumerable descendants. Awakening, overwhelmed by the awesomeness, he declared, “This is a holy place. Hashem is here and I did not know.” He consecrated the stone and vowed ten percent of his possessions to Hashem.

Yaakov traveled on to Choron, discovering shepherds sitting aimlessly with their flocks at a watering hole. They explained that they had come to draw water for their sheep, but the underground well was sealed with a massive stone and they had to wait until more shepherds arrived so they could remove the rock together. When Rochel appeared with her sheep, Yaakov rolled the boulder away by himself, opening the well for all.

Yaakov was the av of golus. What unfolded as he left the home of his parents in Be’er Sheva and set out for Choron was the beginning of Yaakov’s first journey into exile, the start of a long and painful golus.

He walked until nightfall and lay down to sleep in a place that seemed completely devoid of holiness. Upon awakening, he realized that “ein zeh ki im bais Elokim—this is a place laden with kedusha, the house of Hashem and the gate to heaven.”

Yaakov Avinu was modeling for all future generations how to endure golus. Forced to leave lands that hosted us for generations, we often find ourselves in places that feel desolate, barren of anything meaningful. These places appear incapable of receiving any holiness, much less supporting lives of kedusha. They seem as lifeless as stone.

The golus experience is tragic, the Jewish family scattered across the world, enduring every form of oppression and suffering along the way. On the surface, it seems as though we have been torn from the presence of the Divine, thrust into a world stripped of holiness.

But as Yaakov Avinu taught us, even the darkest corners of the earth hold the potential for kedusha. A stone can become a mizbeiach. Ein zeh ki im bais Elokim. The secret to surviving golus is recognizing that we can bring kedusha anywhere.

We never give up on any place or any person. Not long ago, many believed that Torah could never flourish in America. The prevailing assumption was that anyone who came here was destined for a spiritually empty life, and for many years, that was the reality.

But Hashgocha arranged for giants who had internalized Yaakov’s lesson to arrive in America as they fled the horrors of Europe.

They planted yeshivos in a land where people insisted that Torah could not grow. They upheld shemiras Shabbos where it was nearly nonexistent. They persuaded parents to send their children to receive a Torah education, even when such choices were mocked as antiquated and misguided. They introduced kedusha into a place steeped in tumah.

Because of the determination of good people across the country, America is now home to vibrant frum communities from coast to coast and Torah is thriving on a remarkable scale. This transformation occurred because enough of Yaakov’s descendants believed that any place, no matter how inert, could be turned into a mizbeiach and a makom kadosh.

And not only in America. Across the globe, Torah is flourishing in places no one ever imagined. Wherever Jews go, holding fast to Yaakov’s message, the brocha he received that night in his dream — “uforatzta yoma vokeidma vetzafona vonegba” — is being fulfilled in ways the world has never before witnessed.

No matter where our people end up, they build, they believe, they plant, and they grow. And in the process, they uncover and reveal sparks of kedusha in the largest cities, the smallest towns, and in the lightest and darkest corners of the world.

We never give up on anyone. We never say that he or she is beyond repair. We never say that they are beyond hope, for we know that there is holiness and good everywhere. Our task is to find it and to help the embers flare into flames.

The anthem of golus is “Achein yeish Elokim bamakom hazeh.” Never think that you are alone and abandoned. Never think that anyone is too far gone. Never think that there is a place that cannot be transformed into a home for Torah and kedusha.

We are all familiar with Rav Chaim Volozhiner’s prophecy that America would be our final station of golus. When we uncover enough watering holes here, we will finally be able to go home.

We have been spread across the world, and wherever we have gone, we have established botei Elokim, spreading kedusha and Torah where others insisted it could not be done. The cycle repeated itself every few hundred years. Jews would grow accustomed to their host country after bringing as much kedusha there as possible. Then the country would turn against them and the Jews would once again move on to the next bleak outpost. At last, we are here, spreading Torah across the fruited plain, awaiting that great day of “Vehoyah Hashem lemelech al kol ha’aretz.”

We often lose sight of those who refined and prepared the American landscape, enabling the Torah world to rise. The great impact of the famed post-war giants sometimes overshadows the silent, hidden avodah of those who came before them and first uncovered the “achein yeish Hashem” on these shores.

The going was rough in those early turn-of-the-century days, as millions of Jews fled the poverty and pogroms of Eastern Europe and came here seeking a better tomorrow. They settled in cities and towns across the country, eking out a living as peddlers, tailors, knitters, and shopkeepers. The ruach was stone cold. The water pits were blocked, refusing to open.

With the peddlers came rabbonim, who sat at home and learned by themselves and with the people. They wrote seforim and corresponded with the giants of Europe. They fought for Shabbos and Jewish education. My grandfather was one of those people. He was a Slabodka talmid living in Fall River, Massachusetts. He served as rov of four shuls and oversaw the local kosher bakeries and butchers. And when he wasn’t busy with communal obligations, he sat at his desk and learned, by himself, at all hours of the day and night, rarely sleeping in a bed. He sat and learned and wrote seforim. In fact, New England was dotted with towns that had great Litvishe rabbonim.

But for the masses, the temptations were many and powerful. People who refused to work on Shabbos found it nearly impossible to find employment. They went hungry. Their children begged for food, clean clothing, and heat. There were few Hebrew schools. There was little choice but to send the children to public school, where many were lost to assimilation. Every generation has its own unique nisyonos, which cannot be overcome without great determination and belief, and it is unfair for us to judge those who lived in those times.

Many failed, and many were lost, but those who persevered increased the kedusha here. The zechuyos created by limud haTorah and mesirus nefesh for kiyum hamitzvos accumulated, countering the klipos hora and enabling frum people to live and thrive here. They made it possible for shuls and yeshivos to be built, and for botei medrash and kollelim to flourish.

In Omaha, Nebraska lived Rav Tzvi Hirsch Grodzensky, cousin of Rav Chaim Ozer Grodzensky, who toiled in Torah. In Boston, Rav Zalman Yaakov Friederman presided over huge kehillos and ensured that there would be kashrus and rabbonim in Massachusetts, all while he learned and taught Torah. The great gaon Rav Eliezer Silver of Kovno eventually settled in Cincinnati, Ohio, and from his pulpit there he influenced the entire Torah world.

I once drove from Vail, Colorado, to Denver and decided to pull off at the exit for a little town named Leadville. As I drove through the town, I was astonished to see stores with Jewish-sounding names and a Jewish cemetery. I doubt that much of a Jewish community exists there today, but a hundred years ago it was a thriving Jewish metropolis.

Travel across this country and you’ll find Jewish cemeteries in the most unexpected places. You think you’re the first frum Jew ever to pass through some forsaken town off the beaten path, and then you see a bais olam and realize that neshamos were moser nefesh to uncover sparks of kedusha in that location, preparing the country for its spiritual rebirth and the world for Moshiach.

Generations of such people, who came to the final golus from Europe, brought with them Torah and mitzvos, sometimes living very lonely lives. Others were more fortunate. Whether they learned late into the night in the Rocky Mountains or led quiet tishen on Friday nights in places very far from Mezhibuzh, they were slowly but surely removing the rocks that blocked the waters of Torah from flowing. History may not record their efforts, but everything that came after those pioneers is because they uncovered the holy spark of “achein yeish Elokim bamakom hazeh,” and our flourishing existence here proves it.

Rav Moshe Mordechai Shulsinger recalled that during one of Israel’s wars, people asked Rav Elazar Menachem Man Shach how they might help. He offered two suggestions. The first was to recite the first brocha of Birkas Hamazon from a bentcher. The second was not to be “fartayned” all day. “Don’t be perpetually aggrieved,” he said. “Some people go through every day of their lives with complaints against everyone. People have complaints against their spouse, parents, children, rabbonim, rabbeim, moros, and chazzan. They think that other people have tried hurting them, harming them, and insulting them. People become bitter, angry, and upset, and get into arguments.”

Stop, Rav Shach advised. Stop complaining. Stop seeing only the incompetence of those around you and begin seeing the blessings.

“A person can spend his day in kapdanus and bitterness,” Rav Shach would say.

Don’t say that this is an empty place. Don’t say that the water is buried beneath a rock too heavy to move. Don’t say that everything is bleak and hopeless. Instead, think, “Achein yeish Elokim bamakom hazeh.” See the potential. See the good. Help remove the stones and pebbles that prevent people from growing.

A person who is aware that Hashem maps every step and writes every chapter lives with emunah and simcha. Nothing happens without purpose. Yaakov Avinu, facing loneliness, poverty, and deceit, never complained. He saw Hashem’s Hand: “Achein yeish Elokim bamakom hazeh.”

Never do we see him offering ta’anos, focused on the evil done to him. He never assumes the role of the nirdof. He isn’t consumed by Lovon’s spite.

He saw the Hand of Hashem there too. “Achein yeish Elokim bamakom hazeh.”

Thus, he emerged from Bais Lovon rich in family and possessions.

Chinuch works the same way — seeing the value in every child, lovingly encouraging and motivating them from a young age to do good and be good. Chinuch succeeds by helping a child believe in himself, strengthening his confidence, and letting him know that if he aims to succeed, he will.

Hashem crafted man as a wondrous, spectacular creation, and infused each person with worth. Closing the door on a person is losing sight of Hashem’s glory. Every soul carries kedusha. Achein yeish Elokim bamakom hazeh.

Where Yaakov revealed Hashem’s Presence, the Bais Hamikdosh will stand, a testimony that throughout the journey of golus, Hashem has accompanied us, guiding us home.

Dark or difficult as life may seem, remember: “Achein yeish Elokim bamakom hazeh.” We have the strength to roll stones away, to clear paths for ourselves and others. Challenges are surmountable through effort, tefillah, emunah, and bitachon.

And so, Rav Shach reminds us: Do not dwell in complaints. Do not see obstacles as insurmountable. See the blessings. See the potential. See Hashem’s Hand in every step.

With this awareness, life transforms. Stones become wells. Darkness becomes light. Exile becomes home. And in so doing, we hasten the coming of Moshiach, may he arrive speedily in our day.

{Matzav.com}

Choosing whether to take a smaller reward now or a larger one later may feel like an everyday decision, but scientists say it reflects deep biological patterns that shape lifelong health, StudyFinds.com reports. Researchers have uncovered evidence that the tendency to prioritize immediate rewards—known as delay discounting—has a genetic foundation and is linked to a wide array of medical and psychiatric outcomes.

A massive study involving close to 135,000 people identified 11 regions in human DNA tied to this behavioral trait. The findings challenge the idea that impatience is only a matter of upbringing or willpower and instead demonstrate that it is partly inherited, with clear ties to mental and physical well-being.

Participants in the study, run by the University of California San Diego in partnership with 23andMe, answered a set of 27 financial-choice questions. Those who repeatedly selected smaller immediate payouts were classified as having “steeper discounting.” Through this approach, researchers mapped out several genetic clusters connected to the behavior, many of which overlap with genes already known to influence intelligence, weight regulation, risk-taking tendencies, and psychiatric vulnerabilities.

The data suggest that inherited factors make up roughly 10% of the variability in how strongly someone favors immediate gratification. While environment still plays a dominant role, this genetic signature tends to stay consistent across many stages of life.

Some of the most striking findings centered on chromosome 6, where one DNA variant sits between two genes already associated with smoking, alcohol consumption, bipolar disorder, body weight, and risk-taking. Another genetic region on chromosome 16 contains 18 genes involved in brain development, intellectual functioning, and appetite-related behaviors. Abnormalities in this area have previously been observed in autism, ADHD, schizophrenia, and obesity.

Among the genes highlighted in the study was SULT1A1, which produces a dopamine-responsive enzyme within brain cells. Dopamine is widely known for its role in reward processing, making the connection especially noteworthy. Researchers also pointed to SH2B1, a gene with a key role in brain growth; mice lacking this gene exhibit developmental problems and higher aggression.

Published in Molecular Psychiatry, the research reveals that impatience has a complicated genetic profile. Steeper discounting showed strong genetic ties to obesity, depression, smoking, and ADHD, while the opposite pattern emerged for conditions such as anorexia, OCD, autism, bipolar disorder, and schizophrenia—where individuals genetically prone to these disorders tend to wait for larger delayed rewards. Both extremes come with their own health burdens.

The strongest overlap between impatience and other traits involved intelligence and educational attainment. Even after adjusting statistically for those factors, the researchers still found 19 significant genetic correlations—including links to chronic pain, digestive diseases, smoking patterns, brain-activity markers, and body weight.

To see how these genetic signatures play out in medical settings, scientists generated delay discounting genetic risk scores for nearly 67,000 patients in Vanderbilt University Medical Center’s biobank. Higher genetic risk was associated with 212 different medical diagnoses across the lifespan.

The expected connections—such as smoking behavior, addiction risk, and mood disorders—were present, but the list extended far beyond that. People with higher genetic risk showed increased rates of heart disease, respiratory problems like chronic airway obstruction, metabolic issues such as Type 2 diabetes, gastrointestinal disorders, and long-term pain conditions.

Different age groups displayed different patterns. Higher genetic risk in young adults was associated with pregnancy complications. In middle age, the correlations included substance use disorders, depression, obesity, and diabetes. In older adults, cardiovascular problems dominated the list, including coronary artery disease and heart attacks.

Although many links weakened after controlling for smoking behavior—suggesting smoking is one pathway connecting impatience to health—numerous associations remained. Persistent links to certain cancers, skin conditions, and vision problems indicate that impatience affects health through multiple biological and behavioral channels.

This trait also shows up in addiction research: individuals with steeper discounting tend to have higher relapse rates when attempting to quit cigarettes. If scientific advances eventually allow clinical interventions to target the biological roots of impatience, treatments for addiction and other impulsive behaviors may become more effective.

Still, no single gene can predict who will be impatient. Thousands of small genetic variations each nudge the trait slightly. The study’s authors stress that simple consumer DNA tests have no power to forecast whether someone struggles with delaying gratification.

“Understanding the genetic and biological roots of delay discounting opens up many new possibilities,” says the study’s senior author Sandra Sanchez-Roige, associate professor of psychiatry at UC San Diego School of Medicine. “In the future, delay discounting could become a clinically useful marker, one that helps us improve behavioral and pharmacological treatments aimed at impulsivity.”

{Matzav.com}

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A highly anticipated concert celebrating the release of singer Naftali Kempeh’s new album has been abruptly canceled after intense public backlash, legal threats, and warnings from activists who said they intended to disrupt the performance.

The production company VMP announced Wednesday evening that the show—scheduled to take place at Yerushalayim’s Binyanei HaUma—would not go forward, following a storm triggered by the decision made a day earlier to shut down the women’s section entirely.

The concert had originally been promoted as a fully separated event, with designated men’s and women’s seating areas divided by a mechitzah. Despite selling several hundred tickets, producer Shalom Wagshel suddenly informed buyers that the women’s gallery was being scrapped and that refunds would be issued to all women who had purchased seats. The move came after mounting pressure and comparisons to another large-scale concert planned for Motzaei Shabbos Chanukah at the Yerushalayim Arena.

Wagshel has now confirmed that the entire event is being canceled. He described a wave of fierce criticism following Tuesday’s announcement, alongside legal threats and reports of groups of women organizing to attend the show specifically to disrupt it in protest.

In a lengthy public letter, the producers addressed ticket holders and fans of Jewish music:

“To all Jewish-music supporters, and especially to those who purchased tickets for the launch concert of Naftali Kempeh’s new album, we want to share the difficult process we have experienced since announcing this event, an event we have invested months of work into.”

The statement emphasized that the original plan adhered to standard modesty guidelines, with separate entrances and full separation throughout the venue, “as is customary in every beis knesses, simchah hall, and community event in our circles.”

However, organizers said the uproar surrounding the Arena concert—accused by tznius activists of failing to meet accepted standards—triggered a wave of communal pressure that spilled over onto their event.

“Many in the public viewed that concert as a serious breach,” the producers wrote. “As a result, heavy pressure was placed on rabbanim, which in turn pressured us to cancel the women’s section at our event, even though this is an entirely different production, held with complete separation and in full accordance with the traditions of our community.”

The team said removing the women’s section created a public chillul Hashem in other sectors, without achieving any practical result for those pushing the campaign. Meanwhile, the Arena event remains scheduled to proceed “as usual.”

According to the statement, the past 24 hours brought “a harsh media onslaught” from “extreme organizations” attempting to use the production as a symbol in wider national battles. Organizers said they also received legal threats, and “identified a coordinated effort by groups of women to purchase tickets in order to attend the concert and disrupt it as a protest.”

They added that the public pressure forced the Yerushalayim municipality to revoke the standard “Yerushalmi discount” typically offered to local cultural events, even though similarly structured concerts had previously been held with municipal support.

“We were dragged into a massive public struggle against our will,” they wrote, “one attempting to dictate to us and to the public how to live, how to conduct ourselves, and what our way of life should look like.”

Given the escalating controversy and the chilul Hashem caused by the way the issue was portrayed in the media, the producers said they could not proceed.

“In the situation that has been created… it does not seem right to hold this concert at this time. As the title says, we only wanted to bring joy. But where there is chilul Hashem and strife, joy cannot dwell.”

The production company confirmed that the concert is officially canceled and all purchasers will receive full refunds.

They closed with a message of thanks: “We express heartfelt appreciation to the dear buyers, and we deeply regret the disappointment. Special thanks to the thousands of men and women who sent supportive messages in recent days. We pray that in the future there will be a way to host events compatible with our lifestyle, in a kosher, sensitive manner that sanctifies Heaven’s Name. ‘He Who makes peace in His heights, may He make peace upon us and upon all Israel.’”

{Matzav.com}