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In a community known for its exponential growth and vibrant Jewish life, Shlomo Schorr succeeded Avi Schnall in the role of legislative advocacy, quietly navigating the complexities of New Jersey’s political landscape. From his unique vantage point—shaped by years in the media, where he reported on and built relationships with the very people he now collaborates with—Rabbi Schorr offers a rare glimpse into the behind-the-scenes efforts that keep the wheels of progress turning for the state’s frum community.
In this candid conversation, Rabbi Schorr reflects on the high-stakes battles and subtle negotiations that have come to define his work at The Agudah’s New Jersey office. He recounts the profound impact of landmark cases, like the Jackson Township lawsuit, and the far-reaching effects of securing crucial legislation for busing and school lunch programs. Balancing advocacy with diplomacy, Rabbi Schorr’s experience in the press corps has proven invaluable, allowing him to bridge gaps with local officials and reporters across the state and temper the sometimes contentious narrative surrounding Jewish communal growth.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
“The Director of Legislative Affairs for Agudath Israel of America’s New Jersey office.” Quite the title you’ve got there! You’ve been in this position for how long now?
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
About a year and a half. I joined The Agudah in January 2023, and when Rabbi Schnall was elected to the Assembly and sworn in to office this past January, I was asked to help fill the role position he previously occupied.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
You’ve taken on a lot of responsibilities! How’s it been going so far?
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
It’s been incredible. The support from everyone in the organization has been tremendous. Stepping into Avi’s shoes was no small task—he’s been doing this for ten years, and he’s built something remarkable. But he left behind a solid foundation and infrastructure, which has made the transition much smoother. Plus, having Rabbi AD Motzen, who is the National Director of Government Affairs, and the 11 other regional directors to collaborate with on a daily basis has been invaluable. And by working under Avi for the first twelve months since I joined the Agudah I have learnt a tremendous amount from, his experience, expertise and the knowledge which he’s gathered over the last decade. I am also fortunate enough to learn from many others here in town, who are both older and wiser than me.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
If I may say, and I don’t mean to sound patronizing, but as a fellow Lakewood resident, I’m truly proud of how seamlessly you’ve stepped into this role. I see the way you eloquently represent our community, whether speaking to the public, engaging with the press, or through your writing. Your ability to articulate the community’s message and advocate on their behalf is exceptional. The Agudah couldn’t have chosen a better person for this role. Lakewood, and really the entire New Jersey region, is fortunate to have someone like you representing us in the halls of Trenton.
And speaking of Trenton, we were chatting last week, just before the passage of the state budget, where you were deeply involved. You almost ended up spending Shabbos at the State House. Can you talk about that for a moment? I bring it up not just for the sake of the story, but because it’s such a clear example of the dedication and commitment that a good representative like yourself brings to the table—and how it impacts your life, your schedule, and even your family. I’d love to hear more about that.
For the layperson, they might understand why Assemblymen Schaer and Schnall, as state legislators, would need to be there. But you’re not a politician—you’re a representative of a nonprofit, Agudath Israel. Why was it so crucial for someone like you to be so hands-on when the budget was being finalized?
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
That’s a great question. As someone who works with many coalition partners to address our needs, we often team up with other groups. For example, we’ll partner with the Catholic community on funding for nonpublic schools, which includes various issues like nursing, technology, and school lunches. To effectively achieve our shared goals, we all need to be present.
There are 120 legislators, and we’re a relatively small team. We’re all engaging with different legislators, coordinating our efforts, and keeping everything aligned as the budget is finalized and changes are being made on the fly. To maintain a united front and ensure that we’re all on the same page, it’s essential that we’re all there, in person, to avoid any gaps or misunderstandings. So while Avi might be advocating for specific priorities, we’re fighting for a broad range of items that benefit our entire coalition. It’s a collaborative effort, and being present is crucial while all of this is unfolding in real time.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
So is this an annual thing that you deal with every year? Around May or June, right? Because of the July 1st deadline to pass the budget for the following fiscal year…
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
Exactly. For example, the fiscal year 2025 budget must be passed by July 1st, 2024, which marks the start of the 2025 fiscal year. It’s a one-year budget, and every year brings a new, but similar, process. The governor presents the budget in February, and from there it goes to the legislature. That’s where we step in, spending February through June fighting, advocating, and lobbying to ensure our priorities are included and properly funded.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
And how often do you find yourself going to Trenton and spending significant time at the State House?
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
There are two main phases during the budget season. The first is when the governor is formulating and introducing his budget, usually around January and February. During that time, we meet with the governor’s office and the administration, as well as various departments, to ensure that the initial proposal includes our key items. But even if we don’t get everything we want at that stage, we then shift our focus to the legislature. From there, we meet with legislators to discuss what can be added to the governor’s budget, since they are the ones who ultimately pass it. They have the ability to include additional items, and we work hard to make sure our priorities are among them.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
I don’t think I’ve ever actually been inside the State House. When someone like you goes there, do you have a workspace or office space available?
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
Actually, I don’t have an office there. Many lobbyists do have offices nearby, but there are some spaces within the State House where people can sit.
There is a cafeteria where many lobbyists meet and work, although they don’t serve food there anymore—it’s more of a workspace now. You can set up a laptop, make calls, and handle things of that sort.
And speaking of Trenton, I find myself there quite often. In fact, I’ve been there twice in one day recently. This is something that makes our situation in New Jersey quite unique compared to other Jewish communities across the country. For instance, Albany is a long trip from New York City, where the frum community is based, and Springfield is hours away from Chicago. I consider myself lucky that I can drive to Trenton for a committee meeting in the morning, be back for lunch, and sometimes even head back later for a vote. It’s usually around a 45-minute drive, depending on where you’re coming from. If you’re in Lakewood or Jackson, it can vary slightly—maybe 30 to 45 minutes.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
Outside of the budget, what are the issues you’re currently advocating for on behalf of the community? What are the hot-button topics right now?
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
There are many issues that are always included in the budget, and then there are new ones that come up each year, bills we want to get passed now. The Jewish community in New Jersey has a significant presence, with 75,000 children in nonpublic and yeshiva schools throughout the state—over 50,000 of them in Lakewood alone. And then you have other sizable communities around Passaic, Deal, Edison, Highland Park, Teaneck, Englewood and many, many more. Then there are smaller communities like Cherry Hill, Morristown, and beyond. I have a list of about 25 municipalities throughout the state with at least some Jewish community presence..
So, because of the number of children in these communities, anything related to nonpublic schools is always a big focus. We’re constantly looking for ways to make things easier or secure more funding to help parents. Tuition is a significant topic—many people talk about school choice and tuition relief, and we certainly hope to achieve something significant related to that here in New Jersey.
But, as I see it, I would also add that tuition relief isn’t just about directly lowering tuition costs. If we can secure funding in other areas, it can still relieve the financial burden on families. Whether it’s for busing, school lunches, or supplies, any savings, even if not labeled as “tuition relief,” still come out of the same pocket. So, while the state hasn’t funded direct tuition relief yet, we try to achieve financial relief in other ways that impact the family’s overall expenses.
And I would note that, partly because of the success we have when it comes to obtaining funding for many school related programs, tuition in Lakewood area schools are significantly lower than in many other Jewish communities.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
Do you feel that tuition relief isn’t a realistic ask at this time? I imagine you get asked this question all the time: “So, Rabbi Schorr, when is tuition relief coming to New Jersey residents?”
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
There’s no doubt that tuition is the number one concern for Jewish parents, not just in New Jersey, but across the country. We’ve seen some success in other states, but here in New Jersey, it’s a multi-year plan that we just kicked into high gear this past year. We hope that, be’ezras Hashem, we’ll see some progress on this front. How significant and how soon? That remains to be seen, but we’re optimistic.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
Is there a chance that even if they don’t pass a full voucher system, we might see some sort of compromise, like a tax credit or a similar measure?
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
Absolutely. The focus here is more on a tax credit, which is different from a voucher. A tax credit is something that many politicians, including Democrats in the state, have been more open to discussing.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
And just to clarify, a tax credit means that when you file your taxes at the end of the year, it directly reduces your taxable income by the amount of tuition paid?
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
Not exactly. That’s a different version. What we’re trying to achieve in New Jersey is a system where an individual or corporation could make a charitable donation, and that donation would then grant a tax credit—typically 75 to 85% of the donated amount—on their tax bill. This donation would go directly towards a scholarship foundation set up to provide tuition grants.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
So I guess time will tell if that comes to fruition. I know Assemblyman Schnall has been getting these questions as well. With the financial realities facing frum families today, we keep saying it—it’s never been more expensive to raise a frum family, whether it’s housing prices, groceries, tuition, insurance, and everything else.
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
Across the board, things are getting tougher. So if we can provide any form of meaningful assistance, it would be incredibly helpful right now.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
There are so many communities on the periphery, where Jews are moving in, and they’ve faced various incidents and expressions of antisemitism. People are understandably hesitant about the expansion of communities and what they perceive as overdevelopment. I’m sure these issues come to your desk often. From your standpoint, how do you address this in a politically sensitive way—balancing legislative work while also engaging with the local residents to make them more accepting of the frum community’s growth?
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
That’s an excellent question, and it’s something I deal with regularly. I get calls about it almost weekly from places like Manchester, Jackson, Howell, Brick, and Toms River—basically all the municipalities surrounding Lakewood. There are a few things to consider here. Sometimes, it’s simply a lack of understanding on the part of local officials. That’s relatively easy to address because they’re not looking to be antagonistic; they just don’t know or are a bit apprehensive. So, I make it a point to sit down with them, and lately, I’ve started meeting with zoning and planning board officials who may have little to no familiarity with the Jewish community. They might have seen some stories in the media and feel uncertain or scared what may happen in their quiet town.
And as you see yeshivas and Jewish communities open up across the state in areas where there previously were none, they often face similar reactions. We advocate for smart planning and development that respects how all communities live. Jews, like everyone else, want to live in safe neighborhoods without traffic accidents or issues that can affect their peacefulness and quality of life.
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
Jews also want a good quality of life when they move to these neighborhoods. We advocate for smart planning in these areas. For example, you may have heard about the recently concluded lawsuit against Jackson Township, which we won in collaboration with the U.S. Department of Justice. One of the key points was that there should be a reasonable amount of acreage required for a shul, mikvah, and other areas of Jewish observance. We can’t have unreasonable demands like requiring ten acres or even five acres just to build a shul—that’s simply not feasible.
At the same time, we’re not saying that it should be built on a quarter of an acre, either. The idea is to find a reasonable middle ground—maybe two acres, two and a half, or one and a half, depending on the zoning area. That was a significant part of our lawsuit, and I think it’s something everyone can appreciate—a smart, balanced approach that respects religious practices while avoiding discrimination.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
You have work experience in the media as a writer. You’ve worked for the press. Unfortunately, a lot of the hostility we see toward the community is actually fueled by the media, which can sow antisemitism among a population that might not otherwise have those sentiments. People read what they read, and often believe it, even when it’s at best a misrepresentation and at worst outright falsehoods about the frum community. Given your background, having worked with some of these writers and understanding the media from the inside, have you been able to use that experience to make inroads, perhaps helping them to better understand our perspective—without naming any particular publication, of course?
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
That’s a great question. Absolutely. New Jersey has a relatively small press corps, influenced in parts by the Philly and New York City media markets, but it remains its own entity. Over the years, I’ve gotten to know most of the reporters who cover state-level news and many of those in the larger cities who focus on our area. I’ve had opportunities to discuss and explain some of our issues, and I’ve seen quite a few of them come a long way since I first met them five, six, or seven years ago. No question about that.
Even before I joined The Agudah, I have often got questions from reporters who had no previous exposure to the Orthodox way of life. They’d ask about “languages” or other unfamiliar aspects of our community. I’ve worked with many of them over the years, some more than others. Generally, most of them want to get the story right—they’re not out to be antagonistic. However, there are always a few who seem set in their ways, and I’ve learned that with some, it’s just not worth trying to engage. Fortunately, many of those have left the industry, particularly as the media landscape has contracted in recent years.
Most reporters, I find, are quite open to working with us. I know many of them personally now and see them regularly at the State House. They often reach out to me for background on stories. And, importantly, there are times when a story never makes it to print because we were able to discourage them or explain why it wasn’t really newsworthy, and then suggest a different angle or story. Reporters have quotas to fill, and they’re not necessarily out to attack us. They’re often just following assignments. If I can help redirect their focus to something less inflammatory, that’s a tactic that has proven successful to varying degrees over the years.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
Have you noticed a shift in how the media treats Lakewood—or really, the greater frum community of central Jersey? Are we getting a fairer shake than in the past?
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
I pay very close attention to these stories, and I know almost every reporter in the state personally. I track how each one writes, and over the years, I’ve noticed that some of them have definitely come around. It’s not just me, of course. There are many people in our community and across the state who are working on this. It’s very much a team effort. Others in our community engage with the media, build relationships, and explain things in a positive, approachable way. I do think there’s been a shift.
Part of that shift, like I mentioned, is that some of the more antagonistic reporters are no longer employed in this area. Those individuals who were consistently writing negative articles are simply not around anymore. So, naturally, we’re seeing fewer of those types of stories as well.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
In closing, is there any final story or anecdote that comes to mind where you’ve seen Agudath Israel of America and its services really make a profound impact on the New Jersey community?
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
Certainly. The Jackson lawsuit, which The Agudah brought in conjunction with the Department of Justice, is a major one. It’s something that will shape the future for Jackson. Jackson has over 15,000 Orthodox Jewish residents and growing faster than Lakewood right now percentage wise. It’s one of the largest frum communities in the country outside of New York, and it’s continuing to grow rapidly. But beyond that, there are other impactful initiatives. Just a few months ago, there was the busing bill, which allows for more flexible busing options for children in the communities surrounding Lakewood. This will enable thousands of children in Jackson, Toms River, and even Lakewood schools to have better busing services, which will significantly affect many families.
There’s also the lunch bill. A perfect example of a bill that without our efforts, this would never have happened. We managed to expand the eligibility for free lunches to income-eligible children in nonpublic schools, raising the income threshold and including our schools as well. This expansion will have a substantial impact on families across the state.
Rabbi Yitzchok Hisiger:
Rabbi Schorr, it’s been a pleasure speaking with you. You’ve been a dignified voice, and we’re incredibly proud—not just at The Agudah, but throughout the frum community—to have you representing us with such respect and dignity. You’ve earned well-deserved respect, and we thank you for everything you’ve done. We wish you continued hatzlacha in all your endeavors.
Rabbi Shlomo Schorr:
Thank you so much. Our success is a shared success, and having a great team makes it all possible. Working together as a klal and the support we get from the tzibbur allows us to achieve many more accomplishments, be’ezras Hashem.
Please support our campaign and help us continue doing for you and for all of Klal Yisroel.
Www.charidy.com/wedo
Hard Drugs Illegal again in Oregon as First-in-Nation Experiment Ends
As of Sunday it is, once again, illegal to possess small amounts of hard drugs in Oregon. A first-in-the-nation law decriminalizing drugs expired, as communities across America struggle to curb fentanyl use and overdose deaths.
Sunday marks the end of an experiment that drug-reform advocates called a pioneering and progressive measure to better help people. Oregon legislators reassessed Measure 110 this year and decided to again make it a misdemeanor to possess a minor amount of drugs – essentially anything besides marijuana. Selling and manufacturing illicit drugs was and is still illegal in Oregon.
Those who supported the measure said it sought to help instead of simply handcuff, by offering services as opposed to the stigma of an arrest, which can make it harder to find a job or place to live. The most vocal advocate was the Drug Policy Alliance, which spent more than $4 million on the campaign.
The measure required officers to hand out $100 citations instead of jail time, and that citation could be waived if the person called a state-funded hotline and enrolled in an assessment for treatment. Those services were funded by hundreds of millions of dollars in marijuana tax revenue. (Marijuana has been legal in Oregon since 2015.)
The alliance and others used Portugal, which decriminalized certain hard drugs in 2001, as a model – despite Portugal mulling changes of its own to the law.
The Oregon campaign emphasized a study showing that Black and Native American people were more likely to be convicted of drug crimes than White people and must deal with the consequences for decades.
The vote came in November 2020 during a wave of calls for criminal justice reform that crested after the murder of George Floyd, an unarmed Black man, by police in Minnesota.
The measure passed with support from 60 percent of voters.
“We have been criminalizing people for at least 50 years, and what we know is that it hasn’t gotten us any closer to having our loved ones get the care that they need at the scale that it requires,” Kassandra Frederique, the alliance’s executive director, told The Washington Post at the time.
But the program’s problems were clear right away.
Because of decades of underinvestment in behavioral health services, there weren’t enough providers to care for drug users, experts said. The health-care system was already stretched thin by the covid-19 pandemic. When the measure passed, state officials said Oregon ranked last in the nation for providing access to substance-use disorder treatment. Then state auditors raised concerns about the way the Oregon Health Authority managed grants meant for substance-abuse programs.
Then there was fentanyl. Up to 50 times stronger than heroin, fentanyl in 2021 was just hitting its peak on the West Coast after wreaking havoc elsewhere in the nation. This past January, the soaring number of fentanyl overdoses prompted state and local leaders to declare a 90-day state of emergency in downtown Portland.
Supported by polling that showed citizens no longer backed decriminalization, The Post reported, politicians and business leaders filed initiatives to let voters to “fix and improve” the law.
Soon after, Oregon legislators convened.
On Feb. 29, the Oregon House of Representatives voted 51-7 to recriminalize drugs, with bipartisan support. The Oregon Senate did the same by a vote of 21-8 the next day. Gov. Tina Kotek (D) signed recriminalization into law April 1.
Data shows how the law was used in practice. The Oregonian reported that circuit court data collected by the Oregon Judicial Department from when the law went into effect Feb. 1, 2021, to Aug. 26, 2024, showed that the state’s circuit courts imposed just under $900,000 in fines under the measure but collected only $78,000 of those fines.
The conviction rate for the 7,227 people cited was 89 percent, with most of those because people didn’t show up to court, the Oregonian reported. Data showed that 85 people completed the substance-abuse screening in lieu of a conviction.
The most commonly cited drug was methamphetamine, accounting for 54 percent of citations. Fentanyl and other Schedule II drugs, the Oregonian reported, ranked second at 31 percent.
Advocates of the measure were saddened by what they viewed as a backward move from lawmakers.
“It’s easier for the legislature to blame and stigmatize and disappear people into jails than to fix the problem they had a hand in creating,” Emily Kaltenbach, the Drug Policy Alliance’s senior director of state advocacy, previously told The Post.
The last day the measure was in effect was Saturday, which was Overdose Awareness Day.
(c) Washington Post
Watch Rachel Polin Goldberg at Her Son Hersh’s Levaya
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Far Right Set to Win in a German State for the First Time Since WWII
Projections in Germany’s closely watched elections Sunday showed the anti-migrant Alternative for Germany (AfD) party leading in one state and running a close second in another, a result that, if confirmed by official tallies, would see a far-right party win a state for the first time in the country’s postwar history.
The projections, based on early vote counts and commissioned by public broadcaster ARD, showed the AfD well ahead with 32.8 percent in the state of Thuringia, and claiming 30.8 percent in Saxony – 1 percentage point behind the center-right Christian Democrats. A second forecast by broadcaster ZDF showed an even tighter race in Saxony.
In both states in eastern Germany – which has become a stronghold of the far right – other parties have refused to cooperate with the AfD, meaning it is unlikely to form part of any new state governments. Nevertheless, the victory in Thuringia in particular would be seen as highly symbolic.
Deemed an extremist organization by domestic intelligence in three German states, and under investigation by national authorities for Islamophobia and its radical anti-migrant stances, the AfD has managed to overcome deep-seated taboos over nationalist politics.
“For the first time since World War II, we have a far-right party coming in first place in an election here in Germany,” said Sudha David-Wilp, director of the German Marshall Fund’s Berlin office. “So that is quite significant. The mainstream parties have to realize that the [AfD] is here to stay.”
Projections showed the centrist parties in Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s national governing coalition – the center-left Social Democrats, the Green Party and the neoliberal Free Democrats (FDP)- struggling with single-digit backing in both states, although none of the three parties has traditionally performed well there. In Thuringia, polls showed the Greens and the FDP were both failing to muster the 5 percent required to enter the state parliament.
Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW), a pro-Russian populist party of the far left, also made significant inroads, posting double digits in both states just eight months after the party was founded. That outcome could hint at new challenges for Scholz, whose coalition partners have languished in national polls amid a slew of crises.
Although the ruling parties were expecting a drubbing, David-Wilp said the issues driving sentiment in the two states – frustrations over migration, the war in Ukraine and the high costs of living – were nationwide problems.
The initial exit polls are based on samples at representative polling stations throughout election day; official vote counts and provisional results expected overnight will be a factor in subsequent projections.
The AfD’s projected strong showing on Sunday amounted to the latest in a string of political gains, including a second-place finish in June’s vote for the European Parliament.
“We are the number one people’s party in Thuringia,” Björn Höcke, the AfD’s regional leader in Thuringia and a designated extremist by German’s domestic intelligence agency, told ARD. This year, he was fined twice after being found guilty for using Nazi slogans that are banned in modern Germany, charges he has labeled as political persecution.
“We have achieved a historic result,” he said.
Asked how he planned to build a coalition and become state premier, Höcke said the “dumb firewall talk” had to stop, referring to the other parties’ refusal to work with the AfD.
If it is unable to woo a coalition partner, the AfD will be unable to govern in either state. The party, however, could still gain significant rights in the two regional parliaments. Initial forecasts suggest that the AfD could win more than one-third of seats, granting the party special rights of a “blocking minority,” which would allow it to veto certain decision such as the appointment of judges and amendments to the regional state constitution.
Its victory will be felt far beyond the two eastern states.
Julia Reuschenbach, a political scientist at Berlin’s Free University, said the question people will be asking from outside is, “Is it really possible that in the country of National Socialism, where the Holocaust took place, that a right-wing extremist party or at least a right-wing extremist regional association can win an election again or become the strongest force?”
While the AfD’s political power is limited without governing, the party’s strength in numbers will make the democratic process of coalition building – a standard practice in Germany’s state and federal government, which uses a proportional representation system – no easy feat for the other parties.
The election results also mirrored the trend in the West of a shrinking middle, with polarized voters moving further toward political extremes. The additional success of the far-left BSW, only founded in January, could reshape German politics, with the party having the potential to scoop up voters from across the political spectrum in next year’s national vote.
AfD, founded in 2013 on skepticism of the European Union and euro zone, has grown more radical in recent years – and found new success in the process. The first boost came in 2015, at the height of Europe’s Syrian migrant crisis, which helped the party win its first seats in Germany’s federal lower house of parliament, the Bundestag.
As the AfD grew in popularity, analysts say the party rapidly radicalized. Observers point to the covid-19 pandemic as a turning point, during which parts of the AfD mingled with conspiracy theorists and far-right extremists, both online and at demonstrations against pandemic measures.
The party continues to lead its campaigns with anti-migration policy and moved quickly to capitalize on the fatal stabbing of three people in Solingen on Aug. 23, for which the Islamic State has claimed responsibility. The 26-year-old Syrian suspect arrived in Germany in 2022 and, under the E.U. immigration rules, was supposed to be deported to Bulgaria, the country where he first entered the 27-nation bloc.
Observers fear that the AfD’s success in Sunday’s elections could also empower party supporters in Brandenburg – another eastern AfD stronghold – where voters head to the polls for a state election on Sept. 22. The far-right party there is currently polling in first position with 24 percent.
(c) Washington Post
HARD TO WATCH: Hostage Family Releases Part Of Hamas Video
Psychological Terror: Hamas Threatens to Release ‘Last Message’ of Hostages it Murdered
In a horrific display of psychological warfare, Hamas recently distributed a video on Telegram showing six hostages who were brutally murdered by the group last week.
Hamas declared that it would soon release what it called the hostages’ “final message to the world” before they were killed later that day. The footage included brief segments where the hostages spoke directly into the camera.
This past weekend, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and the Israel Security Agency (ISA) managed to locate and retrieve the remains of the hostages, Carmel Gat, Eden Yerushalmi, Hersh Goldberg-Polin, Alexander Lobanov, Almog Sarusi, and Master Sergeant Ori Danino, from an underground tunnel.
According to forensic experts at the Institute of Forensic Medicine in Tel Aviv, the six hostages were likely murdered between 48 to 72 hours prior to the examination (on Thursday or early Friday morning).
On Motzoei Shabbos, the IDF and ISA conducted a successful operation to locate and bring back the bodies of the hostages from an underground tunnel in the Rafah area of the Gaza Strip, subsequently returning them to Israel.
These individuals had been kidnapped on October 7th, 2023, and were killed within the last two days by Hamas operatives in Gaza. Their bodies were discovered 20 meters below ground without any prior intelligence. The recovery took place approximately a kilometer from the tunnel where hostage Farhan al-Qadi was rescued the previous week.
The autopsies of the six hostages, whose remains were recovered on Motzoei Shabbos, revealed that they had been shot in the head and other areas. No signs of torture were detected.
{Matzav.com Israel}
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Israeli Official Slams Biden’s Claim Netanyahu Not Doing Enough for Hostage Deal: ‘Dangerous’
A high-ranking official in Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu’s office has addressed President Joe Biden’s assertion that the prime minister is not making sufficient efforts to finalize a hostage deal.
“It is surprising that President Biden is putting pressure on Prime Minister Netanyahu, who accepted the US (hostage deal) proposal as early as May 31 and also agreed to the US bridging proposal on August 16, while not holding Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar accountable, as he continues to firmly reject any agreement,” the official remarks.
The Israeli official continues, highlighting the risk associated with Biden’s comments, particularly in light of recent events: “Biden’s admission is especially dangerous when it is made just days after Hamas executed six Israeli hostages, including an American citizen,” referencing the killing of Hersh Goldberg-Polin.
In their statement, Netanyahu’s office refers to the US proposal from May 31, which actually stems from a speech where Biden disclosed details about an Israeli hostage deal that Netanyahu had already approved.
Notably, that proposal did not address Israel’s later demand to retain control over the Philadelphi Corridor on the Gaza-Egypt border, a measure intended to prevent Hamas from smuggling weapons. This demand, first raised by Netanyahu in July, has resulted in a prolonged stalemate in negotiations, which the US and other mediators have been trying to resolve.
This demand has also led to a clash between Netanyahu and his security establishment, who advocate for compromising on the issue. They argue that the IDF could reoccupy the corridor if necessary but warn that prolonging the negotiations over this demand endangers the hostages’ lives.
{Matzav.com Israel}
Channel 12 Refutes Leftists: Mossad Chief Supports Netanyahu’s Stance On Philadelphi Corridor
WATCH THIS: Netanyahu BLASTS International Pressure After 6 Hostages Executed
Gallant vs. Netanyahu: ‘He Freed Sinwar For Only One Hostage’
During a cabinet meeting, Israeli Minister of Defense Yoav Gallant criticized Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu, saying, “For one person, Gilad Shalit, you released 1,027 terrorists, including Sinwar,” according to a report by Kan News on Monday.
Both Gallant’s and Netanyahu’s offices declined to provide any comments on the report.
Gallant’s disapproval of the Prime Minister is linked to Netanyahu’s firm stance on the Philadelphi Corridor and the cabinet’s decision on Thursday, where a vote determined that the IDF would remain in the corridor as part of a deal to secure the release of hostages. This decision contradicts the positions held by the negotiation team and top defense officials.
The cabinet’s resolution passed with a majority of eight votes. Defense Minister Gallant opposed the decision, while National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir abstained. During the meeting, Prime Minister Netanyahu asserted that the tragic events of October 7th were due to the Philadelphi Corridor not being under Israeli control.
{Matzav.com Israel}
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Father of Murdered Hostage Hersh Goldberg-Polin at Funeral: ‘We Failed You. We All Failed You’
At the funeral of his 23-year-old son, Hersh Goldberg-Polin, who was tragically murdered after being taken hostage, Jon Polin addressed the crowd with a profound sense of grief and regret. “We failed you, Hersh. We all failed you. You would not have failed you,” he expressed with deep sorrow. “You would have pushed harder for justice. You would have worked to understand the other, to bridge differences. You would have challenged more people to challenge their own thinking.”
Polin spoke passionately about his son’s commitment to making sure that his death, along with the deaths of soldiers and countless innocent civilians, would not be in vain. “Your starting point would be returning all of the hostages,” he emphasized, highlighting Hersh’s unwavering dedication to justice.
Reflecting on the relentless efforts he and his wife made to save their son, Polin shared, “For 330 days, mom and I sought the proverbial stone that we could turn over to save you. Maybe, just maybe, your death is the stone that will bring home the remaining 101 hostages.”
He described how Hersh would continue to advocate for a new way of thinking in the region, believing in the importance of taking risks for the possibility of ending the ongoing cycles of violence. “You would keep on pushing for a rethinking of this region. You have said we must take a chance on a path with the potential to end the ongoing cycles of violence,” Polin said.
In his poignant tribute, Polin noted that his son would challenge every decision-maker to reflect on whether their actions contribute to a better future, and if not, to step aside. He also conveyed how Hersh’s belief in social justice had made him a global symbol for change, emphasizing his commitment to understanding others with dignity and respect.
As he concluded his eulogy, Polin spoke of the 23 precious years they had with Hersh, expressing a resolve to honor his son’s memory. “For 23 years of life we had with you were a blessing, we now will work to make your legacy a blessing. You were a really great guy, I love you,” he said, his voice filled with love and loss.
{Matzav.com Israel}