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President Trump has approved the execution by U.S. Army firing squad of Nidal Malik Hasan, the radicalized Army psychiatrist who murdered 13 people and wounded 32 others in the 2009 Fort Hood massacre, setting the stage for the first U.S. military execution in 65 years and the first Army firing-squad execution since World War II.

Hasan, now 56, is scheduled to be executed on Dec. 3, 2026, at Fort Hood — the same Texas military installation where he carried out his deadly attack nearly 17 years ago — according to an email sent to families of the victims. The execution date was set after President Trump approved the death sentence and the method of execution following a recommendation from Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.

Chief Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell announced the decision, describing Hasan as a “convicted terrorist” and “the jihadist who opened fire on unarmed American soldiers at Fort Hood in 2009.”

“He killed 13 people and wounded 32 others while shouting ‘Allahu Akbar’ during the attack,” Parnell said.

“The Secretary of the Army will set the time and place of the execution,” he continued. “Judgement day for Hasan has finally come.”

Hasan was an Army major and psychiatrist when, on Nov. 5, 2009, he entered the Soldier Readiness Processing Center at Fort Hood, where military personnel were preparing for deployments overseas. Armed with a semiautomatic handgun equipped with laser sights, Hasan opened fire on the unarmed people inside.

Witnesses said Hasan shouted “Allahu Akbar” immediately before beginning his rampage. Over the course of approximately 10 minutes, he fired 146 rounds, killing 13 people and wounding 32 others. Twelve of those killed were soldiers, and one of the victims was pregnant.

Among the severely wounded was Staff Sgt. Patrick Zeigler, a two-time combat veteran who was shot four times and spent nearly a year recovering in hospitals.

“He looked me straight in the eyes as he pointed the gun at me, and a split second later, I’m on the floor with a hole in my head,” Zeigler later recalled.

The massacre ended when civilian police officers confronted Hasan. He was shot multiple times and left paralyzed from the waist down.

Investigators subsequently uncovered extensive evidence of Hasan’s radicalization before the attack. He had repeatedly expressed opposition to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and exchanged communications with Anwar al-Awlaki, the American-born Al Qaeda cleric and propagandist who was later killed in a U.S. drone strike in Yemen.

Hasan had himself been scheduled to deploy to Afghanistan later in November 2009. During subsequent court proceedings, he made clear that he viewed his attack through the prism of what he considered a war against Islam.

At one stage, Hasan sought permission to pursue a legal strategy arguing that he had acted in defense of others. When the military judge asked whom he claimed to have been defending, Hasan replied, “The leadership of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, the Taliban.”

Hasan ultimately represented himself at his 2013 court-martial. He admitted that he was the gunman, mounted virtually no defense, called no witnesses and offered little resistance to the prosecution’s case. He told the court that he had come to believe he was fighting on the wrong side of a war and had “switched sides.”

A military jury convicted Hasan in August 2013 on 13 counts of premeditated murder and 32 counts of attempted premeditated murder. The panel unanimously sentenced him to death.

Hasan was then transferred to the U.S. Disciplinary Barracks at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, where he has remained on military death row as the case proceeded through the lengthy appeals process required in military capital cases.

The Army Court of Criminal Appeals upheld his conviction and death sentence in 2020. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces subsequently affirmed the sentence, and in March 2025, the U.S. Supreme Court declined to review his case, removing another major legal obstacle to carrying out the execution.

Hegseth announced in September 2025 that he was moving to obtain presidential authorization for Hasan’s execution. Because military death sentences cannot be carried out without presidential approval, the case remained pending until Trump gave his authorization.

The decision to use a firing squad adds an extraordinary historical dimension to the case. The United States military has not executed anyone since April 13, 1961, when Army Pvt. John Bennett was hanged at Fort Leavenworth after being convicted of rape and attempted murder of an 11-year-old girl.

The last known U.S. military execution by firing squad occurred during World War II. Pvt. Eddie Slovik was shot by an Army firing squad in France on Jan. 31, 1945, after being convicted of desertion. He was the only American soldier executed for desertion during World War II.

Under current Army regulations, a military execution requires approval from the president. Regulations were revised in 2019 to remove language specifying lethal injection as the required method, leaving greater flexibility over how a military death sentence can be carried out.

Even with Trump’s approval and a Dec. 3 execution date, Hasan could still seek to delay the sentence through litigation in the civilian federal courts, including a petition for habeas corpus. Military death sentences have historically generated years — and sometimes decades — of additional legal proceedings.

Hasan is one of only a handful of prisoners on U.S. military death row. Others include Hasan Akbar, convicted of murdering two fellow soldiers in Kuwait in 2003; Ronald Gray, convicted of multiple murders and rapes; and Timothy Hennis, convicted of murdering a woman and two of her children.

Hasan’s case, however, stands apart because of the scale of the Fort Hood massacre and his own statements concerning his motives. The attack was among the deadliest acts of violence ever carried out on a U.S. military installation.

If the execution proceeds as scheduled on Dec. 3, Hasan will be put to death at the military base where he carried out the massacre — ending a capital case that has stretched from the Fort Hood killings in 2009 through nearly 17 years of court proceedings and appeals.

{Matzav.com}

United Airlines has once again removed Capt. Ibrahim R. Mossallam from flying duties after renewed scrutiny revealed that the pilot, who defended the Hamas-led Oct. 7 massacre as “resistance by a brave people,” had returned to flying passengers following a brief suspension nearly three years ago.

The airline confirmed Tuesday that Mossallam is currently being kept out of the cockpit while another review is underway. “We have withheld this pilot from service pending an ongoing review,” United said.

The new action follows reports this week that Mossallam, a Newark-based United pilot who flies Boeing 757 and 767 aircraft, had continued operating passenger flights despite the controversy that erupted over comments he posted on Oct. 7, 2023, as the Hamas massacre was unfolding in southern Israel.

In the Facebook post that originally sparked outrage, Mossallam wrote, “For all my friends here in FB land with Questions / Thoughts / Assumptions / Critique about whats [sic] transpiring in Palestine currently in response to the Zionist occupation, please work on expanding your media literacy. Know that mass media here in America is heavily politicized and skewed to show a non-occupying narrative of Palestine. This is a resistance by a brave people who have endured decades of occupation, oppression, humiliation, apartheid, and straight up murder. This was not an unprovoked attack, but a response to this past years attacks by the Zionist regime. Don’t take my word, do your due diligence in acquiring your information.”

The comments drew widespread condemnation after they came to public attention in November 2023, with critics questioning how passengers — particularly Jewish and Israeli travelers — could feel comfortable knowing that a pilot entrusted with their safety had publicly characterized the Oct. 7 assault in those terms.

United responded at the time by removing Mossallam from active duty while investigating. “This pilot has been removed from service, with pay, while we look into this matter,” the airline said in November 2023.

What happened after that, however, remained largely out of public view. United did not announce the findings of its investigation or explain whether Mossallam had been cleared to return to the cockpit.

A federal court order issued in June 2025 later provided an important clue. The order, in an unrelated lawsuit filed against United and a union, recounted an allegation that Mossallam had been suspended with pay following his Oct. 7 comments but returned to flying approximately one month later. The court itself was not making a finding about Mossallam’s conduct or United’s investigation; it was recounting allegations in the litigation.

Additional reporting in 2025 indicated that Mossallam remained employed by United, while reports this year said that he was continuing to fly Boeing 757 and 767 aircraft for the carrier. United does not operate those aircraft on its Israel routes.

Mossallam also serves as vice president of the board of CAIR-New York, the New York chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations.

The controversy erupted anew this week when Israeli journalist Libby Blanca Alon reported that Mossallam was still actively flying for United and publicly pressed the airline to explain why he had been permitted to return to the cockpit.

Alon subsequently reported an even more striking allegation: two United pilots who were deadheading on a flight operated by Mossallam after his return to duty reportedly gave up their first-class seats and remained in the cockpit for the entire flight because they did not trust him and wanted to keep an eye on him.

That allegation is based on sources cited by Alon and has not been independently confirmed by United. The airline has not publicly addressed the claim involving the two pilots.

Alon also reported, citing sources familiar with the matter, that United had wanted to terminate Mossallam but was prevented from doing so by the pilots’ union. That allegation likewise has not been publicly confirmed by United or the union.

The renewed scrutiny comes at an especially sensitive moment for airline security following the Sept. 30 attack aboard flydubai Flight FZ1073, which was traveling from Dubai to Tel Aviv when its co-pilot allegedly attacked the captain with a cockpit crash axe and attempted to take control of the aircraft. The wounded captain was able to open the cockpit door, and others aboard intervened before the aircraft ultimately landed safely in Saudi Arabia.

Authorities have characterized the flydubai incident as a terrorist act, and investigators have been examining reports that the co-pilot had previously raised concerns over extremist material and had allegedly planned his attack before joining an airline that operated flights to Israel.

There is no evidence that Mossallam was involved in the flydubai incident, and the two cases are entirely separate. There is also no public evidence that Mossallam has threatened passengers, attempted to interfere with an aircraft or planned any act of violence. The controversy surrounding him concerns his public statements about the Oct. 7 massacre and United’s handling of his employment and return to flying.

Still, the flydubai attack has intensified questions about how airlines evaluate warning signs involving flight crews and what standards should apply when a pilot makes public statements appearing to endorse or rationalize mass violence.

Nearly three years after Mossallam’s original suspension, United has never publicly disclosed what its first investigation determined, why he was returned to flying duties or what standards were used in reaching that decision.

Now, following the renewed attention, Mossallam is once again out of the cockpit — at least while United conducts its latest review. “We have withheld this pilot from service pending an ongoing review,” the airline said.

Wikipedia is facing renewed accusations of anti-Israel bias over the opening sentence of its main article on the Oct. 7 massacre, which describes the Hamas-led assault as “a series of coordinated armed incursions from the blockaded Gaza Strip” — language critics say inserts an implied justification for the deadliest attack on Jews since the Holocaust before even describing what occurred.

The controversy is the latest flashpoint in a much broader battle over Wikipedia’s treatment of Israel, Zionism, Hamas and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Jewish and pro-Israel organizations have repeatedly accused activist editors of manipulating articles to advance an anti-Israel narrative, an issue that has become increasingly significant as Wikipedia material is also used by search engines and artificial-intelligence systems.

“It’s yet another example of the Wikipedia editors’ anti-Israel bias,” Alyza Lewin, president of U.S. affairs at the Combat Antisemitism Movement, said. “They modify entries to support a distorted narrative that erases Jewish history and the Jewish experience. This time they added the word ‘blockaded’ to try and justify Hamas’s barbaric Oct. 7 massacre.”

Lewin said the wording echoes rhetoric that has repeatedly surfaced among anti-Israel activists since the massacre, including claims that “resistance is justified” and U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres’s controversial statement that Oct. 7 “did not happen in a vacuum.”

The disputed word did not appear in the article’s opening sentence from the beginning. “Blockaded” was added in February, setting off what initially was only limited opposition on the article’s Wikipedia “talk” page, where editors debate proposed changes and disagreements over content.

The dispute gained new life in August as additional editors challenged the wording. On Sept. 11, a formal discussion was launched to determine whether there was sufficient consensus among Wikipedia editors to retain “blockaded” in the article’s first sentence.

Under Wikipedia rules governing highly contentious Israel-Palestinian articles, participation in such discussions is restricted to established editors who have been active for at least 30 days and have made at least 500 edits.

“The edit ignores Hamas’s history of diverting humanitarian aid intended for Gaza’s civilian population,” Lewin said. “Indeed, Hamas used pre-Oct. 7 aid to build a massive terror tunnel network under homes, schools and mosques from which it launched its attacks, cynically exploiting civilians as a human shield and then crying ‘genocide’ when Israel defended itself.”

The argument over the word carries particular significance because of the enormous reach of Wikipedia. The online encyclopedia is among the world’s most heavily visited websites, and its material frequently surfaces prominently in internet searches and can influence the information used by artificial-intelligence systems.

Criticism of the phrase also comes against the backdrop of Guterres’s remarks shortly after the massacre. Speaking at the U.N. Security Council, the secretary-general said the attacks “did not happen in a vacuum” and that “the Palestinian people have been subjected to 56 years of suffocating occupation.”

The remarks provoked an angry response from Israel. Gilad Erdan, then Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, said Guterres’s comments “expressed an understanding for terrorism and murder.”

The Wikipedia editor who initiated the formal debate over retaining “blockaded” defended the terminology, writing that “Israel’s blockade of the Gaza Strip is a defining feature of this topic and necessary context for a non-specialist reader.” The editor argued that high-quality sources supported describing Gaza that way in the article’s opening sentence and maintained that doing so was consistent with Wikipedia’s requirement for neutral language.

In making the case, the editor cited Palestinian-American historian Rashid Khalidi, describing him as the “preeminent expert in modern Palestinian history.” Khalidi’s background has itself been the subject of controversy. Jonathan Schanzer, executive director of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, has said that Khalidi served as a spokesman for the Palestine Liberation Organization during a period when the PLO was designated by the United States as a terrorist organization. Khalidi has denied that characterization.

The Wikipedia editor defending the wording went still further, comparing the inclusion of Gaza’s “blockaded” status to providing context about the Warsaw Ghetto uprising against an oppressive regime.

“We must not create an exception to obfuscate through omission here,” the editor wrote.

Opponents of the wording argued that placing “blockaded” in the opening sentence does more than provide geographical or historical context. They said its placement before a description of the massacre risks suggesting a causal or moral explanation for Hamas’s actions.

A different Wikipedia editor wrote Tuesday that “blockaded” should be removed because “the word suggests justification.”

“To the unedified reader, it may well connote the most extreme version of what ‘blockade’ might mean, like the complete stoppage of all food and supply into a territory,” the editor wrote.

The debate remained unresolved, with editors continuing to argue over whether the word constitutes necessary context or injects a political interpretation into the opening description of the massacre.

The controversy is hardly the first involving Wikipedia’s coverage of Israel. Critics have accused groups of highly active editors of working together to reshape articles dealing with Israel, Zionism, Palestinian terrorism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Wikipedia’s own arbitration process has previously taken disciplinary action against several editors involved in the contentious subject area.

Outside investigations have also alleged coordinated editing campaigns aimed at changing the framing of Israel-related articles, including efforts to emphasize criticism of Israel while minimizing or removing material concerning Palestinian terrorism, antisemitism and violence. The accusations have intensified since Oct. 7, as battles over individual words, descriptions and sources have played out across numerous Wikipedia entries.

The consequences, critics argue, extend far beyond people who deliberately visit Wikipedia. Material from the encyclopedia is frequently reproduced or summarized elsewhere online, meaning editorial decisions made by a relatively small number of volunteer contributors can potentially influence how millions of people encounter information about Israel and the Middle East.

Max Abrahms, an associate professor of political science at Northeastern University who studies terrorism and the Middle East, said the problem is connected to a broader ideological imbalance in academia.

“The removal of pro-Israel scholars and even Israel-neutral ones” from academia has impacted “Wikipedia and many other forms of discourse influencing the public,” Abrahms said.

“Zionist-free higher education reduces balanced scholarship and contributes to Wikipedia’s bias,” he said. “The same is true of podcasts and social media, where almost no pro-Israel scholars can be found.”

Abrahms argued that those concerned about the trend should focus on strengthening intellectual diversity within universities rather than treating individual Wikipedia disputes in isolation.

“Philanthropists who care about Israel and intellectual pluralism must make targeted investments to ensure there are faculty to teach the younger generation, which will also have all sorts of additional benefits like objectively correct entries on Wikipedia,” he said.

Eliya Cohen, who survived 505 days in Hamas captivity after being abducted from the Nova music festival, delivered a simple and defiant message to his former captors and terrorists around the world Tuesday at the United Nations: “I won.”

Cohen spoke before roughly 400 people at U.N. headquarters in New York as Israel’s mission to the United Nations marked three years since the Oct. 7 massacre. The gathering brought together survivors, senior diplomats, government officials and community leaders to remember those murdered and abducted and to focus on the resilience of those who survived.

Television host and psychologist Dr. Phil McGraw moderated an emotional conversation with Cohen and his wife, Ziv Abud, both of whom survived the Hamas attack on the Nova festival on Oct. 7, 2023, before being separated for 505 days.

Abud recounted how she and others attempted to flee the festival by car as rockets filled the sky and the music abruptly stopped. They eventually took refuge in a roadside bomb shelter that became packed with 29 people.

Hamas terrorists attacked the shelter, repeatedly throwing grenades inside and opening fire before eventually entering. Abud was shot in the leg and lost consciousness. When she awoke, she found herself beneath a pile of bodies.

She had no idea what had happened to Cohen. He had been taken alive to Gaza, while Cohen, for his part, spent his captivity believing that Abud had been murdered in the shelter.

“I fought for them for 505 days without knowing anything,” Abud said, of those she lost. “It will stay with me for the rest of my life.”

Cohen was ultimately freed in February 2025 after 505 days in Gaza, much of that time spent deep underground in Hamas tunnels. He has described enduring severe hunger, beatings, isolation and psychological torment during his captivity.

His reunion with Abud brought an extraordinary conclusion to their 505-day separation. The couple subsequently became engaged and married in Israel in August, surrounded by approximately 1,000 guests, while also remembering the friends and relatives they lost on Oct. 7.

“We are here, and we survive,” Abud told those gathered at the United Nations. “We need to live a normal life.”

Dr. Phil asked Cohen what emotion now defines him after everything he endured during his 505 days as a hostage. Cohen said he has made a conscious decision not to allow anger or bitterness to determine who he is, and he rejected the suggestion that his ordeal makes him fundamentally different from other Israelis.

“I don’t count myself as special or something,” he said.

Cohen noted that Israelis throughout the country continue to live under the threat of terrorism, making the trauma of Oct. 7 something that cannot simply be relegated to the past.

Dr. Phil made a similar point, telling the audience that the psychological impact of the massacre remains ongoing rather than being confined to a single traumatic event three years ago.

“This isn’t Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder,” he said. “This is something that is ongoing.”

Dr. Phil reflected on Abud’s experience of spending hours beneath the bodies of murdered victims, saying that the reality of what she endured is almost impossible to comprehend while sitting comfortably inside an air-conditioned room at the United Nations. The physical attack may end, he said, but its psychological consequences can remain long afterward.

During his remarks, Dr. Phil also described his own journey toward learning about Israel and the Jewish people. Growing up in Texas and Oklahoma, he said, he had never met a Jew as a child and knew little about Israel.

As an adult, Dr. Phil has traveled to Israel and met with hostage families, released hostages, Holocaust survivors and rabbis, seeking to learn firsthand about Israel and its people. He said his faith has played an important role in that process.

“Faith, for me, is a foundation,” Dr. Phil said. “I think it’s the foundation for your family, and I think it’s a foundation and a moral compass of how you live your life.”

He said that reliance on faith becomes particularly important during periods of suffering and uncertainty.

Faith is “the one thing that never varies,” and a person can “lean on” it every day, he said.

Dr. Phil told the gathering that the Hamas attack created a permanent dividing line in the lives of Israelis and Jews around the world, with people increasingly viewing events through the prism of what happened before and after that day.

“Oct. 7 will never be just another date,” he said.

At the same time, Dr. Phil said his encounters with Israelis have left him struck by their determination to continue living despite the enormous suffering they have experienced.

“The one thing that struck me is their extraordinary ability to carry the memory of this immense loss, suffering and pain but at the same time live beautiful lives,” he told attendees.

Israeli Ambassador to the United Nations Danny Danon also addressed the commemoration, telling the audience that Hamas failed in its attempt to destroy Israel’s spirit.

“Oct. 7, Hamas tried to break us. They did not,” the envoy said. “They changed us. They wounded us. They left a scar that will never fully heal, but they did not break us.”

Danon pointed to Cohen and Abud as living examples of that resilience. The two entered the Nova festival together, survived different horrors after the attack began, were torn apart for 505 days and ultimately found their way back to each other and married.

Abud also spoke about the people she lost at Nova and the challenge of returning to an ordinary life after surviving the massacre. She said she continues to struggle with “survivor’s guilt,” questioning why she was able to return home while so many others were murdered.

Among those killed was her nephew, Amit, who was inside the same shelter. During the attack, Amit repeatedly threw grenades back outside after Hamas terrorists hurled them into the shelter, an effort that helped save lives before he himself was murdered.

When Dr. Phil asked Cohen what message he wanted to give the Jews and Israelis who supported him throughout his captivity, Cohen answered with an appeal to Jewish pride.

“Stay proud to be Jewish,” he said. “Stay proud to be Israeli.”

U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Mike Waltz also addressed the gathering, highlighting Cohen’s refusal to cooperate with Hamas propaganda efforts while he was a hostage.

Waltz said Hamas tried to force Cohen to record a propaganda video before his release in which he would claim that his captors had treated him well. Cohen refused to do it.

“He refused. He held firm,” Waltz said. “He said, ‘No.’”

Hamas again attempted to turn Cohen’s eventual release into a propaganda spectacle, Waltz said, but Cohen once more refused to play along.

“You are a proud, strong Jew. You’re undefeated,” Waltz told Cohen.

Waltz also praised Abud for surviving the Nova massacre and then enduring more than a year of uncertainty over whether Cohen was alive. He recalled the heroism of her nephew Amit, who repeatedly threw Hamas grenades back out of the shelter before he was killed.

The U.S. ambassador said the broader strategy pursued by Hamas and Iran to isolate Israel has also failed, pointing to the continued expansion of the Abraham Accords as evidence that the region is moving in another direction.

“Oct. 7 completely, and I think irreversibly, has backfired on Iran and all of their terrorist proxies,” he told attendees. “Peace is possible. America will stand with the Jewish people.”

“The terrorists are on their back foot,” he added.

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Jewish New Yorkers have been targeted in more than half of all confirmed hate crimes recorded across New York City this year, with newly released NYPD statistics showing 245 anti-Jewish incidents through the end of September — an extraordinary share for a community that represents roughly 10% of the city’s population.

The 245 confirmed anti-Jewish hate crimes account for 52.9% of the 463 confirmed hate crimes recorded citywide during the first nine months of 2026. The number of anti-Jewish incidents is also slightly higher than during the same period last year, when 242 were recorded, representing an increase of 1.2%.

“The most striking trend continues to be antisemitic hate crimes,” Jessica Tisch, commissioner of the New York City Police Department, said at a press conference on Tuesday.

“So far this year, 53% of all confirmed hate crimes have targeted Jewish New Yorkers, despite Jews making up only roughly 10% of the city’s population,” she said. “Those numbers are deeply concerning.”

The numbers stand in particularly stark contrast to the city’s broader crime picture. Overall major crime fell 6.6% during the first nine months of the year, while New York recorded the fewest murders, shooting incidents and shooting victims for that period in recorded history. Confirmed hate crimes, however, moved in the opposite direction, rising 12.9%, from 410 during the first nine months of 2025 to 463 this year.

“On the eve of the third anniversary of Oct. 7, we renew our pledge to Jewish institutions that they will not be left to protect themselves without a strong partner in the NYPD,” Tisch added.

The third-quarter figures offered a somewhat more encouraging picture for the Jewish community. Between July 1 and Sept. 30, the NYPD confirmed 59 anti-Jewish hate crimes, representing 47.2% of the 125 confirmed hate crimes citywide. That was a 13.2% decline from the 68 anti-Jewish incidents recorded during the same three-month period in 2025.

But Jewish leaders cautioned against interpreting the quarterly decline as evidence that the broader antisemitism problem has subsided.

Evan R. Bernstein, CEO of B’nai B’rith International, said that “the most alarming thing in these numbers is how unremarkable they have become.”

“Jews are about 10% of New Yorkers and the targets of 53% of the city’s confirmed hate crimes—245 of 463 through September,” he said. “A quieter month does not make that normal. It means the largest Jewish city in the world has learned to live with antisemitic hate crime as the baseline three years after Oct. 7.”

The figures show that anti-Jewish incidents vastly outnumber every other hate-crime category tracked by the NYPD. The next-largest category was crimes motivated by sexual orientation, with 52 confirmed incidents during the first nine months of the year, meaning there were nearly five times as many confirmed anti-Jewish hate crimes.

Anti-Muslim hate crimes also increased sharply. The NYPD recorded 32 confirmed incidents targeting Muslims through September, compared with 18 during the same period in 2025, an increase of 77.8%. During the third quarter alone, 11 anti-Muslim hate crimes were confirmed, compared with four during the corresponding period last year.

The NYPD additionally recorded 52 confirmed hate crimes based on sexual orientation, 37 targeting religion more broadly, 31 targeting Black New Yorkers, 20 based on gender, 16 targeting Asians, 13 based on ethnicity, 11 targeting Hispanics and five targeting white New Yorkers during the first nine months of 2026.

The department also distinguishes between hate crimes that are initially “reported” and those that are ultimately “confirmed.” During the third quarter, 181 incidents were reported as possible hate crimes, of which 85 — roughly 47% — were reported as anti-Jewish. Fourteen reported incidents targeted Muslims.

The distinction became significant earlier this year after the city changed the way it publicly presented its hate-crime statistics. Beginning in February, the city initially published confirmed incidents rather than reported incidents, making direct comparisons with some earlier figures difficult. In March, officials said both categories would be released separately.

Under the NYPD’s system, an incident reported as a potential hate crime is investigated by the department’s Hate Crime Task Force. Investigators, working with the NYPD Legal Bureau, determine whether the case meets the definition of a hate crime under New York State law. Incidents that meet that legal standard are then classified as confirmed hate crimes.

The NYPD has said that presenting both figures “enhances transparency and reflects best practices in hate crime reporting.”

The latest figures continue a pattern that has persisted since the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas terror attack in Israel and the subsequent explosion of antisemitic incidents in New York and elsewhere.

The NYPD had already warned ahead of the recent High Holy Days that antisemitism remained the dominant category of hate crime in the city. At a security briefing last month, Tisch said the department had tracked threats against Jewish institutions since Oct. 7, including alleged plots targeting a Manhattan synagogue and a Jewish center in Brooklyn.

“Our Hate Crime Task Force continues to aggressively investigate these incidents, while we deploy additional resources to protect Jewish communities,” Tisch said at Tuesday’s press conference.

“This year, during the High Holy Days, we deployed an unprecedented number of officers to cover virtually every synagogue across the city,” she said.

The statistics were released one week after Mayor Zohran Mamdani unveiled New York City’s first municipal strategy specifically aimed at combating antisemitism. The plan includes $6.4 million for hate-crime prevention and survivor support, $1 million to strengthen security at synagogues and other houses of worship, expanded Holocaust education and additional investments in Jewish cultural and historical institutions.

The latest figures also show that the share of all hate crimes targeting Jews has declined slightly from last year, even as the actual number of anti-Jewish incidents has risen. During the first nine months of 2025, 242 confirmed anti-Jewish hate crimes were recorded, compared with 245 during the same period this year.

The overall numbers nevertheless leave anti-Jewish hate crimes in a category of their own: through September, more than one out of every two confirmed hate crimes in New York City targeted Jews.