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How the General Strike Backfired on Israel’s Anti-Government Movement
The general strike that shut down Israel’s economy for several hours on Monday was a brief but long-awaited achievement for the country’s anti-government protest movement, whose activists had pressured the Histadrut labor union for months to join their cause.
However, the decision by Histadrut chairman Arnon Bar-David to acquiesce and finally declare a strike encountered legal pushback that some say has turned the achievement into a pyrrhic victory for the anti-government movement.
As at least 150,000 people protested across Israel over the government’s handling of the war in Gaza and in favor of a ceasefire with Hamas, a labor court on Monday ordered the Histadrut to end the strike. In declaring it, Bar-David said the strike was to protest the murder of six Israeli hostages by Hamas. Politics outside the Histadrut’s purview and mandate motivated the strike, the court determined.
The ruling may have eliminated large workers’ strikes from the protest movement’s arsenal, at least in the context of the war. It also underlined the limitations of the Histadrut as a political player. Yet Monday’s events also demonstrated the growing impatience and frustration of many Israelis over the slow-rolling war, which is nearing the one-year mark with Hamas still in existence and using hostages as leverage.
“The strike that the anti-government movement had sought so badly was a defeat on the legal front,” Shai Glick, the CEO of the B’Tsalmo, a Zionist, pro-Jewish human rights group, told JNS. However, Glick added, “The turnout for protests on Monday was major, reflecting a growing unease in society, not only among leftists, about the war’s progress.”
Bar-David, the Histadrut chairman, declared the strike hours after news broke that Hamas terrorists had murdered six hostages and left their bodies in a tunnel in Rafah, possibly for fear that they would be freed by nearby Israeli troops.
In a statement, Bar-David tied the strike to how “we must reach a deal [with Hamas] above all else.” He added: “We’re in a tailspin and we keep getting body bags. Only a strike will be shocking [enough] so I’ve decided to declare a general strike.”
Israel and Hamas are engaged in indirect talks for the release of dozens of Israeli hostages presumed to be held in Gaza. Hamas is demanding the release of many Palestinian prisoners and a ceasefire, as well as an Israeli pullout from Gaza. A main issue preventing a deal is Israel’s refusal to leave the Philadelphi Corridor—a move that could restore Hamas’s access to the border with Egypt.
Hamas is believed to have smuggled into Gaza countless tons of arms through the Philadelphi Corridor. The weapons were used to mount the murderous onslaught of Oct. 7, in which Hamas terrorists murdered some 1,200 Israelis and abducted another 251, in addition to launching thousands of rockets across the border. The onslaught triggered an Israeli ground offensive in Gaza amid exchanges of fire with Hezbollah in the north and rocket attacks from Yemen.
Bar-David also acknowledged the pressure on him by anti-government activists to declare a strike to pressure the government into accepting a deal with Hamas.
“I have demonstrated much responsibility so far, and it wasn’t easy,” he wrote in his statement announcing the strike.
The decision to declare a strike, whose cost to the economy has been estimated at 1.5 billion shekels ($407 million), may have satisfied some on the left but exposed Bar-David to harsh criticism from the right.
Israeli Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu said during a Cabinet meeting Monday that “Bar-David is strengthening [Hamas leader Yahya] Sinwar with this strike. It’s like telling him: ‘Go on, murder along, we’re with you’.” Activists, including from NGO Im Tirtzu, protested outside Bar-David’s home over the strike, which the chairman had said would last 24 hours before the court canceled it.
Even before the court’s ruling, multiple municipalities and a major teacher’s union represented by the Histadrut said they would not strike.
“It was a failure, it was widely perceived as partisan and it undermined the Histadrut’s status as a true representative of the hundreds of thousands of employees it says that it represents,” Mordechai Tzivin, a prominent lawyer, told JNS.
But the truncated strike wasn’t necessarily a defeat for Bar-David, according to Glick of B’Tsalmo.
“Bar-David has been cautious in deploying the Histadrut in the service of the anti-government movement. It’s a risky move for him because it introduces unnecessary divisions into the Histadrut, potentially weakening it. By declaring a strike that the court is sure to end, Bar-David gets the anti-government pressure groups off his case,” Glick said.
Some supporters of the anti-government movement condemned the court’s ruling and lionized Bar-David for declaring the strike.
“The State of Israel is in a situation where there’s no longer any significance to the question of what lies within the mandate of any one official,” a senior financial analyst for the left-leaning TheMarker newspaper wrote. “When civilians are abandoned in captivity and hundreds of soldiers risk getting killed because of the government’s inability to end the war, anyone with leverage should use it, regardless of official position,” wrote analyst Hagai Amit.
Michael Kleiner, a former senior lawmaker in Netanyahu’s Likud Party, noted how Bar-David had already aligned the Histadrut with the anti-government movement in the past, when he declared a one-day strike in July 2023 against the Netanyahu government’s judicial reform legislation. That controversial strike also had partial participation, with only 2,000 out of 36,000 state employees participating.
Bar-David had been hard-pressed to explain why that strike was nonpartisan, Kleiner wrote in an op-ed in Ma’ariv. “He thought that he didn’t need to offer such explanations this time around because he had the support of the protest movement, relatives of hostages, and the friendly mainstream media,” Kleiner wrote.
However, Bar-David “did not take into account that the rules of the game have changed. Israelis have wised up and out of the [pre-Oct. 7] conception and the generals’ assurances that ceding land to the enemy is reversible,” Kleiner wrote. “Israelis will no longer obey the wacky whims of politically driven organizations that hitch a ride on the backs of the hostages’ relatives to attack the wartime economy.”
Monday’s partial strike did bring out many thousands to protest, Tzivin said. But following the strike, “that option, of shutting down the economy to strongarm the government, seems less likely to make a reappearance,” he added. “We may see some private corporations staging brief solidarity strikes, but major union shutdowns appear to be off the table.”
(JNS)
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Friedman: US Pressure On Israel Reduces Chances of Regional Peace
Israel’s decisive defeat of Hamas in Gaza will facilitate regional peace with Saudi Arabia, whereas failure to achieve such a result is thwarting a deal, according to former U.S. Ambassador to Israel David Friedman.
Friedman, who served under former President Donald Trump when the Abraham Accords were signed four years ago, told JNS that U.S. pressure on Israel regarding the war was making the chances of regional peace more remote.
“Being a strong regional superpower that can manage its borders is what is admired in the Arab world,” he said in an interview with JNS. “The Saudis want to see a strong Israel defeating [the two countries’] common enemies.”
The Biden administration thought, he continued, “that by limiting Israel’s ability to prosecute the war they were preserving the opportunity for peace between Israel and Saudi Arabia; just the opposite. What makes the Arab world pay attention to Israel is Israel’s strength against the enemies their countries face as well. If you reduce that strength, you reduce the prospect of normalization.”
Motivated by hatred with or without the Saudis
The former ambassador, who conceded that no one could have imagined that the war against Hamas would drag on for nearly a year, downplayed assessments that terrorists carried out the Oct. 7 massacre to thwart an emerging deal with Saudi Arabia.“They did it because they could,” he said. “Their motivation was hatred, with or without the Saudi initiative, and they did it because Israel let its guard down.”
Friedman voiced pessimism regarding a hostage deal between Israel and Hamas, despite recent remarks by U.S. President Joe Biden and top administration officials that a deal was close.
“I am not optimistic that they will ever make a deal,” he said.
A second term?
Friedman, who is based in the United States but travels to Israel several times a year for his “spiritual health,” said the Oct. 7 attacks have made him want his old job back, should Trump be re-elected in November.
“There is unfinished business, and course correction after four years of the Biden administration,” he said.
A proponent of Israeli sovereignty over the biblical heartland of Judea and Samaria with local autonomy for Palestinians, Friedman said Israel needs to change the deeply entrenched international paradigm of a two-state solution, which he called “fitting a square peg in a round hole,” by first changing its own mindset.
There must be a serious national discussion and consensus on the issue in Israel, he said, noting that it has been relegated to the Israeli far right, who he said have no credibility on the issue and don’t speak for the mainstream public at large.
“There is a vacuum on this issue … and leadership is not in place to make this happen,” he said. JNS
{Matzav.com}
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Gilad Erdan Israel’s Outgoing Ambassador to the UN Assumes New Role as Global President of Magen David Adom
Sen. Hawley: Most Agents Guarding Trump During Assassination Attempt Were Homeland Security Personnel Who Took ‘Two-Hour Online Webinar’
Senator Josh Hawley has revealed that whistleblowers informed him that the majority of agents assigned to protect Donald Trump during the attempted assassination at his Butler, Pennsylvania, rally in July were primarily personnel from Homeland Security, who had received limited training in protective duties.
Rather than being surrounded by a large contingent of Secret Service agents at the July 13 rally, Trump was largely safeguarded by Homeland Security agents who had only undergone online webinar training before the event, according to Hawley (R-Mo.), during an interview on “Jesse Watters Primetime” on Tuesday night.
“A two-hour, online webinar. And I’m told that half the time, the sounds to the webinar didn’t even work,” Hawley stated.
“Consider this: The former president of the US … is brought out on stage, with the majority of his protectors being undertrained and unqualified. They received only a webinar training, and even that was flawed,” he remarked with disbelief.
“This is absolutely outrageous.”
Hawley noted that the Homeland Security agents were reportedly diverted from child exploitation cases and other investigations to provide protection for Trump, a role they were not accustomed to.
He also criticized the Secret Service and FBI for their lack of transparency regarding the rally, where Trump narrowly escaped an assassination attempt by the shooter, Thomas Matthew Crooks.
“The only reason we have this information is because of whistleblowers,” he said during his conversation with Watters.
Representative Clay Higgins (R-La.) recently disclosed that a SWAT team from Butler was actually the first to fire shots that damaged Crooks’ rifle and stopped the shooting spree before the Secret Service intervened.
During a congressional testimony on July 31, acting Secret Service director Ronald Rowe Jr. did not mention the local SWAT team’s involvement, Watters pointed out.
{Matzav.com}
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Poll: Majority of Israelis Back Netanyahu on Philadelphi, Oppose Protests
An overwhelming majority of Israelis support Israeli Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu’s negotiation positions regarding a hostage deal with Hamas and oppose anti-government demonstrations in Tel Aviv demanding an immediate deal at any price, according to a new, in-depth JNS poll.
Netanyahu’s positions are supported not only by coalition-party voters, but also by approximately one third of voters for opposition parties, the survey found.
Direct Polls conducted the survey on Monday evening both before and after the prime minister’s press conference, finding a significant disparity in Netanyahu’s favor in the latter sampling.
At the press conference, Netanyahu set out the rationale for his refusal to remove Israel Defense Forces troops from the border zone between Gaza and Egypt, known as the Philadelphi Corridor, its code name on IDF maps.
JNS asked respondents: “Do you believe Israel should support or oppose a deal that conditions the receipt of between 18-30 hostages on an IDF withdrawal from the Philadelphi Corridor for six weeks, during which Hamas will be able to rearm and smuggle hostages out of Gaza?”
Thirty-five percent of respondents overall said that Israel should agree to such a deal, while 62% opposed it. Three percent had no opinion.
Among coalition-party voters, 7% supported withdrawing from the Gaza-Egypt border, compared to 62% of opposition voters. Ninety-two percent of coalition voters opposed the withdrawal and 33% of opposition voters opposed withdrawing from the Philadelphi corridor.
Notably, 65% of opposition voters polled before the press conference supported withdrawing from the Philadelphi Corridor, and only 57% of opposition voters polled afterwards supported that position. Support for the withdrawal among coalition voters decreased from 8% to 5%.
The disparity between the way opposition party voters polled before and after Netanyahu’s press conference viewed mass anti-government protests on behalf of a hostage deal was even more apparent. Fifty-two percent of opposition party voters surveyed before Netanyahu’s press conference thought that the demonstrations advanced the goal of getting the hostages home. Thirty-two percent said that the demonstrations had no impact on whether or not a deal would be achieved that would get the hostages home. Sixteen percent said that the demonstrations decreased the chance of getting a hostage deal with Hamas.
After Netanyahu’s press conference, only 42% of opposition voters believed that the demonstrations increased the prospects for getting the hostages home. Thirty-nine percent said that the demonstrations didn’t affect their plight, and 19% said that the demonstrations decreased prospects for bringing them home.
Sixty-one percent of Israelis agreed with the sentence, “Only military pressure on Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar and planned military actions including hostage rescue operations can lead to the release of the hostages.” Thirty-three percent agreed that “Continuing IDF operations in the Gaza tunnels endangers the hostages’ lives.”
Israelis are sharply split over whether Netanyahu bears responsibility for the execution of the hostages. Opposition voters support the claim 69% to 28%, while coalition voters oppose it 94%-6%.
The hostage deal Netanyahu has accepted involves three phases. In the first phase Israel would agree to free hundreds of Hamas terrorists from prison and significantly draw back its forces from Gaza while accepting a six-week ceasefire. Hamas in exchange would free 18-30 hostages. In two later phases of the deal, Hamas would release the rest of the hostages—alive and dead—in exchange for the further release of terrorists from prison and continuation of the ceasefire.
JNS asked Israelis if they believed Hamas would be willing to release additional hostages in later phases of the deal or would refuse to release them. Sixty-nine percent of Israelis (88% of coalition voters and 50% of opposition voters) believe Hamas will not release additional hostages. Only 24% of Israelis (10% of coalition voters and 38% of opposition voters) said that Hamas will be willing to advance along the deal and release additional hostages.
In other words, 69% of Israelis believe that between 83 and 71 hostages would be left behind in Gaza indefinitely.
Hamas’s negotiating position is that Israel must remove all of its forces from Gaza, including from the 3 kilometer wide security perimeter within Gaza along the border with Israel, the Netzarim Corridor that separates central and southern Gaza from northern Gaza, and the Philadelphi Corridor.
Seventy-three percent of Israelis, (95% of coalition party voters and 51% of opposition party voters) oppose Hamas’s demands. Twenty-two percent of Israelis support it, (4% of coalition voters and 40% of opposition voters).
A majority of Israelis do not trust the Biden-Harris administration’s commitments to support Israel if Hamas breaches the ceasefire-for-hostages deal. In response to JNS’s question, “Do you believe that the Biden-Harris administration will permit or block Israel from reinstating hostilities and reconquering Gaza to defeat Hamas if Hamas breaches the agreement,” 38% of Israelis said the United States would permit Israel to renew military operations; 56% said the United States would block Israel from renewing its military operations in Gaza. Only 14% of coalition voters believed the Biden-Harris administration would support a renewal of operations, while 61% of opposition voters trusted the administration’s support. Eighty-one percent of coalition voters said the United States would prevent Israel from renewing its operations if Hamas breaches a ceasefire deal, compared to 31% of opposition party voters.
On Sunday, Arnon Bar-David, the chairman of Israel’s main labor union, the Histadrut, declared a general strike in order to force the government to accept a hostage deal at all costs. A Labor court ruled the strike illegal on Monday afternoon and ordered it stopped immediately. The damage to the economy from the lost work hours is assessed at 2 billion shekels ($541 million).
JNS asked the public whether they believed that the strike advanced a hostage deal, had no impact on prospects for a hostage deal or damaged prospects for a hostage deal. Eighteen percent said the strike increased the prospects for a deal, 32% said it had no impact and 50% said it harmed prospects for a deal.
The heads of the anti-government protest groups active since January 2023 and the Hostage Families Forum, which represents a few dozen hostage families, have been cooperating informally since Oct. 7. In December 2023, former Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak, the unofficial leader of the anti-government political groups organizing the protests, called for the anti-government groups to work behind the hostages’ families. On Tuesday it was reported that Barak’s associates will begin officially cooperating with the Hostage Families Forum from now on, effectively merging the group representing a fraction of the hostages’ families with the anti-government protest movement.
JNS asked the public whether it believed that the anti-government protest groups have joined the hostages’ families groups in order mainly to help secure their release, mainly to overthrow the government or to advance both goals equally. Fifty-five percent of Israelis (90% of coalition voters and 20% of opposition voters) said that the anti-government groups are helping the Hostages’ Families Forum to overthrow the government.
Twenty percent of Israelis (3% of coalition voters and 37% of opposition voters) said the anti-government groups were supporting the Hostage Families Forum to secure the hostages’ release.
Twenty-four percent of Israelis (7% of coalition voters and 41% of opposition voters) believed they were helping the Hostage Families Forum to advance both goals equally.
In light of Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant’s open opposition to the Security Cabinet’s decision to oppose all withdrawals from the Philadelphi Corridor, JNS asked whether Israelis believe he should quit or be fired, or whether he should remain in his position. Fifty-one percent of Israelis said that Gallant should be fired or resign.
Thirty-three percent (53% of coalition voters and 14% of opposition voters) said Gallant should resign.
Eighteen percent of Israelis (32% of coalition voters and 4% of opposition voters) said that Netanyahu should fire Gallant.
Forty-five percent of Israelis (13% of coalition voters and 76% of opposition voters) said he should remain in his position.
Similarly, 48% of Israelis believe that IDF Chief of General Staff Lt. Gen. Hertzi Halevy should either resign immediately or in the next four weeks and 41% believe that he should leave when the war is over. Only 7% believe he should remain in his position until the official conclusion of his term in 2025.
(JNS)
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Updated: 4 Killed in Apalachee High School Shooting in Georgia
A suspect is in custody after a shooting at a high school in Georgia that left four dead and nine more hospitalized, according to the Georgia Bureau of Investigation.
The shooting took place Wednesday at Apalachee High School in Barrow County, about 35 miles northeast of Atlanta.
“We urge anyone near the area to stay clear while authorities investigate,” the GBI posted on social media just after noon.
Roads leading into the area surrounding Apalachee High School were snarled by gridlocked traffic for a nearly two-mile perimeter surrounding the scene. Hundreds of empty vehicles were parked on the sides of the roads in this partially rural area, double-parked in ditches and left on sidewalks in nearby neighborhoods.
Barrow County Sheriff Jud Smith told reporters Wednesday afternoon there were “multiple injuries” as a result of the shooting but that he probably wouldn’t be releasing more information before 4 p.m., when he hoped to hold a news conference.
He asked for patience from the community as they continue to investigate.
“This is going to take multiple days for us to get answers,” Smith said.
Atlanta Mayor Andre Dickens (D) wrote on social media that his prayers were “with the high school students, staff, and families affected by the act of violence in Winder, Georgia.” He added in a thread that he has been in touch with Atlanta police to “bolster patrols around our schools for the rest of the day out of an abundance of caution.”
Winder, Ga., is about 35 miles northeast of Atlanta, and it’s a part of the Atlanta metropolitan area. The city is home to about 29,500 people, according to 2020 census data. It’s known for its 1,816-acre Fort Yargo State Park and its historic railroad.
Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp (R) posted on social media that he has sent “all available state resources” to the school and urged “all Georgians to join my family in praying for the safety of those in our classrooms.”
President Joe Biden wrote in a statement that he was mourning those slain by “more senseless gun violence” and thinking of the survivors.
“Students across the country are learning how to duck and cover instead of how to read and write. We cannot continue to accept this as normal,” he wrote.
White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre called on Congress to pass gun-control legislation following the school shooting in Georgia.
“We need to ban assault weapons and high-capacity magazines, require safe storage of firearms, invest in violence prevention programs and pass a national red-flag law,” Jean-Pierre told reporters. It was not immediately clear what kind of weapon was used in Wednesday’s shooting.
Later, she added: “We cannot allow this to happen in our communities. We cannot allow this to happen in our schools.”
Vice President Kamala Harris was briefed on the shooting before leaving Joint Base Andrews in Washington, according to a White House official. She will continue to receive updates as authorities gather more information, the official said.
Democratic vice-presidential nominee Tim Walz addressed the school shooting in a Georgia while meeting with campaign volunteers.
“This is tragic. We don’t know any of the details on it yet, but it’s a situation that’s all too common, and our hearts are out there right now,” he said. Work needs to be done to prevent such shootings in the future, he added.
(c) 2024, The Washington Post · Washington Post staff
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‘UNRWA At War’: New Film Shows UN Agency Teaching Kids to Kill in Judea and Samaria
Revelations by Israel’s government about the United Nations Relief and Works Agency have shattered the group’s carefully cultivated image as a humanitarian organization, revealing it to be no less than an arm of Hamas in Gaza. However, little light has been thrown on UNRWA’s identical role in Judea and Samaria.
A new film, “UNRWA at War,” focuses on the educational side of UNRWA’s activities, in which children are taught not just to hate, but to kill. Just as it did in Gaza, UNRWA is inculcating children with the same genocidal creed in Judea and Samaria, only in this case for Fatah, the controlling party in the Palestinian Authority.
The roughly 20-minute film was released by the Jerusalem-based Center for Near East Policy Research on Sept. 1 and is available online.
The center’s director, David Bedein, told JNS that the movie shows what’s happening in Bethlehem. “That’s the next place they [the terrorists] are going to break out,” he said.
When could such an attack take place? “It could be as soon as tomorrow,” he said.
The film shows that terrorists, such as Dalal Mughrabi, a Fatah member who participated in the 1978 Coastal Road massacre in Israel, in which 38 Israeli civilians, including 13 children, were murdered, are routinely held up as heroes and role models in UNRWA schools. Images of Mughrabi and other terrorists adorn the schools’ walls.
In the film, Arab students in Judea and Samaria, products of UNRWA schools, speak of Mughrabi with reverence.
“She’s like my sister, like my mother. She’s part of our people,” says a boy from the Al-Amari refugee camp east of Ramallah. A girl of about six, also from Al-Amari, says, “Dhalal Mughrabi is a Palestinian martyr. She fought against the Jews. She blew them up.”
Bedein, who has been sounding the alarm regarding UNRWA for decades, describes the indoctrination the kids are receiving as “murder education.” UNRWA, he said, is a “machine” that produces genocidal children in a “cookie-cutter” manner.
Kutaiba Hatab, 15, attends the UNRWA Boys School in the Jalazone refugee camp north of Ramallah in Samaria. Asked in the film what he’s taught about the right of return, he says, “To fight, and to keep fighting, until Palestine is liberated!” He goes on to state that when he grows up, “I’ll be a jihadist and fight for Allah!”
“Do you hate Jews,” an interviewer asks Rada Abu-Hatab, 12, an UNRWA student in Jenin. “Yes, a lot,” she answers. “I want to fight and become a martyr and ascend to heaven with Allah!”
Mohammed Mahmud Khalil, an UNRWA student from Ein Arik, an Arab town near Ramallah, says, “What is the solution to Jerusalem? To kill the Jews. We’ll get rid of the Jews … With Allah’s help, I will become a holy warrior.”
All the children connected the Hamas invasion of Oct. 7 to the right of return, characterizing the gruesome attack as an effort to liberate the land from the Jews.
“Oct. 7 is related to the right of return because Hamas reconquered part of our land that was taken by the occupiers,” says Osama Belashe, an UNRWA student from Jalazone. “In school our teacher taught us we have to return. Even if Israel gives us compensation [to stay here] we have to return.”
For Bedein, the most important thing the film documents is that at UNRWA, children receive military training. In previous films, Bedein has shown that these training camps were set up near Israel Defense Forces bases.
He worries that Israel has been slow to adapt to the post-Oct. 7 reality. “They’re making the same mistake they made last October, not paying attention to the preparations for war in the UNRWA camps,” he said.
However, he sees signs of awakening, noting a recent Israel Army Radio report that the military intended to investigate military training at UNRWA camps.
And next week, Bedein is to present his findings to a Knesset committee. “People who did not take me seriously over a period of 36 years are now taking me seriously,” he said.
Incompetence, or willful blindness, on the part of the Israeli authorities is a recurring theme for Bedein.
He said the Foreign Ministry has a special division dedicated to overseeing UNRWA, yet its representatives were oblivious regarding the weapons held at UNRWA camps. He brought them to the Askar camp bordering Nablus (Shechem) to show them. “They had no idea about the guns,” he said.
Moreover, Israel never exercised what oversight it had, he said. “Israel has the power to veto anything in Palestinian education. What we learned from Oct. 7 is that they weren’t doing it,” he added.
“Back in the 1980s, I began this conversation with how humanitarian supplies were sold in the open market and with no supervision,” Bedein said. “And they [Israel] didn’t make any changes. There was no oversight. To say they’re not doing their job is an understatement,” he added.
Although many have argued for doing away with UNRWA, according to Bedein that’s not a realistic solution. The organization is too embedded in the territories and in the United Nations, and the General Assembly would never accept it, he argued. However, he continued, it is possible to change UNRWA from within by pointing out the absurd situation and demanding change.
“The theme of UNRWA education is ‘peace starts here,’” he said. “How could it possibly be that a U.N. social work agency would be using their education system to prepare kids for war?”
Bedein has put together a five-point plan for changing UNRWA from within:
1. Cancellation of the new UNRWA curriculum based on jihad.
2. Disarmament of UNRWA schools and cessation of paramilitary training.
3. Dismissing UNRWA employees affiliated with Hamas, Islamic Jihad and Fatah.
4. Resettling fourth- and fifth-generation refugees from the 1948 war rather than keeping them in perpetual refugee status.
5. Demanding an audit of donor funds.
He has met five times with Antonio Guterres, the U.N. secretary general, whom he said is open to his proposals.
While UNRWA was always corrupt, it wasn’t always the way it is now, he said.
Even the children going through the schools, while they spoke of “their homes in Jaffa,” didn’t talk about going back and killing everyone in Jaffa as they do now, he said.
“The change took place after 1992 when the PLO was put in charge by [then-Foreign Minister] Shimon Peres,” he said. “UNRWA was handed over to the PLO.”