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Elkana Federman, who served as the security chief of the Nova music festival and was wounded while fighting terrorists during the Oct. 7 massacre, has filed a 2.5 million shekel lawsuit against former Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar, accusing him of negligence in the hours before the Hamas invasion and alleging that intelligence in Bar’s possession could have led authorities to evacuate the festival hours before the attack.

The damages lawsuit, filed in Yerushalayim Magistrate’s Court, alleges that Bar failed to fully relay intelligence to officials who could have taken action before the Hamas assault began.

According to the lawsuit, the Shin Bet received several unusual indications during the night before the massacre. Among them was the activation of dozens or possibly hundreds of Israeli SIM cards that had allegedly been prepared for use by Hamas terrorists, unusual movements involving senior Hamas figures, and changes in the terror organization’s communications patterns.

The suit further alleges that a human intelligence source reported Hamas operatives gathering at mosques and other meeting points, and that this information ultimately reached Bar.

Federman claims that this particular piece of intelligence was not presented during a situation assessment held at Southern Command at approximately 3 a.m. The lawsuit describes the information as a potential “game changer” that could have caused officials to interpret the other warning signs very differently.

Federman also points to Bar’s decision to dispatch the Shin Bet’s elite Tequila unit to southern Israel during the night, arguing that the move itself demonstrates that the Shin Bet chief was preparing for the possibility of terrorists infiltrating Israeli territory.

According to the lawsuit, Bar “did not provide a complete report to Southern Command,” and Federman argues that had the full intelligence picture been conveyed, the IDF would have prepared differently and the Nova festival would have received different treatment from security officials.

The lawsuit further alleges that Bar should have directly warned the police responsible for securing the festival about the possibility of an infiltration or kidnapping attempt, but that “through his negligence, he did not lift a finger to protect the festival participants, including the plaintiff.”

The filing also recounts Federman’s actions as the Hamas attack unfolded on the morning of Oct. 7.

When the rocket barrage began, Federman and the security personnel under his command began helping thousands of festivalgoers evacuate the site. According to the lawsuit, the security team operated according to the principle that “we do not leave the event until the last participant has left.”

When Hamas terrorists reached the area near the festival exit and began shooting fleeing participants, Federman and several other security personnel drove ATVs toward the gunfire and began bringing wounded victims back toward the festival grounds.

At one point, a damaged tank arrived carrying two soldiers, including Ofir Testa, who was critically wounded and later died. According to the lawsuit, after Testa climbed out of the tank, Federman asked him for his weapon and then joined police officer Andrey Pushibay, who was later killed, in fighting the terrorists.

Federman continued firing at the attackers until his magazine was empty. After Pushibay was shot and killed, Federman took the officer’s handgun, which had six bullets remaining, and continued advancing toward the terrorists.

It was during that confrontation that Federman was shot.

Despite being wounded and still under fire, Federman managed to run several hundred meters toward the Gerar Stream area, where he concealed himself inside a bush for hours.

The lawsuit describes him lying there with “one hand pointing the handgun in his possession upward in case the murderers reached him, and the other hand on the wound trying to stop the bleeding.”

Federman was eventually discovered by other people who had escaped the festival together with soldiers. He was evacuated to Soroka Medical Center and later transferred to Shaare Zedek Medical Center, where he underwent two surgeries.

At the heart of Federman’s lawsuit is his contention that none of this would have happened to him had the intelligence warnings been properly communicated before the attack.

He argues that with an appropriate warning, “the party would have been stopped and the compound would have been evacuated hours before the rocket fire and the infiltration began,” thereby preventing him from being wounded.

{Matzav.com}

President Trump says the troubled renovation of the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool is finally nearing completion, predicting that the iconic Washington landmark will be refilled with water this week following months of repairs, repeated drainage and controversy over what caused its new lining to fail.

Speaking to reporters outside the White House on Tuesday, Trump said work on the pool itself was essentially finished and that crews had also replaced aging pipes as part of the project.

“I think they’re going to fill it up this week,” Trump said.

“The Reflecting Pool is totally complete, and we changed the old pipes we wanted to get open for July 4,” he said, later adding that “I think it’s almost complete, from what I understand.”

Trump also said restoration work was nearly finished on the grounds between the Reflecting Pool and the National World War II Memorial, where new grass had previously been installed as part of his broader effort to renovate and beautify Washington’s monumental core.

That lawn was damaged in June when enormous numbers reading “86 47” appeared in the grass. The numbers were widely interpreted as an anti-Trump message — “47” referring to Trump as the 47th president — while the White House argued that “86 47” amounted to a threat of political violence against him.

Trump referred to that episode Tuesday while discussing the restoration work.

The new grass, he said, had been “destroyed with the letters, the famous letters.”

“And that’s been just about completed,” Trump added.

The president also continued to attribute at least some of the problems at the Reflecting Pool to vandalism, despite court filings and evidence that have raised serious questions about whether the most significant damage was instead caused by faulty installation during the rushed renovation.

“Well, we had vandalism there and we have it about as vandal-proof as you can get. But only sick people do that, and we have their pictures.”

The Reflecting Pool has become an unexpectedly contentious issue in Washington since Trump ordered a major renovation of the landmark earlier this year ahead of celebrations marking America’s 250th anniversary.

The more than 2,000-foot-long pool, which stretches between the Lincoln Memorial and World War II Memorial, underwent an extensive makeover that included coating its bottom in a dark shade Trump called “American flag blue.” The work was performed under no-bid contracting arrangements that later became a focus of scrutiny.

The project was intended to dramatically improve the appearance of a landmark that had long suffered from algae, leaks and maintenance problems. The pool had previously undergone a major reconstruction costing approximately $34 million between 2010 and 2012.

But trouble emerged almost immediately after the newly renovated pool was filled. Algae proliferated in the water, turning portions of the pool green, while pieces of the newly installed coating began separating from the bottom and floating to the surface.

Trump and Interior Department officials initially blamed vandals for deliberately damaging the pool. The president said people had cut or pulled up sections of the new surface, and several individuals were investigated or arrested.

Trump continued making that allegation as recently as late August, when he predicted that the landmark would soon reopen.

The pool would “be opening in a few weeks. Will be a beauty. NO VANDALS PLEASE.”

At other points, however, Trump acknowledged that construction problems contributed to the damage. Earlier in August, he referred to “some contractor error” and described the resulting damage as “relatively inconsequential.”

The government’s own criminal case against former U.S. Olympic canoeist David Hearn ultimately produced evidence sharply undermining the original vandalism explanation.

Hearn, who represented the United States in canoe slalom at the 1992 Barcelona Olympics, was arrested after being accused of pulling at a detached section of the Reflecting Pool liner. He was subsequently indicted on a felony charge of destruction of government property, exposing him to the possibility of a lengthy prison sentence.

But documents obtained after the indictment showed that problems with the pool’s surface existed before Hearn’s encounter with it. Investigators ultimately found widespread defects, including damage in areas of the pool where prosecutors concluded a vandal would have been unlikely to reach or attempt to peel away the lining.

U.S. Attorney Jeanine Pirro’s office eventually moved to dismiss the case after receiving additional information from the Interior Department showing that the damage resulted from problems with the installation and the rush to finish the project before the July 4 celebrations.

In the government’s own filing, prosecutors said the damage was caused by the contractor’s “botched” installation “and not vandalism as initially represented” by the Interior Department.

Pirro’s filing also stated that the Interior Department had provided “less than fulsome information at the outset of the case.”

“Given all of this newly discovered information, it is difficult to attribute the widespread damage to the Reflecting Pool to vandalism, let alone to establish that fact beyond a reasonable doubt,” Pirro wrote.

The filing further said that had “DOI been forthcoming with the information clearly in its possession, the government would not have sought a grand jury indictment.”

The reversal was particularly notable because Pirro had previously described the prosecution as supported by “tremendous evidence.”

Last week, D.C. Superior Court Judge Todd Edelman went further, permanently dismissing the case with prejudice. The ruling prevents prosecutors from bringing the same charge against Hearn again.

“The Court respects the authority of the Office of the United States Attorney to decide which cases to prosecute and which to dismiss,” Edelman wrote. “However, in the exceptional circumstances posed by this case, the government has no right to retain the ability to compound the errors it has already made, or even to threaten to do so, at Mr. Hearn’s expense.”

The controversy is continuing even as repairs to the pool near completion. Hearn’s attorneys on Tuesday called on the inspectors general of both the Justice and Interior departments to investigate the renovation and the criminal case brought against him.

His lawyers contend that government officials rushed a defective renovation, failed to disclose evidence showing that the pool was already deteriorating, wrongly portrayed Hearn as a vandal and pursued a criminal prosecution despite evidence pointing toward construction problems.

They are asking for separate investigations into both the Interior Department’s management of the renovation and the Justice Department’s handling of Hearn’s prosecution.

The Interior Department has continued to maintain that Hearn interfered with the pool’s lining, while his attorneys dispute the government’s characterization of what he did.

The controversy surrounding Hearn is separate from the “86 47” markings cut into the nearby National Mall lawn. Those markings were real and were documented in photographs in June, although authorities did not initially identify who created them or precisely how they were made.

Trump has repeatedly linked both episodes to what he describes as vandalism targeting his effort to restore Washington’s monuments and public spaces. The evidence that emerged in Hearn’s case, however, indicates that the widespread failure of the Reflecting Pool’s new surface cannot be attributed to vandalism.

{Matzav.com}

Russia is offering to send specialists, laboratory equipment and medical resources to help the United States battle infectious diseases, an unusual proposal that comes as Moscow faces intense scrutiny over the mysterious death of a young scientist at a Siberian anti-plague laboratory and persistent, though still unconfirmed, reports that she contracted pneumonic plague.

Russia’s consumer health watchdog, Rospotrebnadzor, announced the offer Tuesday, pointing to measles outbreaks in several American states as well as recent U.S. cases of other infectious diseases.

“The Russian Federation is ready to assist the United States in combating outbreaks of infectious diseases,” Rospotrebnadzor said.

The agency cited outbreaks of measles, typhoid fever and legionellosis in the United States. It also made a pointed reference to an unrelated American plague death, saying, “The first fatal case of plague in 2026 was reported in New Mexico.”

That New Mexico case has no established connection to the unfolding situation in Siberia. Plague occurs naturally in parts of the western United States, including New Mexico, where the bacterium can circulate among rodents and fleas. More importantly, Russian authorities have yet to establish publicly that plague caused the death now at the center of the Irkutsk controversy.

The Russian offer comes as international attention remains focused on the death of Darya Shipilova, a 28-year-old laboratory employee at the Irkutsk Anti-Plague Research Institute of Siberia and the Far East. Shipilova died Oct. 2 after developing severe pneumonia of unexplained origin.

The institute where Shipilova worked specializes in plague and other highly dangerous infectious diseases. Her employment there, coupled with the unusual precautions taken after she became ill, rapidly fueled fears that her death could have resulted from occupational exposure to a dangerous pathogen.

Russian officials maintain that there is no confirmed plague outbreak and say investigators have found no evidence tying Shipilova’s illness to the organisms she handled professionally. The World Health Organization has likewise said that, based on the information currently available, there are no confirmed plague cases in Irkutsk and that the risk to the broader population appears very low.

Rumors surrounding Shipilova’s death, however, have been widespread. One unverified account alleges that she accidentally dropped and shattered a test tube containing plague bacteria while working at the institute. Another suggests she may have been exposed during field work or travel in Buryatia, an area where plague can occur naturally among wild animals.

Neither scenario has been substantiated by Russian authorities, and there is currently no verified evidence supporting more dramatic speculation that Shipilova was exposed to an artificially enhanced or weaponized strain of plague.

What is confirmed is that Russian authorities mounted an extensive epidemiological response after Shipilova became ill. Nearly 200 people who had contact with her were initially placed under medical observation, and the hospital where she was treated imposed infection-control measures while officials conducted testing and contact tracing.

Rospotrebnadzor says testing of those contacts has produced no additional plague cases. Several people developed illnesses, but the agency said those infections were attributable to common respiratory viruses rather than plague.

“Laboratory tests have confirmed two Covid-19 and two rhinovirus infection cases,” the agency said.

Russian authorities have continued to describe Shipilova’s fatal illness as a “pneumonia of unknown etiology,” while rejecting reports that a dangerous pathogen escaped from the institute. Rospotrebnadzor insists that “no emergency or security breach occurred” at the laboratory.

The lack of a definitive public explanation for the 28-year-old scientist’s death has nevertheless fueled skepticism inside and outside Russia. Conflicting statements from regional officials and the disappearance or revision of some early reports about a possible plague infection have contributed to suspicions that Moscow has not disclosed the complete picture.

The precautions being taken elsewhere in Irkutsk have added to those questions. The Irkutsk City Perinatal Center began screening pregnant patients for possible plague exposure and instituted strict visitor restrictions following Shipilova’s death.

Patients arriving at the maternity facility were reportedly given a “Checklist for Suspected Plague” asking about symptoms, contact with ill people and recent travel. Staff also conducted temperature checks and required masks.

The center temporarily barred virtually everyone other than pregnant patients from entering, meaning husbands and other partners were unable to attend births. Staff reportedly attributed the measures to concerns surrounding an unidentified infection.

Russian officials have emphasized that such precautions do not establish that plague is circulating in the city. Health authorities say the measures were preventative and that the epidemiological situation remains stable.

The World Health Organization said Russian authorities had traced and tested Shipilova’s contacts and reported no confirmed additional plague infections. The WHO has requested further information concerning her death while assessing the international public-health risk as very low.

Plague is caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis, which naturally circulates among certain rodents and their fleas. Bubonic plague generally infects the lymphatic system, while pneumonic plague affects the lungs and can spread between people through respiratory droplets during close contact. Modern antibiotics are highly effective when treatment begins promptly.

Rospotrebnadzor, meanwhile, used its offer to Washington to emphasize Russia’s own expertise in dealing with dangerous infectious diseases.

“Russia has extensive practical and scientific experience in ensuring epidemiological well-being both at home and abroad,” the Rospotrebnadzor statement on Tuesday insisted.

“To help prevent and control outbreaks of infections, Russia is ready to provide the US side with specialists, laboratory equipment, and highly effective diagnostic and preventive tools,” the statement said, “which can help resume joint work between Russia and the United States in protecting public health from infectious threats.”

The offer followed comments from President Trump a day earlier saying that the United States was prepared to assist Russia if necessary as American officials monitor the Irkutsk situation.

“We are looking at it very strongly. We just heard about it,” Trump said.

Trump said the United States would be prepared to provide assistance to any country confronting a dangerous infectious-disease problem.

“Anybody that has that kind of a problem, we’re always willing to help,” the president said.

“It’s a disease we used to be able to control,” Trump said. “Even with great advancement, the germs have really become relatively stronger than they were, and things that used to work on pneumonia don’t work anymore … anyone that has that kind of problem, we will help.”

Secretary of State Marco Rubio has also urged vigilance without suggesting that Americans should panic over the reports emerging from Siberia.

“I don’t think it’s cause for alarm, but it is cause for focus and a cause to just keep an eye on it,” Rubio said.

American officials have called on Moscow to provide timely and accurate information about the case, while several countries neighboring Russia have increased health precautions in response to the reports.

President Trump said Tuesday that he expects to speak with Russian President Vladimir Putin about the situation, as U.S. intelligence and health officials continue trying to determine exactly what occurred in Irkutsk.

{Matzav.com}

THREE YEARS OF WAR: IDF Says 100,000 Targets Struck Across Middle East, 970 Soldiers Fallen Since Oct. 7
Three years after the Oct. 7 massacre triggered a multi-front war that transformed Israel’s security landscape, the IDF has released an extensive accounting of the fighting, reporting approximately 100,000 targets struck across the region, the elimination of much of Hamas’s senior command structure, tens of thousands of enemy projectiles fired at Israel, and 970 Israeli soldiers killed under operational circumstances.

The military also detailed sweeping changes implemented as a result of the failures exposed on Oct. 7, including a massive rebuilding of the Gaza border defenses and a dramatic increase in the number of Israeli Air Force personnel and aircraft maintained at immediate readiness for a surprise attack.

According to the IDF, the campaign against Hamas has eliminated four commanders who headed major branches of the terror organization, 17 brigade commanders, approximately 60 battalion commanders and roughly 300 company commanders. The operations were conducted through combined efforts by the Air Force, Military Intelligence Directorate and Operations Directorate.

Many of the Hamas terrorists who personally participated in the Oct. 7 massacre have also been located and eliminated during the three years of fighting.

One of the IDF’s most significant lessons from Oct. 7 has involved the defense of Israeli communities near Gaza. The military says it has fundamentally redesigned the security system protecting those communities following the catastrophic failure that allowed thousands of terrorists to penetrate the border and overrun communities and military positions.

Security infrastructure throughout the Gaza border region has been upgraded, including fences, security roads, fortified positions, gates, lighting, radar systems and surveillance equipment. Local civilian security teams and community security coordinators have also received additional weapons, protective equipment, communications systems and drones.

The IDF has additionally introduced the “Netz” application, designed to allow information to be shared and communications maintained among the different forces and security elements responsible for protecting the communities.

The border barrier itself has undergone a major reconstruction. After investigating how Hamas breached the previous system on Oct. 7, the IDF built a far more substantial physical obstacle incorporating advanced technological capabilities both above and below ground, intended to make another mass infiltration significantly more difficult.

Inside Gaza, improved intelligence and a far more detailed understanding of the terrain have enabled Israeli forces to locate and destroy hundreds of terrorist positions, rocket-launching sites, weapons depots and other Hamas infrastructure.

The military has also refined its systematic drilling method for locating underground terrorist infrastructure. Since the ceasefire last October, more than 4,000 such drillings have been carried out in the search for tunnels and subterranean facilities.

Extensive underground infrastructure has been destroyed along the Yellow Line, including tunnel systems in the Beit Hanoun area and other major subterranean routes discovered and mapped by Israeli forces.

The Air Force has likewise undergone significant changes following its examination of the failures of Oct. 7. The military says it has substantially increased its readiness for a large-scale surprise war on any front, with particular attention given to scenarios involving sudden attacks on Israel’s borders.

New operational orders have been drawn up, greater authority has been delegated to commanders in the field, intelligence-collection procedures have been modified, and the Air Force has changed the way it positions its defensive and offensive capabilities during routine periods.

The number of forces kept at a high level of readiness has increased by as much as four times compared with the eve of the war, according to the IDF. In certain Air Force units, the increase has reached sixfold.

The Air Force has also expanded its command-and-control posture and strengthened systems used to build a real-time operational picture, with the goal of allowing an immediate defensive and offensive response to an unexpected attack. Surprise-war readiness is now tested regularly through exercises involving both operational headquarters and forces in the field.

The scale of Israeli offensive operations over the past three years has been enormous. The IDF says approximately 100,000 targets have been attacked across the various theaters since the war began.

Gaza accounted for the overwhelming majority, with approximately 65,000 targets struck in the Strip. Another 28,000 targets were attacked in Lebanon and Syria, approximately 4,500 in Iran and roughly 80 in Yemen.

At the same time, Israel has faced an extraordinary volume of incoming fire from multiple fronts.

Approximately 10,200 projectiles have been launched toward Israel from Gaza since Oct. 7, according to the IDF. Around 20,000 were fired from Lebanon, making the northern front the source of the largest number of launches.

Iran has launched approximately 1,200 projectiles toward Israel, while around 90 have been fired from Yemen and approximately 50 from Syria.

The human toll on the IDF has been severe. The military says 970 soldiers have been killed under operational circumstances during the three years of war.

Thousands more have been wounded, although the IDF highlighted what it described as a significant rehabilitation achievement: more than 70% of soldiers wounded during the war have subsequently returned to military service.

The military also released extensive figures from its counterterrorism operations in Judea and Samaria. Israeli forces have located and confiscated more than 3,800 weapons during the war.

Approximately 45,000 wanted individuals have been arrested or detained for questioning. They include weapons dealers and illegal weapons holders, suspects believed to have been planning imminent terrorist attacks, operatives involved in terrorism, stone and firebomb throwers and individuals accused of assisting terrorist organizations.

Israeli forces have also seized more than 46 million shekels that authorities say had been designated to finance terrorism.

The release of the IDF figures coincided with commemorations across southern Israel marking three years since the Oct. 7 massacre. In the Eshkol Regional Council, residents gathered for the council’s central memorial ceremony honoring 259 people from the region who were murdered.

Residents from communities throughout Eshkol attended the ceremony, including people from communities whose residents have still not fully returned home. Bereaved families and former hostages were also among those present.

Three years after the devastation, reconstruction across the region remains unfinished. At the same time, the council pointed to one striking indication of renewed life: more than 750 babies have been born in Eshkol since Oct. 7.

Eshkol Regional Council head Michal Uziyahu said the region remains deeply scarred by the massacre even as its communities rebuild and grow.

“Three years later, all of our hostages have returned home and our communities continue on the road back, but there are no shortcuts. It seems that sometimes, דווקא now, the pain is greater, and only now are we beginning to process another layer of what happened to us. Two hundred fifty-nine of our loved ones were murdered, 119 were kidnapped, and young people from across the country were murdered while dancing here. But look at us three years later. The communities have returned and are undergoing significant growth — new homes are being built in Mivtahim, a neighborhood for young people was inaugurated in Nirim, Be’eri residents will return next year and, in the meantime, seventh-grade students have begun studying here. There isn’t an available home in Nir Oz, and even the first wedding since Oct. 7 was held there. There are 800 young people in Eshkol participating in service-year programs and pre-military academies, and families from across the country are joining our communities. The Eshkol Regional Council is a community. We will continue this journey together, demanding accountability and the establishment of a commission of inquiry, ensuring that we create a different reality with meaningful security and not merely a feeling of security. In memory of, and inspired by, those who were murdered and those who fell, we will do everything to be worthy of them.”

פעילות חיל היםצילום: דובר צה”ל

פעילות חיל היםצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות חיל היםצילום: דובר צה”ל

פעילות חיל היםצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות חיל האווירצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות חיל האווירצילום: דובר צה”ל

“לא התאים לי לגדל את הילדים בצפיפות כמו שאני גדלתי”

תוכן מקודם

06:03

טרגדיה בפתח תקווה: הרב יצחק לוי ז”ל נפטר, והוא רק בגיל 53

בשיתוף קופת העיר

02:13

כשהמלון הוא רק תירוץ, אבל אתם לוקחים ממנו את המהדרין

תוכן מקודם

16:03

פעילות חיל האווירצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות כוחות צה”ל בסוריהצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות כוחות צה”ל בסוריהצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות כוחות צה”ל בסוריהצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות כוחות צה”לצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות כוחות צה”לצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות כוחות צה”לצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות כוחות צה”לצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות כוחות צה”לצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות כוחות צה”לצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות כוחות צה”לצילום: דובר צה”ל פעילות כוחות צה”לצילום: דובר צה”ל

The White House is pushing back forcefully against claims that President Trump suggested Iran should attack Los Angeles or San Diego, saying his controversial remarks at a Nebraska campaign rally were being stripped of their broader context and that Trump was actually arguing that the war had prevented a nuclear-armed Iran from gaining the ability to destroy an American city.

The controversy erupted after Trump addressed supporters Monday in Grand Island, Nebraska, while defending the ongoing war with Iran and acknowledging the economic pain Americans have experienced, particularly from higher fuel prices. The president argued that those costs were comparatively minor if the conflict prevents Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and threatening the United States.

“We want to see a tremendous victory. You want to see a tremendous victory because it verifies all the things we did. And again, remember, with the war, it’s just artificial. It’s a little bit high. It’s a small price to pay for keeping the world safe, keeping our country safe.”

Trump then delivered the comments that quickly ignited a political firestorm.

“They can take out a city. Let them take — let them take out Los Angeles. Let them take out San Diego. This is a very small price to pay, and it’s going to be over with very soon. It’s essentially almost over with, and they might keep going a little long,” he continued.

“You know, they always say they have a big threshold for pain. They need it. Let me tell you, they need it. But it’s going to end very soon, and it’ll end one way or the other,” Trump added.

The wording immediately drew condemnation from California officials, who interpreted the remarks literally as Trump saying the destruction of Los Angeles or San Diego would constitute an acceptable price for the war.

California Gov. Gavin Newsom accused Trump of effectively inviting an enemy nation to attack two major American cities.

“After sending the National Guard and Marines to occupy California, Donald Trump is now saying our foreign enemies should ‘take out’ Los Angeles and San Diego,” Newsom claimed. “He is deranged and dangerous.”

Newsom subsequently announced that he was “directing the State Threat Assessment Center to actively monitor the situation in the event that foreign actors interpret the President’s remarks as an invitation to target California,” while suggesting that Trump’s comments could potentially be “treasonous.”

Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass similarly condemned the president, arguing that his language could have real-world security consequences.

“The President of the United States suggested that a foreign government attack Los Angeles. His statements against our city are dangerous and could potentially compromise our safety.”

“The role of a president is to protect the country, not to actively threaten it and encourage attacks on American lives,” she added. “In the face of irresponsible threats, as Angelenos, we know how to stand together and protect our city.”

San Diego Mayor Todd Gloria also joined the criticism, declaring that his city could never be treated as expendable in a military conflict.

“San Diego is not collateral damage,” Gloria said. “We are not expendable. And we are never a ‘small price to pay.’ Keep our city out of your reckless war talk.”

The White House, however, says that interpretation badly misrepresents Trump’s point. Administration officials said the president was discussing the potential consequences of allowing Iran to obtain a nuclear weapon and was arguing that the temporary economic costs associated with preventing that outcome are a small price compared with the destruction that a nuclear Iran could eventually inflict.

The White House’s Rapid Response account issued an unusually blunt response after a Los Angeles Times headline characterized Trump as suggesting that Iran be allowed to attack the California cities.

“No, he didn’t, you buffoons,” Rapid Response said.

“He was saying the U.S. is fighting to STOP Iran from having the ability to take out LA and San Diego with a nuclear weapon — which they would if they had the chance,” it continued.

White House Communications Director Steven Cheung offered the same explanation, saying the uproar surrounding the remarks is “not rooted in reality”.

“He was clearly stating US cities would have been threatened if a nuclear Iran hadn’t been stopped,” Cheung said. “America is safer because of the President. Iran has no nuclear, no navy, no air force, and no money”.

A review of Trump’s broader comments during the Nebraska appearance shows that the remarks came during an extended discussion of the economic consequences of the Iran war, particularly gasoline prices, and his contention that Americans were paying a relatively modest price to eliminate a far greater potential threat.

Trump had made that argument more explicitly earlier, telling a Nebraska news outlet that the higher cost of fuel would subside once the conflict ended and directly linking the economic sacrifice to preventing Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons.

“We’re going to get [the cost of fuel] down,” Trump said. “But it’s all going to come pouring down as soon as the war’s over, which will be very soon. And we will not have Iran having a nuclear weapon. And that’s going to be — and I say it and I say it proudly — a relatively small price to pay for keeping nuclear weapons out of the hands of a lunatic nation.”

Trump has repeatedly argued that Iran’s nuclear ambitions ultimately posed a threat beyond Israel and the Middle East. In his February State of the Union address, shortly before the U.S.-Israeli military campaign against Iran began, Trump warned that Tehran was “working to build missiles that will soon reach the United States of America.”

Iran, however, is not currently known to possess a nuclear weapon or an operational ballistic missile capable of striking the continental United States directly from Iranian territory. Its longest-range operational ballistic missiles fall far short of the distance required to reach California, although U.S. officials have long warned that technologies developed through Iran’s space-launch program could contribute to a future intercontinental ballistic missile capability.

That distinction has become part of the broader argument over Trump’s remarks. Critics contend that regardless of his intended point, a president should not use language that can be heard as suggesting an enemy could be permitted to destroy American cities. The White House counters that Trump’s meaning becomes apparent when the comments are viewed alongside his repeated warnings about what Iran could eventually do if permitted to acquire nuclear weapons and long-range delivery systems.

{Matzav.com}

New satellite imagery indicates that Iran has resumed substantial activity at Minzadayi, a secret nuclear weapons development compound northeast of Tehran that was heavily bombed by Israel in March, raising concerns that Tehran may be attempting to rebuild capabilities destroyed during Operation Roaring Lion.

High-resolution images taken by VANTOR Technologies during September and early October show renewed vehicle traffic throughout the compound, extensive cleanup work and fresh earthmoving at an area struck during the Israeli attack, according to an analysis released this week by the Institute for Science and International Security.

The institute warned that the activity could represent considerably more than an effort to clean up the damage left by Israeli airstrikes, saying the work may signal an attempt to restore the site’s previous capabilities.

“Given what is known about this compound, this activity may be indicative of an effort by Iran to reestablish a nuclear weapons development capability and to reconstitute what was lost in the attack on the compound,” the institute said.

Israel attacked Minzadayi on March 3, after identifying the heavily secured facility as a clandestine nuclear weapons development center. The strike destroyed several above-ground buildings and apparently damaged underground portions of the complex as well.

At the time of the attack, the IDF said the previously undisclosed compound was a secret “nuclear headquarters” where Iranian scientists had been working covertly on the development of a critical component for a nuclear weapon.

The site is situated off Sohanak Road northeast of Tehran in an area containing parkland and recreational facilities. Analysts who examined the location described a heavily protected compound surrounded by a high wall and guard towers, with two clusters of buildings above ground and additional structures built into the surrounding hillside.

Satellite photographs taken immediately after the March attack showed extensive destruction inside the compound. Multiple buildings had been demolished, while craters and other evidence suggested that Israel had also targeted areas believed to conceal underground facilities.

In the months that followed, Iran launched an extensive cleanup operation at Minzadayi. Rubble and other debris were hauled away, while damage to the hillside caused by the Israeli strikes was repaired.

The latest imagery, however, shows that activity has continued beyond the initial removal of debris. A substantial number of vehicles were visible across the facility during September and early October, suggesting that regular access to the compound has resumed.

Analysts also identified continuing earthmoving in an area that was directly struck in March. The work is taking place at what appears from above to be a courtyard, but side-view imagery indicates that the area contains an underground section. Numerous impact craters had been visible there following the Israeli attack.

The renewed work at Minzadayi is particularly significant because the compound has been linked to Iranian research involving nuclear warhead development rather than merely the civilian components of Tehran’s nuclear program.

The facility was among a series of sensitive nuclear and weapons-related locations attacked during Operation Roaring Lion as Israel sought to cripple Iran’s ability to develop a nuclear weapon and destroy infrastructure that could allow Tehran to rebuild the program.

Minzadayi is not the only nuclear-related facility where Iran has recently undertaken significant reconstruction. Satellite imagery released in September showed Tehran rapidly rebuilding the Taleghan 2 facility at the Parchin military complex, approximately 20 miles southeast of Tehran.

Taleghan 2 has long been associated with research relevant to nuclear weapons. Western intelligence assessments have linked the site to experiments conducted more than two decades ago involving explosives and technologies that could be used in the development of a nuclear warhead.

Recent imagery showed heavy construction equipment at Taleghan 2, including bulldozers, dump trucks, cranes, concrete mixers and concrete pumping vehicles. Iran also erected a large tarp over the destroyed hardened structure, obstructing satellite and aerial observation of some of the reconstruction underneath.

Iran has additionally reinforced parts of Taleghan 2 with new concrete intended to provide greater protection against future aerial attacks. Repair work there began in June, including the placement of concrete caps over penetration holes created by bunker-busting weapons.

“What is clear is that Iran remains committed to rebuilding this facility, a deeply concerning development considering the long history of nuclear weapons research and development activities that occurred there,” the institute said in its assessment of the Taleghan 2 reconstruction.

Iran has also taken steps to protect other sensitive nuclear locations. At Natanz and the facility known as Pickaxe Mountain, satellite imagery has shown new measures intended to restrict or harden access to underground areas containing potentially valuable nuclear equipment or material.

President Trump has publicly warned Tehran that the United States is closely watching Pickaxe Mountain, a deeply buried facility that has drawn growing attention over concerns about Iran’s nuclear activities.

“We have eyes on it and Pickaxe mountain is a possible target for a nice big fat shot right in the front door…We’re watching Pickaxe Mountain very closely. We don’t see any activity there.”

Trump subsequently issued an even more explicit warning: “We’re going to take out Pickaxe Mountain. Tell the Iranians to be ​ready.”

Iran has demonstrated a broader ability to repair military infrastructure damaged during the war faster than some Western analysts initially expected. By May, reports indicated that Iranian crews had already reopened 50 of 69 entrances to underground missile facilities that had been blocked during the fighting.

Satellite imagery from that period also showed reconstruction underway at ballistic missile production facilities, reinforcing concerns that Tehran was working rapidly to restore strategic capabilities degraded by the Israeli and American air campaign.

During Operation Roaring Lion, Israel carried out more than 10,800 strikes across Iran, dropping over 18,000 munitions. Approximately 4,000 targets and more than 6,700 individual components were struck during the campaign.

By the time the ceasefire took effect, the IDF assessed that nearly every facility identified before the campaign as a “vital and strategic” target had been rendered inoperable.

{Matzav.com}

Vice President JD Vance says the United States will not agree to end its seven-month war with Iran unless Tehran takes concrete action to significantly reduce its uranium-enrichment capabilities, insisting that Washington will accept neither promises nor vague commitments in place of actual nuclear concessions.

Vance laid out the administration’s position in an interview following a campaign trip to Alaska, where he said any agreement with Tehran would have to include a meaningful reduction in Iran’s ability to produce highly enriched uranium.

“If you don’t want a nuclear weapon, then why do you need 60% enriched fuel? And if you want to show commitment to not building a nuclear ⁠weapon, don’t build highly enriched fuel. That’s a very basic threshold issue,” Vance said.

“I think if they want to show a commitment to not building a nuclear weapon, they would do something meaningful on their enrichment capacity.”

The remarks provide one of the clearest indications yet of what the Trump administration would require from Iran as part of an agreement to halt the fighting. Vance, who has long expressed skepticism about prolonged American involvement in overseas wars, has emerged as a major figure in the administration’s efforts to negotiate an end to the conflict.

Vance previously helped broker a provisional peace agreement in September, but the arrangement quickly collapsed. Washington and Tehran have continued exchanging proposals in recent weeks as mediators seek a formula that could end the war and normalize commercial shipping through the Strait of Hormuz.

President Trump rejected Iran’s latest proposal, which included demands connected to the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, sanctions relief, access to blocked ports and the release of frozen Iranian assets. Iranian officials subsequently said Tehran had received an official American response to its proposal, while Qatar and Pakistan have continued mediation efforts between the two sides.

Vance made clear that Washington remains prepared to negotiate, but said Tehran will have to demonstrate through its conduct that it is prepared to move away from the possibility of developing a nuclear weapon.

“We’re not going to trade words for actions,” Vance said.

The vice president’s comments come as the Trump administration continues to insist that preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon remains a central American objective, even as the conflict has expanded far beyond Iran’s nuclear facilities and caused major disruptions to global energy markets and shipping.

Iran’s enrichment of uranium to 60% purity has long been a central concern for Washington and Israel. That level is far beyond what is ordinarily required for civilian nuclear power and represents a relatively short technical step from weapons-grade material, although Iran has repeatedly denied that it intends to build a nuclear weapon.

Another major obstacle facing American negotiators, Vance said, is uncertainty over who actually has the authority to make binding decisions inside Iran following the upheaval caused by the war.

Washington has been negotiating with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, but Vance said American officials remain uncertain about how much authority the two men possess within Iran’s fractured wartime power structure.

“One of the things we picked up on is it’s not totally clear how their country makes decisions,” Vance said.

The question has become particularly acute since joint U.S.-Israeli strikes at the beginning of the war killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, leaving Washington attempting to determine where ultimate decision-making authority now rests inside the Islamic Republic.

Iran has pushed back against that characterization. Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei said American officials know precisely who their Iranian counterparts are and understand Tehran’s decision-making structure.

“The problem is actually the opposite: it lies in the contradictory positions and mixed messaging from US officials,” Baghaei said.

President Trump raised the same concern Tuesday during an appearance in Maryland, saying the uncertainty surrounding Iran’s leadership has become one of the biggest obstacles to resolving the conflict.

Trump said his “biggest problem” is that no one knows who is running Iran.

At the same event, Trump suggested that the war could be approaching its conclusion but warned that Tehran’s decisions will determine whether it ends through negotiations or through additional American military action.

“We’re doing extremely well in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Very well. The whole place is shot. They were the bully of the Middle East. They’re not so much the bully anymore. But we have to finish up, and it’s only a question of which way we want to do it: the nice way or the not-so-nice way. And pretty soon you’ll find out,” Trump said.

Vance, meanwhile, said he has personally spoken with American field commanders to obtain a direct assessment of battlefield conditions. He dismissed concerns that the United States is running dangerously short of critical munitions as a result of the prolonged conflict.

The vice president also said Iranian forces remain capable of periodically attacking commercial vessels traveling through the Strait of Hormuz but have largely failed to prevent energy shipments from moving through the strategically vital waterway.

Oil exports through the strait have recovered significantly from earlier wartime disruptions, although shipping costs, insurance rates and damage to regional energy infrastructure have continued to keep pressure on global energy prices. The economic consequences of the conflict have increasingly become a domestic political issue in the United States ahead of November’s midterm elections.

The war is costing the United States approximately $3 billion per month, while higher fuel and energy costs have provided Democrats with an issue to use against Trump and Republican candidates in closely contested races that could determine control of Congress.

Vance has been campaigning on behalf of Republican candidates and has urged voters not to allow dissatisfaction over the war to drive them away from the GOP. His Alaska trip included a rally for Republican Sen. Dan Sullivan, who is facing a competitive reelection challenge from Democrat Mary Peltola.

Vance spent much of his appearance in Alaska discussing affordability and energy costs, particularly significant issues in a state where geographic isolation raises consumer prices and oil and gas production remain major components of the economy.

During the rally, Sullivan nearly introduced Vance as president rather than vice president, drawing cheers from the crowd. Vance is widely viewed as a possible Republican presidential candidate in 2028, although he said he has made no decision about seeking the White House.

“I’m inherently a procrastinator,” he said. “I really haven’t thought about it much.”

Trump has separately argued that Iran is already close to capitulating under the combined pressure of American military operations, economic isolation and severe damage to its military capabilities.

Last week, Trump described Iran as “ready to fold up” and predicted that the United States could secure victory shortly after the November midterm elections — or potentially even before Election Day.

Speaking in Texas, Trump said, “We have a war going on with a country that will never have a nuclear weapon and is ready to fold up. We’ll win very easily right now. I believe right after the election we’ll win, but maybe before the election.”

Trump has repeatedly maintained that Iran was on the verge of acquiring a nuclear weapon when hostilities began in late February, arguing that military action was necessary to prevent Tehran from crossing that threshold.

According to Trump, Iran was “three to four weeks away, maybe sooner” from obtaining a nuclear weapon when the war began.

“And if they have a nuclear weapon, the whole game is over..” he said.

The president has warned that Tehran now faces a stark choice as negotiations continue, saying the conflict will end “one way or the other…either they’ll do something very proper and smart or they won’t be around very long, which is, you know, frankly, I hate to see that, but they won’t be around very long.”

{Matzav.com}

Lt. Col. Aryeh Amidror, the Gaza Division’s intelligence officer at the time of the Oct. 7 massacre, is denying that he bears professional or command responsibility for the failure to warn of Hamas’s impending invasion, arguing in newly released court documents that providing strategic warning of war was not the responsibility of divisional intelligence.

Amidror’s defense comes amid a bitter battle over the IDF’s decision to end his military career following investigations into the catastrophic intelligence and command failures preceding Oct. 7. His identity was kept from the public for nearly three years before Israel’s Supreme Court ruled last week that his name could be published.

The newly disclosed documents stem from a petition Amidror filed in March 2026 challenging the process to terminate his career service. The proceedings initially remained confidential, and even after his arguments were rejected, the filings continued to be covered by a gag order. Their release now provides the fullest picture yet of Amidror’s effort to contest the conclusions reached by the military about his conduct.

Amidror, the son of Maj. Gen. (res.) Yaakov Amidror, a former Israeli national security adviser, served as the Gaza Division intelligence officer during the period leading up to the Hamas invasion and on the morning of Oct. 7 itself. He had also previously served as head of the division’s targets branch, giving him years of experience with Gaza and its intelligence picture.

One of the central issues in the case concerns the warnings of a female noncommissioned officer in the IDF’s elite Unit 8200, identified publicly only as “Vav,” who studied Hamas training exercises in the months before the massacre and warned that they could reflect preparations for an actual invasion.

Amidror argues that far from ignoring the issue, it was he who directed that Hamas’s exercises be studied in the first place.

“Upon assuming my position as Gaza Division intelligence officer, I instructed a certain body within Unit 8200 to find Hamas training exercises in order to assess the enemy’s tactical capabilities,” the documents state. According to Amidror, “following an instruction given by the petitioner and at the direction of her commanders, the NCO found the exercise.”

The court papers include correspondence between Amidror and the NCO as their disagreement over the meaning of the Hamas exercises developed.

“To be clear, the purpose of my email was not to bring the assessment down but to raise it. In any event, I don’t think this is a point of ‘absolute and unequivocal disagreement,’ because clearly, as more material is distributed, the area of agreement will grow. We are at the beginning of the process.”

Amidror points to that correspondence as evidence that he did not simply dismiss the NCO’s work. He also says he initiated a discussion “with the aim of challenging the prevailing concept and examining the division’s underlying assumptions regarding the possibility that Hamas had the capability and intention to carry out a single or large-scale raid.”

According to Amidror, a summary of that discussion was circulated as high as the office of the IDF chief of staff, showing that he was actively attempting “to undermine and challenge the underlying assumptions.” He contends that those efforts were not properly considered when military leaders decided to remove him from service.

Other evidence presented in the investigations, however, has painted a sharply different picture of his handling of the warnings. Amidror has previously been reported to have dismissed the Hamas mass-invasion scenario contained in the so-called “Jericho Wall” plan as a “completely imaginary scenario,” despite warnings from Unit 8200 and Gaza border observers.

The Jericho Wall document described with remarkable detail a Hamas assault involving rocket fire, drones, the breaching of Israel’s border defenses and large numbers of terrorists pouring into Israeli communities and military bases — elements that would ultimately materialize on the morning of Oct. 7.

The newly released court material also exposes what the IDF views as significant weaknesses in Amidror’s argument that he meaningfully challenged the prevailing conception. The Unit 8200 NCO whose work was at the center of the issue was not invited to the discussion and was not given the opportunity to personally present her assessment.

The Gaza Division commander was also not immediately briefed about the intelligence developments, while the discussion on the issue was scheduled for after the holidays. Amidror himself acknowledges the timing in his petition, and the delay has become a key point in the dispute over whether his actions amounted to a meaningful real-time challenge to the prevailing assessment of Hamas’s intentions.

The most consequential argument in Amidror’s filing goes considerably further. He rejects the IDF’s contention that the failure to provide adequate warning falls within his professional responsibility at all.

“The petitioner denies the claim that he failed professionally or bears command or professional responsibility for the failure to provide a warning of war,” the filing states.

It then declares: “The mission of providing a warning of war is not the responsibility of division intelligence.”

The IDF emphatically rejects that interpretation of the job Amidror held.

In its response to his petition, the military describes the Gaza Division intelligence officer’s responsibilities in broad terms: “The Gaza Division intelligence officer leads all intelligence collection, analysis and dissemination efforts in the sector – management of the intelligence picture, warning, collection and research, and command advisory.”

The IDF’s assessment of Amidror’s performance is severe. Military investigators concluded that the failures were not limited to a single judgment made in the hours immediately before the massacre, but included his handling of intelligence during the period leading up to the attack.

The military states that it identified “a series of professional errors and failures in the petitioner’s conduct on the night preceding October 7, as well as beforehand, in assessing the security risk posed by the Hamas terrorist organization.”

The IDF further rejected Amidror’s attempt to separate his personal conduct from his command responsibility for the intelligence apparatus operating beneath him.

“The petitioner bears personal responsibility for the failures identified in his conduct – in the manner in which he exercised his judgment, the degree of oversight he maintained, and the level of professionalism he demonstrated in his position. Command responsibility means the commander’s responsibility for what occurs in the unit under his authority.”

The disciplinary process against Amidror followed a broader examination of the IDF’s internal Oct. 7 investigations by an expert team headed by Maj. Gen. (res.) Sami Turgeman. The review concluded, among other things, that the Gaza Division had failed to sufficiently engage with the Jericho Wall invasion plan from both an intelligence and operational standpoint.

On Nov. 23, 2025, the IDF chief of staff determined that a series of senior commanders bore command responsibility for failures connected to Oct. 7 and ordered command measures against several officers, including Amidror. A subsequent recommendation from the deputy chief of staff called for ending Amidror’s career-service commitment.

Amidror challenged that process in court, describing his treatment as discriminatory, selective and arbitrary. The administrative court ultimately rejected his petition and allowed the IDF process to proceed. In September, the military formally announced that his career service would be terminated.

The IDF also argued that Amidror’s legal theory could have ramifications far beyond his individual case. Military commanders, it said, must retain the ability to impose command consequences even when an officer’s actions do not necessarily amount to individual legal wrongdoing.

If courts were to restrict command sanctions solely to questions of individual legal liability, the IDF warned, it could severely constrain the chief of staff’s authority to hold commanders accountable for failures occurring under their leadership.

“This result must not be permitted,” the military wrote.

Amidror, meanwhile, maintains that he has been singled out to bear consequences for a failure that extended throughout Israel’s intelligence and military leadership.

“The petitioner is the only commander in the IDF who is paying a real price, in the form of the loss of his rights, for the failures of the military and the state concerning intelligence and warnings about the intentions of the Hamas terrorist organization,” he argued.

His filing points to senior figures who held key positions on Oct. 7, including commanders in Southern Command, the Operations Directorate, the Gaza Division and Unit 8200. Amidror argues that those officers were able to complete their service and leave the IDF while preserving their pension and other benefits, while the termination of his career service leaves him facing a different financial and professional outcome.

Amidror also fought to keep his identity from being made public, but that battle ended last week when the Supreme Court lifted the publication restriction. The court cited the absence of a security reason to continue concealing his name, the fact that his identity had already circulated publicly and the strong public interest in identifying a senior intelligence officer whom the IDF had held responsible for failures connected to Oct. 7.

With the gag order lifted, Amidror’s defense is now playing out publicly for the first time, exposing a fundamental clash over one of the central questions left by the Oct. 7 catastrophe: where responsibility for recognizing Hamas’s intentions and providing a warning ultimately rested — and who should personally pay the price for failing to do so.

{Matzav.com}