Matzav

Israeli intelligence officials issued an unusually blunt public statement on Thursday, pushing back forcefully against comments made earlier in the day by Yisrael Beytenu leader Avigdor Lieberman. The response stood out not only for its speed, but for the fact that the Mossad almost never engages openly with criticism from senior political figures, particularly one who previously served as both defense minister and foreign minister.

The agency’s statement also marked a sharp escalation in tone toward Qatar. For the first time, the Mossad publicly accused Doha of more than just underwriting Al Jazeera. According to the statement, the Qatari-backed network “encourages hatred, antisemitism and terror,” while Qatar itself bears responsibility for “spreading false narratives and incitement against the State of Israel worldwide across multiple platforms.”

Behind the scenes, Mossad officials were reportedly incensed by Lieberman’s remarks, saying they created a misleading impression that the agency had spent years shielding or advocating on Qatar’s behalf. Officials stressed that the Mossad has long viewed Qatar as a hostile actor — a state that hosts terrorists and bankrolls antisemitic activity abroad, particularly on university campuses through Muslim Brotherhood-linked channels.

At the same time, officials emphasized the constraints under which the agency operates. In the absence of formal diplomatic relations between Israel and Qatar, the Mossad serves as the primary channel for contact. That role, they said, has been driven by one overriding consideration: the fate of Israeli hostages. Ran Gvili remains in captivity in Gaza, and since October 7 the Mossad has largely avoided public comment, believing that Qatar remained the most effective intermediary in negotiations, regardless of the broader “Qatar-gate” controversy.

Mossad sources said they never harbored illusions about Qatar’s conduct during this period. Officials acknowledged being fully aware that Doha ran what they described as a “poison machine” of bots that smeared Jews and amplified terrorist propaganda. In private meetings, Mossad chief David Barnea and his team voiced harsh criticism of Qatar but deliberately avoided moves that could sever lines of communication. When discussions arose inside Israel about shutting down Al Jazeera, Barnea and the Mossad opposed immediate action, arguing that such a step could undermine Qatar’s leverage with Hamas. The agency supported closing the network, but only after the hostages were returned.

“There was a need to show responsibility for human lives, because the Qataris were advancing a deal and had leverage over Hamas,” officials familiar with the deliberations said.

Lieberman claimed earlier Thursday that a meeting held this month in New York between Barnea and Qatari officials resulted in the creation of four joint working groups, including a “communications group.” Speaking at the Ogen conference hosted together with Yediot Achronot, he said the purpose of that group was to address “media issues and Qatar’s image.”

Mossad officials flatly rejected that version of events. They described the New York meeting — mediated by U.S. envoy Steve Witkoff — as confrontational and tense, saying Israel leveled severe accusations against Qatar. According to the officials, Witkoff also conveyed pointed criticism from Washington. Responding to claims that Israel agreed to help rehabilitate Qatar’s image, they said, “It never happened. The opposite is true. The meeting was very tough, and Israel made harsh claims against Qatar. Witkoff also delivered strong criticism of the Qataris.”

“We made no concessions to the Qataris,” the officials added, explaining that any issues that might jeopardize the hostages were immediately taken off the table. “The country that held the switch to the hostages’ lives was Qatar. But make no mistake: no one tried to improve Qatar’s image.”

In its official statement, the Mossad said, “The report about the establishment of a communications team for Qatar is unfounded, false and baseless. The trilateral meeting held in New York, with the participation of the U.S. president’s special envoy for the Middle East, Steve Witkoff, addressed a range of weighty issues related to the Middle East and the Gaza Strip, including senior Hamas figures hosted in Qatar.”

The statement went on to say, “The only media-related issue raised at the meeting was a clear demand by the United States and Israel that Qatar act regarding Al Jazeera’s negative coverage, which encourages hatred, antisemitism and terror, and a firm demand that Qatar cease spreading false narratives and incitement against the State of Israel worldwide through multiple platforms.”

Despite the Mossad’s unusually sharp rebuttal, Lieberman said he was not backing down. “All the details regarding the meeting between the Mossad chief and Qatari representatives in New York are correct,” he said. “The briefings coming out of the prime minister’s office are exactly like the hysterical briefings following my warning during Sukkot about the Iranian threat. There is nothing new under the sun.”

A man who has publicly styled himself as the chief rabbi of Saudi Arabia said this week that he was turned away at the kingdom’s border, even though he held a valid visa and has spent years traveling in and out of the country.

Rav Yaakov Yisroel Herzog announced the incident Monday in a post on X, writing: “With profound regret, I announce that I was barred from entering the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia upon arrival, despite holding a valid entry visa, and despite having spent a significant portion of the past years living and serving in this blessed Kingdom.”

Herzog has in recent years presented himself as a religious point person for Jewish visitors and residents in Saudi Arabia, despite the fact that the kingdom has no officially recognized Jewish community and enforces strict limits on public expressions of non-Islamic faiths. His high-profile approach has reportedly clashed with the preference of other Jews in the country to maintain a low profile.

In a follow-up statement, Herzog described the personal impact of the refusal. “This incident has left me — against my will — distant from the Jewish community that I serve with love within the Kingdom, a community that has lived under the spirit of peace and goodwill embodied by the Saudi royal system and the great Saudi people,” he wrote.

Saudi Arabia generally bars entry to holders of Israeli passports, but Herzog, who was born in New York and holds both US and Israeli citizenship, has previously been able to travel between Jerusalem and the kingdom. That apparent flexibility, however, did not extend to his most recent attempt to enter the country.

The denial comes at a time of heightened regional tension. Relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel have cooled amid the fragile ceasefire involving Israel and Hamas. At the same time, Donald Trump has repeatedly urged Riyadh to formalize relations with Israel, an effort Saudi leaders have resisted.

Saudi officials have continued to emphasize that any normalization would depend on progress toward Palestinian statehood. “Saudi Arabia is not considering a normalization deal with Israel. Should Israel become a normal country with normal acceptance of international law, then Saudi Arabia will consider normalization,” former Saudi intelligence chief Prince Turki bin Faisal said Sunday in comments to The Times of Israel.

Herzog said he was given no explanation at the airport or by the Interior Ministry for the decision to bar his entry. Still, he insisted that responsibility did not lie with the country’s top leadership, saying he was “convinced that this measure did not emanate from the Royal Court or from the Saudi government itself.”

He added: “Despite my complete trust in the integrity of Saudi institutions and the sound intentions of its leadership, I cannot ignore the possibility of the existence of dark forces seeking to obstruct the path of reform, openness, and tolerance that the Kingdom is pursuing with determination.”

The Saudi Ministry of Interior did not respond to requests for comment from the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

Herzog has previously promoted kosher food availability in Saudi grocery stores and advertises services such as ritual circumcision on his website. Those activities exist alongside Saudi law, which prohibits the public practice of religions other than Islam.

The incident follows another episode highlighting religious sensitivity in the kingdom. In March 2024, a US government delegation focused on international religious freedom cut short its visit to Saudi Arabia after a rabbi traveling with the group was instructed to remove his yarmulka while in public.

{Matzav.com}

More than eighty years after he was killed in combat, a Jewish American pilot who fought in World War II has finally been laid to rest, following the identification of his remains and a burial ceremony in South Carolina, according to the US Department of War, the Times of Israel reports.

The aviator, Lt. Morton Sher, was 22 years old when he died on Aug. 20, 1943, during an Allied air operation over China. Flying a P-40 Warhawk fighter-bomber as part of the China-Burma theater, Sher’s aircraft went down in Hunan province after a mission against Japanese forces. His plane crashed into a rice paddy in Xin Bai Village and burned, leading officials at the time to believe that no remains could be recovered.

In the aftermath of the crash, Sher’s squadron erected a memorial stone near the site, and a postwar Army review conducted in 1947 formally classified him as unrecoverable. That same year, his mother, Celia Sher, was presented with his Purple Heart, and for decades the family’s connection to him consisted only of letters, photographs, and memories preserved from the war years.

Sher had been born on December 14, 1920, in Baltimore, Maryland. His family later relocated to Greenville, South Carolina, where they were active members of Congregation Beth Israel. As a teenager, he helped found a local chapter of the B’nai B’rith Youth Organization’s Aleph Zadik Aleph fraternity. He later attended the University of Alabama, joining the Kappa Nu fraternity, managing the school’s basketball team, and participating in ROTC before entering the Air Force to pursue aviation.

Assigned to the 76th Fighter Squadron of the 23rd Fighter Group in the 14th Air Force, Sher flew escort and combat missions over China. An Air Force historian cited by the Department of War noted that he had already achieved three aerial victories by the time of his death. In 1942, after his aircraft was hit by seven Japanese fighters following a successful raid on Hong Kong, Sher sustained a minor head injury but chose to return to combat rather than seek reassignment.

Letters sent home and interviews published during the war reflected Sher’s strong attachment to his mission and to the people he was helping defend. The Department of War reported that after making an emergency landing in a Chinese village in October 1942 due to engine trouble, Sher was welcomed by residents with food and celebrations. He later described singing American songs for villagers and being escorted back to base through mountain towns.

A renewed effort to locate his remains began in 2012, when a private citizen contacted the Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency after discovering a photograph of the memorial stone placed by Chinese villagers at the crash site. Initial searches did not yield results, but a more extensive recovery mission in 2024 uncovered aircraft debris and human remains in Xin Bai Village near Hengyang. Subsequent DNA analysis confirmed that the remains belonged to Sher.

Sher was finally buried on December 14 — his birthday — in Greenville, where a headstone bearing his name and a Star of David had stood in anticipation for decades. During the burial, relatives and friends placed soil from Israel onto his grave.

At the memorial service, Sher’s nephew, Bruce Fine, reflected on his uncle’s life and choices. “He filled his pages of life with meaning,” Fine said, according to the Department of War.

Fine also recounted a letter Sher had written the day before he was killed, explaining that he had declined a safer assignment as an instructor because he found combat “too exciting” to leave.

“Our family tree produced a real hero,” Fine said. “The kind you read about and see on the big screen, except he was real. We hope his bravery and his courage will inspire the family members who follow us to believe that anything you can dream can be truly possible if you’re willing to commit to it and work hard to achieve it.”

{Matzav.com}

A government-backed bill granting the Israel Defense Forces and the Shin Bet continued authority to secretly access civilian security camera systems cleared its final Knesset reading Wednesday night, passing unanimously by a 10-0 vote.

The legislation extends for another year an emergency measure first approved after Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attack, allowing security agencies to covertly penetrate camera systems under certain conditions.

When the measure was initially enacted, it limited such intrusions to situations in which visual data posed a direct threat to national security or to IDF operations tied to the war in Gaza, and only during a period defined as “significant military operations.” The new extension removes that linkage, enabling the authority to continue even without an active wartime designation.

The explanatory notes accompanying the bill argue that ongoing dangers justify the expansion, stating that “the severity of the latest cyber threats and the risks posed by them…the need for additional tools to properly deal with enemy elements’ access to visual information produced by stationary cameras remains.” The rationale has gained renewed attention following the recent hacking of former prime minister Naftali Bennett’s Telegram account by Iranian actors.

Despite this justification, the law has triggered strong opposition from legal scholars and civil rights organizations, particularly given the ceasefire in Gaza. Critics argue that the measure undermines basic legal safeguards and intrudes deeply into personal privacy.

“This is very troubling legislation that, for the first time, grants the IDF authority to operate within civilian property and civilian space,” said Adv. Haim Ravia, a leading authority on privacy and cyber law, in comments to The Times of Israel.

“It is hard to understand why…this cannot be done by means of a judicial warrant. It is also difficult to understand how the Knesset extended such a draconian provision without taking into account that the explanatory notes justify extending it indefinitely,” he added, describing the law as a “severe infringement” of privacy rights.

Ravia further warned that the law’s scope is extraordinarily broad. “Under the law, the cameras can observe any area, including private ones. It would have been possible to give citizens retroactive notice of the intrusion into their computers, but even that was not done. Together with a number of experts, we submitted reservations to the law, but they were not addressed.”

Adv. Amit Ashkenazi, a cyber law and policy specialist and former legal adviser to the Israel National Cyber Directorate, also criticized the legislation in a phone interview with The Times of Israel, calling it flawed on multiple levels.

He noted that Israeli law, like that of other Western democracies, generally prohibits unauthorized computer access and requires judicial approval. Existing procedures are “meant to protect you and the computer,” he said, but the current law bypasses those safeguards.

Ashkenazi outlined three core problems: the transfer of authority over civilian systems to the military, the fact that it “doesn’t require the authorities to go to a judge” to confirm justification and prevent “abuse of power,” and that affected individuals “do not receive any notification from the state at any point.”

“Today the army has no authority vis-à-vis civilians, and this law breaks that principle,” he said. “This isn’t dependent on a judicial warrant.”

To illustrate the concern, Ashkenazi offered a concrete scenario. “Imagine this happening to you. You put a camera outside your yard to protect yourself from thieves and you didn’t do the job properly. As a result, Hamas, Hezbollah or Iran hacks into the camera and uses it to see what’s happening along the border. Now this law allows the army—or the Shin Bet to hack into your camera themselves and disconnect it from the network. When the risk ends, they’re supposed to restore things to how they were, but at no point does it say they must notify you.”

Even if the security need is accepted, Ashkenazi said the way the law is implemented reflects a deeper problem. Its approach is “paternalistic,” he argued. “I’m talking about the method, because in a democratic state what matters, among other things, is the method by which we ensure that the authority we agree to grant to address a problem we’ve agreed exists is exercised in a way that also protects rights.”

The Association for Civil Rights in Israel echoed those concerns, stating that while “at the outset of the war there was a proper purpose or a security justification that led to authorizing the IDF and the Shin Bet to penetrate computer material without the need for a judicial warrant,” that justification no longer holds.

Following the war, the group said, it was “no longer possible to justify extending the temporary provision.”

“The provision allows intrusion into private cameras that document intimate and sensitive situations and into personal information stored on the computers of citizens and residents, on the basis of broad and vague grounds, and raises serious concern about misuse of the information,” a spokesperson said.

“Extending the provision, while severing the connection between these intrusive powers and the state of hostilities, disproportionately violates human rights, first and foremost the right to privacy.”

{Matzav.com}

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan held talks in Ankara on Wednesday with members of Hamas’s political bureau, focusing on the Gaza ceasefire and efforts to move the agreement into its second phase, according to a source in Turkey’s foreign ministry.

During the meeting, Hamas representatives told Fidan that they had met their obligations under the ceasefire framework, but argued that Israel’s continued “targeting” of Gaza was intended to block progress to the next stage of the deal. Since the ceasefire began, Israel has carried out strikes against individuals it identified as terror operatives who had entered areas under Israeli control.

Hamas officials also complained that the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza was inadequate, saying there was an urgent need for supplies including medicine, housing equipment, and fuel, the source said.

The meeting highlighted Ankara’s ongoing engagement with Hamas. Since the war erupted on October 7, 2023, Turkey has emerged as one of the group’s most outspoken supporters on the global stage.

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has repeatedly described Hamas as a “resistance movement,” accused Israel of committing genocide in Gaza, and taken steps to downgrade relations with Jerusalem, including halting trade and limiting Israeli access to Turkish airspace.

The disclosure of Fidan’s meeting came as pro-government Turkish media intensified their attacks on Israel, casting it as a major strategic danger to Turkey.

On Wednesday, Yeni Şafak, a daily closely aligned with Erdogan, ran a front-page headline declaring that “Israel is now the number one threat,” asserting that Turkish state bodies now view Israel as their foremost security concern. The paper claimed that the defense ministry, foreign ministry, and MIT intelligence service had all placed Israel at the top of their priority lists.

The report also accused Israel of involvement in recent unrest in northern Syria, alleging — without providing evidence — that Jerusalem encouraged Kurdish groups linked to the Syrian Democratic Forces to escalate clashes in Aleppo in an effort to undermine Turkey. Ankara designates the SDF as a terrorist organization due to its connections to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party.

Yeni Şafak said the timing of the developments was notable, pointing to their overlap with a trilateral summit involving Israel, Greece, and Cyprus, which Turkey has characterized as a hostile initiative against its interests in the eastern Mediterranean.

The paper further highlighted that the summit coincided with a working visit to Damascus by Fidan, Turkish Defense Minister Yasar Guler, and MIT chief Ibrahim Kalin, a convergence it described as suspicious.

Earlier in the week, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hosted Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis and Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides in Jerusalem, where the leaders agreed to expand security cooperation. During that meeting, Netanyahu issued what was widely seen as a pointed warning to Ankara, saying that “those who fantasize they can reestablish their empires and their dominion over our lands” should “forget it.”

Netanyahu followed up with another message aimed at Turkey on Wednesday, telling graduates at an Israeli Air Force pilots’ ceremony that Israel would continue equipping its pilots with “the best instruments” and would “prevent whoever must be prevented from receiving these instruments,” an apparent reference to Turkey’s efforts to obtain F-35 fighter jets from the United States.

{Matzav.com}

Support for a full investigation into the expanding Qatargate affair continued to grow Thursday, as Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich issued some of the strongest remarks yet from within the coalition.

Speaking at a conference hosted by the Makor Rishon newspaper, Smotrich said the matter must be thoroughly examined by the Shin Bet, echoing comments made a day earlier by Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli, who became the first minister in Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu’s government to publicly endorse the ongoing probe.

Smotrich said that if staff members in the Prime Minister’s Office were found to have acted on behalf of Qatar during wartime, the response should be uncompromising. “If there are corrupt people within the Prime Minister’s Office who, amid a war, worked for Qatar, they need to be pilloried and sit behind bars for many years,” he said.

At the same time, Smotrich stressed that Netanyahu himself has conducted himself properly throughout the conflict. He said the prime minister made decisions based solely on “relevant considerations,” adding that any penetration of the Prime Minister’s Office by outside actors would represent an extremely grave failure. If “questionable figures” succeeded in “infiltrate” the office, “it’s very serious,” he said.

Underscoring the severity of the allegations, Smotrich added, “Someone who was working for an enemy state in a time of war — I don’t have words to describe how despicable and serious it is.”

The finance minister also said that over the course of the two years of war, he never met Eli Feldstein, a central suspect in the Qatargate scandal.

Feldstein, together with senior Netanyahu adviser Jonathan Urich, is alleged to have carried out work for Qatar while employed by Netanyahu, through the Perception PR firm run by Yisrael Einhorn, the prime minister’s former campaign manager. According to the allegations, Einhorn and Perception promoted Qatar’s image in Israel and internationally, including in connection with Doha’s role as a mediator in hostage negotiations.

In a lengthy interview this week with Kan public broadcaster, Feldstein claimed that Netanyahu was responsible for leaking classified intelligence to the German newspaper Bild last year in an effort to influence Israeli public opinion regarding the hostage talks. Feldstein was indicted last year in the separate Bild leak affair.

During that interview, Feldstein also alleged that Netanyahu’s chief of staff, Tzachi Braverman, learned of the secret investigation into the leak months before it became public and reassured him that the probe could be shut down, along with a possible investigation into IDF information security, if necessary.

Asked whether it would be problematic if Netanyahu was unaware of the alleged activities, Smotrich responded Thursday that “it’s a problem,” while adding that he could not assess the extent of the issue.

He reiterated his view of Netanyahu’s conduct, saying the prime minister acted only “with a higher purpose, 100% only with relevant considerations, 100% for the good of the State of Israel and its security and future and existence.”

The Prime Minister’s Office and Braverman have both rejected Feldstein’s claims and accused him of lying. Netanyahu has likewise dismissed the allegations involving Urich.

Although opposition figures have long called for a full investigation into the various scandals, the past two days have seen additional coalition figures publicly back the probe, including Chikli and Likud MK Eli Dallal.

{Matzav.com}

The IDF will now refer to the ongoing conflict exclusively as the “War of Revival,” following a new directive issued Thursday by Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Eyal Zamir.

Under the instruction, all official IDF usage—including speeches, ceremonies, formal documents, and internal correspondence—must use the newly approved name and abandon any previous terminology.

The move comes after the government formally authorized the change, a step advanced by Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu and subsequently implemented within the military framework.

As a result, the designation “Swords of Iron,” which has been used since fighting began in October 2023, is being fully phased out. The IDF will replace it with “War of Revival” across all operational, media, and internal platforms.

Explaining the decision, Zamir said, “This policy is intended to ensure linguistic consistency and the implementation of the decision regarding the name of the war.”

{Matzav.com}

An IDF soldier died on Thursday after being shot inside a military base in northern Israel, marking another fatal incident within IDF facilities in recent days.

Following the shooting, the soldier was evacuated in critical condition to a hospital, where medical teams later pronounced him dead despite efforts to save his life.

The IDF announced that the Military Police Investigation Unit has launched a formal probe into the circumstances surrounding the incident, and that its conclusions will be forwarded to the military prosecution for further examination.

The death comes amid a troubling pattern. Just nine days earlier, on December 16, another IDF soldier was fatally wounded by gunfire inside a northern base. That soldier was also rushed to the hospital in critical condition and later died from his injuries.

Earlier this month, the IDF publicized the conclusions of an expert committee that examined the March 2025 death of Sergeant Yosef Haim Tzvi Serlin, a trainee in Unit 504 who was killed during a military exercise.

According to the committee’s findings, Serlin sustained his injuries during a “corridor” hand-to-hand combat drill, an exercise not included in the unit’s standard training regimen. The drill involved soldiers moving one by one through a confined passage while being physically assaulted by fellow trainees, with the intention of testing their defensive reactions.

The investigation concluded that the exercise was carried out in violation of standing orders and safety guidelines and lacked appropriate oversight. In response, the Head of the Infantry and Paratroopers Corps ordered the immediate and total cancellation of the corridor drill throughout all IDF units.

The recommendations of the committee were accepted by the Head of Military Intelligence, Major General Shlomi Binder, who directed a series of disciplinary measures. These included a formal reprimand for the commander of Unit 504, Brigadier General D., a six-year demotion for the unit’s combat commander, Lieutenant Colonel Y., and the dismissal of three additional officers from the unit.

{Matzav.com}

A rare and stirring scene unfolded at a Chanukah mesibah held in the home of the venerable gaon, Rav Meir Greineman, where yeshiva bochurim stood patiently in line as the rov himself personally washed their hands prior to the meal.

The special gathering took place in Rav Greineman’s home on Rechov HaAdmor MiGur in Bnei Brak and was attended by bochurim who regularly participate in the weekly chaburah held there every Friday night.

Before the seudah began, Rav Greineman rose and proceeded to wash the hands of each bochur himself. One by one, the bochurim stood before him as he demonstrated, with great care and precision, the proper fulfillment of netilas yadayim in accordance with halachah.

Sources familiar with Rav Greineman’s conduct explained that this is a long-standing personal practice he observes whenever hosting bnei yeshivah in his home. The practice, they noted, traces back to an episode from his youth involving his uncle, the Chazon Ish, zt”l.

On one occasion, when a group of bochurim came to eat at the home of the Chazon Ish, the gadol hador observed how they washed their hands. He remarked that according to the opinions requiring that the entire palm be washed for a seudah, many people — often without realizing it — do not properly fulfill the obligation of netilas yadayim.

Deeply influenced by that moment, Rav Greineman undertook to personally instruct younger generations in the correct method of washing hands, ensuring meticulous adherence to halachah. Ever since, he has made a point of demonstrating this practice himself, transforming a simple act into a living lesson in dikduk halachah.

{Matzav.com}

Speaking Thursday at the Bnei Akiva Yeshiva Network and Makor Rishon’s National Education Conference, Defense Minister Yisroel Katz delivered a wide-ranging address touching on Gaza, military policy, media, and the draft law, opening with a forceful declaration that “we won in Gaza.”

Turning to the future of the Strip, Katz rejected the idea that Israel would relinquish control even under the terms of the ceasefire arrangement. Although the agreement envisions an IDF pullback and a transfer of authority to Palestinian Arabs, Katz insisted, “Israel will never leave the territory of Gaza. There will be a security buffer zone inside Gaza to protect the communities.”

Addressing the ceasefire framework more broadly, Katz warned that Israel would not tolerate an armed Hamas presence. Referring to the plan advanced by U.S. President Donald Trump, he said that if Hamas refuses to disarm, “we will do it.”

Katz also explained his controversial decision to shut down the IDF radio station, Galei Tzahal, offering a blunt critique of its role and conduct. “This station supports the enemy, it provides an outlet for Hamas members, and attacks soldiers and the IDF. All of the chiefs of staff have said that the station needs to close and can not remain in the IDF. Today, some of them who have moved on to politics changed their opinion,” he said.

He added that the move was not driven by ideology or personal agenda. “I don’t make a hobby of closing radio stations. All of the chiefs of staff wanted to get rid of the station. You can’t privatize it,” Katz stated.

On the so-called Qatar Gate affair, Katz sought to downplay its significance, saying it never reached him as a security concern. “Many things are put on my table, no security official ever brought this to me as some sort of security danger to Israel. That’s a sign that it’s not as big as it sounds,” he said.

The defense minister concluded by addressing the conscription bill, striking an optimistic note about the prospects for change. “I believe that we have an opportunity here; they had a broad consensus on things they had disagreed with in the past. There is also an opportunity to draft 10,000 in the first two years, and within five years, 50% from every cycle. If 50% would serve, the norm will change. This is feasible and necessary.”

{Matzav.com}

By Alex Traiman

Case 4000—the most serious and consequential of the criminal cases against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—has long been portrayed by prosecutors as the centerpiece of their corruption allegations. Yet testimony heard this week in the Jerusalem District Court has intensified claims by Netanyahu’s allies that the case is not merely weak, but compromised by investigative misconduct.

According to Likud spokesman Guy Levy, testimony delivered on Tuesday by Ron Solomon, a serving senior investigator in the Israel Police’s signals intelligence (SIGINT) unit, revealed evidence of intentional suppression of exculpatory material, alteration of professional findings and continued investigative activity even after indictments were filed—all in service of sustaining a narrative that was unraveling under its own weight.

The flagship case—and why it mattered most

Among the three cases against Netanyahu—Cases 1000, 2000 and 4000—Case 4000 has always been regarded by prosecutors as the most severe. Unlike the others, it alleged a direct quid pro quo: that Netanyahu, while serving as communications minister, advanced regulatory decisions favorable to Bezeq, Israel’s largest telecom company, owned by Shaul Elovitch, in exchange for favorable coverage on the Walla news site.

Central to that theory is an alleged meeting between Netanyahu and Shlomo Filber, the former director general of the Communications Ministry who signed a deal to become a state’s witness in 2018, during his first week in office. The prime minister has consistently denied that such a conversation ever took place.

On the witness stand, Solomon testified that cell phone location data never placed Filber together with Netanyahu at the time of the alleged meeting. According to his testimony, the police had assembled a detailed chronology early in the investigation demonstrating that the meeting did not occur.

That data, Solomon said, was transferred to the prosecution.

According to Levy, the significance is unmistakable: The prosecution allegedly knew that the foundational claim of the meeting was false, yet indicted Netanyahu anyway—while withholding the contradictory location evidence from the defense and the court.

If correct, this would amount to concealment of exculpatory material, misrepresentation to the court and the filing of indictments based on claims known to be untrue.

From “favorable coverage” to “exceptional responsiveness”

Solomon’s testimony also addressed the prosecution’s shifting theory regarding media coverage.

Initially, prosecutors alleged that Netanyahu received positive coverage from Walla. During pre-indictment hearings before then–Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit, the defense demonstrated that the coverage was frequently hostile, inconsistent and often negative.

Faced with that reality, the prosecution rebranded the allegation as “exceptional responsiveness” or unusually preferential treatment.

Solomon testified that he was tasked with reviewing Walla’s coverage of Netanyahu’s controversial Election Day 2015 statement warning that Arab voters were turning out “in droves.”

His findings contradicted the prosecution’s narrative. Walla was the third outlet to report the statement, later published a follow-up article debunking Netanyahu’s claim, and framed its coverage in a sharply hostile tone, including accusations of racism from opposition leaders.

Solomon testified that he had submitted these findings to the commander of the police’s financial crimes unit—only to be instructed to delete the information supporting Netanyahu’s position.

According to Solomon, the directive came from above, under guidance from the prosecution.

The big picture

The developments in Case 4000 come against the backdrop of the other cases against Netanyahu, each of which the defense and Likud officials describe as increasingly tenuous.

In Case 1000, prosecutors allege that Netanyahu and his family received gifts—including cigars, champagne and even a Bugs Bunny doll—valued at approximately $230,000 over many years from wealthy acquaintances. The prosecution concedes there was no specific quid pro quo, arguing instead that accepting gifts constituted a breach of trust because it might have compromised Netanyahu at some undefined future point.

In Case 2000, Netanyahu is accused of discussing a possible quid pro quo with Arnon “Noni” Mozes, publisher of Yedioth Ahronoth, under which Netanyahu would advance legislation restricting the free distribution of the pro-Netanyahu daily Israel Hayom in exchange for more favorable coverage. The prosecution openly acknowledges that the quid pro quo never occurred, yet argues that the mere conversation constitutes a criminal breach of trust.

A broader pattern alleged misconduct

Likud spokesman Levy argues that when viewed together, the cases reflect an unprecedented legal theory: criminal liability without demonstrated corruption, benefit or outcome. The picture that emerges is not of an investigation following evidence, but of evidence being reshaped to fit a predetermined conclusion.

Likud officials further allege that evidence in the cases was illegally collected and then selectively leaked to the media during consecutive election cycles, shaping public opinion and influencing electoral outcomes. They also point to the use of state witnesses who, they claim, were subjected to intense pressure and threatened with severe consequences unless they provided testimony aligning with the prosecution’s theory.

These claims remain contested, but Solomon’s testimony, Levy argues, lends new credibility to longstanding allegations of investigative overreach.

The pardon question

Against this backdrop, Netanyahu recently requested a presidential pardon from Isaac Herzog, who possesses the constitutional authority to bring the proceedings to an end.

Supporters of the move argue that after years of political paralysis, repeated elections and deep social division, a pardon would serve the national interest regardless of one’s view of Netanyahu himself.

The issue gained international attention after President Donald Trump sent a letter to Herzog urging him to grant a pardon, describing the case as politically driven and destabilizing.

Whether Herzog will act remains unclear. But after Solomon’s testimony, pressure on the prosecution—and on Israel’s political leadership—to address the legitimacy of the proceedings is likely to intensify.

A case on trial

Ultimately, the court will determine the weight of Solomon’s testimony and the credibility of the allegations surrounding it. Yet one conclusion is already evident: the case once billed as the prosecution’s strongest is now the one most visibly unraveling.

As Levy put it, Case 4000 is no longer merely a trial of a prime minister. It has become a trial of the system that brought him to the dock.

{Matzav.com}

In a joint statement issued Thursday, the Israeli military warned that it will continue to act decisively against Iranian-backed threats, declaring, “The IDF and ISA view with great severity any attempt by the Iranian regime and its proxies to advance terror plans, and will continue to operate in order to remove any threat against the State of Israel.”

The warning followed a targeted operation earlier in the day in southern Lebanon, where forces from the Israel Defense Forces and the Israel Security Agency struck in the Ansariyah area, killing Hussein Mahmoud Marshad al-Jawhari.

According to the military, al-Jawhari was a senior terrorist operative affiliated with Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and played a central role in advancing and planning attacks against Israel over recent years, operating from both Syria and Lebanon.

Al-Jawhari was part of Unit 840, the operational arm of the Quds Force responsible for coordinating and executing Iranian terror activity targeting Israel. The unit is commanded by Asghar Baqeri, with Mohammad Reza Ansari serving as his deputy, and oversees the direction of attacks carried out by Iran and its proxies against Israeli targets and security forces.

Israeli officials stressed that the strike was part of an ongoing campaign to disrupt and dismantle Iranian-directed terror networks operating beyond Israel’s borders, particularly those seeking to establish attack infrastructure along the northern front.

{Matzav.com}

Israeli security forces announced Thursday they had detained an Israeli citizen on suspicion of espionage on behalf of Iran, including photographing “areas near” the residence of former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett.

Vadim Kupriyanov, an Israeli in his 40s from the Tel Aviv suburb of Rishon Letzion, was arrested earlier this month after he carried out “photography missions” near Bennett’s home, the Israel Police and Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) announced in a joint statement.

An investigation by the International Crime Investigations division of the Israel Police’s National Major Crime Unit (Lahav 433) and the Shin Bet revealed Tehran had ordered Kupriyanov to carry out “a variety of security-related tasks” over the course of approximately two months.

“Among other things, at the request of his handlers, he transferred various photographs he took in his city of residence and in other cities, in exchange for varying sums of money,” according to the statement.

Prosecutors were expected to file an indictment against Kupriyanov on Thursday in the Central District Court in Lod, the statement added, stressing past warnings against contacts with hostile foreign intelligence services.

“The security agencies will continue to act to locate and thwart terrorist and espionage activity in Israel and will act to bring to justice, with severity, all those involved in such activity,” it concluded.

Bennett, who served a one-year term as prime minister from June 2021 to June 2022 and is seeking to run in next year’s election with his “Bennett 2026” party, stated in response, “Iran’s efforts to harm me will not stop me in my life’s mission. Am Yisrael Chai [‘The people of Israel lives.’]”

Bennett on Dec. 17 confirmed that his official account on the Telegram messaging app was hacked, along with his contacts, photos and chats.

“The contents of my contact list, as well as many photos and chats—both real and fabricated (including a photo of me alongside [the late Prime Minister David] Ben-Gurion)—were distributed. This material was obtained illegally, and its distribution constitutes a criminal offense,” the statement from the former premier’s office read.

Iranian hacker group Handala wrote to Bennett, who was the CEO of Cyota, an anti-fraud software company, before stepping into politics some 20 years ago, “You once prided yourself on being a beacon of cybersecurity, showcasing your expertise to the world.

“Yet how ironic that your iPhone 13 fell so easily into Handala’s hands. Despite all your boasting and pride, your digital fortress was nothing more than a paper wall waiting to be breached,” the group stated.

Since the outbreak of the war triggered by the Hamas-led massacre on Oct. 7, 2023, Israeli security forces have uncovered at least three dozen cases in which Tehran allegedly attempted to recruit Israelis. JNS

{Matzav.com}

An Arkansas lottery ticket sold for Wednesday night’s Powerball drawing has claimed a staggering $1.82 billion prize, making it the second-largest jackpot ever awarded in the game’s history.

Although the drawing had been promoted at $1.7 billion, the total prize climbed sharply once final ticket sales were calculated, pushing the payout into record territory.

The numbers drawn were 4, 25, 31, 52, 59, with Powerball 19.

The ticket holder now faces a choice between receiving the full $1.82 billion through annual payments spread over 29 years or taking a one-time cash payout of $834.9 million.

Powerball officials marked the moment with praise for both the winner and the broader player base. “Congratulations to the newest Powerball jackpot winner! This is truly an extraordinary, life-changing prize,” Powerball Product Group Chair and Iowa Lottery CEO Matt Strawn said. “We also want to thank all the players who joined in this jackpot streak – every ticket purchased helps support public programs and services across the country.”

For Arkansas, the win represents just the second Powerball jackpot in state history. The only prior top prize came on Jan. 2, 2010, when a $25 million jackpot was claimed. In that case, the player opted to remain anonymous and selected a $12.15 million cash payout.

State law allows Arkansas Lottery winners of prizes valued at $500,000 or more to keep their identities private for up to three years.

The Powerball jackpot had last been claimed on Sept. 6, when two tickets—one sold in Missouri and the other in Texas—split a $1.78 billion prize. Each of those winners was eligible to receive either $895 million in annuity payments over 29 years or a lump sum of $410.3 million, and both chose the cash option while remaining anonymous under their respective state laws.

Beyond the top prize, eight players nationwide won $1 million each by matching all five white balls. Two of those tickets were sold in New York, one at a convenience store in Sidney, Delaware County, and another at Montauk Highway Gas Corp in Lindenhurst on Long Island.

The odds of matching all six Powerball numbers stand at 1 in 292,201,338.

Only one Powerball jackpot has ever exceeded Wednesday night’s total—the $2.04 billion prize won in California in November 2022 by Edwin Castro.

With the jackpot now claimed, the Powerball grand prize resets to $20 million for this weekend’s drawing.

{Matzav.com}

Dear Matzav Inbox,

There was a time when a shtreimel was a symbol of dignity and inherited mesorah. It sat on a head quietly, without screaming for attention, without demanding applause, without turning its wearer into a walking spectacle. That time, apparently, has passed.

Somewhere along the line, subtlety was declared obsolete, and excess crowned itself king—quite literally.

Shtreimels are getting taller, wider, and more absurd by the year. What once rested respectfully atop a head now looms overhead like an architectural project gone rogue. It is no longer headwear. It is a statement piece. And the statement is deeply embarrassing. It’s a busha. And I say that as the wearer of a shtreimel – a normal one.

Do the wearers realize how clownish they look? Or is that awareness drowned out by the applause of a society that has confused ostentation with chashivus?

Let us stop pretending this is about mesorah. Our grandfathers did not parade around with fur towers balanced precariously above their ears. They did not need height to signal worth. Their dignity came from who they were, not from how much fur they could stack on their skulls. The shtreimel was never meant to compete with skyscrapers.

And yet, here we are, locked in a silent but vicious arms race: taller than his, wider than theirs. A grotesque one-upmanship that masquerades as chassidishe refinement. If the goal is to look ridiculous, mission accomplished. If the goal is to honor mesorah, we have veered wildly off course.

Worse still is the money. The staggering sums being poured into these monstrosities would make even the most hardened fundraiser blush. Thousands of dollars—sometimes more—spent not on chinuch, not on helping struggling families, not on communal needs, but on looking like an overgrown cartoon character. And for what? To stand out in a crowd that should be running in the opposite direction?

We live in a generation crushed by tuition, suffocated by housing costs, strangled by simcha expenses. Families are drowning quietly, cutting corners, juggling debts, pretending everything is fine. And in the middle of this, we normalize the idea that a man must place an ever-expanding fur monument on his head to be taken seriously.

What message does this send to our children? That image matters more than substance? That dignity is measured in inches? That Torah values are best expressed through theatrical excess?

This is not hiddur mitzvah. This is vanity dressed up as piety. This is insecurity wrapped in sable. This is a costume contest that no one had the courage to shut down before it spiraled into parody.

And yes, someone needs to say it plainly: It looks ridiculous. It invites mockery. It cheapens what was once noble. It turns something meaningful into a joke — and we are the punchline.

Yiddishkeit has survived because our zeides and bubbes knew when to hold firm and when to rein things in. Not every escalation is growth. Not every “more” is better. Sometimes, more is just more….and sometimes more is grotesque.

It is long past time to ask ourselves an uncomfortable question: Are we honoring our minhagim or are we inflating them until they collapse under their own weight?

Because if we continue down this path, the only thing that will keep growing faster than the shtreimels themselves is the embarrassment they bring upon us.

And let us be brutally honest about the final, uncomfortable truth: No one looks at these towering shtreimels and thinks “yiras Shamayim.” They think excess. They think insecurity. They think parody. What was once meant to humble a man before the Eibishter now elevates his ego several inches above everyone else in the room. We have taken an article of kedusha and turned it into a grotesque measuring stick of status, where taller means “more,” and “more” means “better.” That is not avodas Hashem. That is theater. And if we do not stop congratulating ourselves for it, we will wake up one day and realize that in our frantic race to look holier, we have succeeded only in making ourselves look foolish—before the world, before our children, and worst of all, before the Ribbono Shel Olam Himself.

Running for Cover

New York

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{Matzav.com}

An emotional l’chaim gathering was held this week in the home of Rav Yitzchak Zilberstein, marking the publication of his new sefer Eshmera Shabbos. In the course of his divrei chizuk, Rav Zilberstein addressed the grave threats facing Klal Yisroel, including those posed by Iran, declaring that the Jewish people possess their own powerful “bombs” — the sefarim of Torah written through toil and mesirus nefesh.

The modest gathering, attended by close talmidim and associates, was held in honor of the appearance of the first volume of Eshmera Shabbos, published by the Zikaron Avigdor Institute. The sefer is the opening volume of a new series of chiddushei Torah by Rav Zilberstein on Hilchos Shabbos, based on Shulchan Aruch and Mishnah Berurah cheilek gimmel.

After authoring dozens of volumes of Chashukei Chemed over many decades, spanning the entire Shas from Berachos through Niddah, Rav Zilberstein began work over the past two years on this new series devoted specifically to the laws of Shabbos. The work follows the well-known derech of Rav Zilberstein, plumbing the depths of each halachic sugya and extracting clear psakim on contemporary and practical questions, suitable both for lomdei Torah in the beis medrash and for discussion at the Shabbos table.

The roots of Eshmera Shabbos go back to the days immediately following the outbreak of the Iron Swords war, after the horrific massacre of Simchas Torah תשפ״ד. Already during the hakafos, Rav Zilberstein ascended the bimah by the Aron Kodesh and cited the words of the Ibn Ezra in the piyut Ki Eshmera Shabbos — Keil Yishmereini, explaining that one who strengthens himself in the learning and observance of Hilchos Shabbos is guaranteed special Heavenly protection.

Only days later, it became apparent that Shabbos-observant kibbutzim were spared from the terrible slaughter. On Isru Chag Sukkos תשפ״ד, Rav Zilberstein published a public letter titled “Eis Tzarah Hi L’Yaakov U’Mimenah Yivashea”, calling upon every Jew to learn two halachos of Shabbos daily. He concluded with a striking promise that whoever would do so would be protected from harm.

That letter reverberated throughout the Olam HaTorah, leading to the opening of countless shiurim in Hilchos Shabbos. Thousands took upon themselves daily study, with many reporting yeshuos beyond the natural order.

Rav Zilberstein himself fulfilled his own words. He instructed the avreichim of Kollel Beis Dovid in Cholon, which he heads, to overhaul their learning program and shift from Maseches Zeraim to an in-depth focus on Shulchan Aruch and Mishnah Berurah, cheilek gimmel. Together with the kollel, Rav Zilberstein began learning Hilchos Shabbos and simultaneously writing the new sefer.

A unique feature of the Eshmera Shabbos series is the inclusion, for the first time, of previously unpublished manuscripts and handwritten notes that Rav Zilberstein composed for himself over many years on the Mishnah Berurah. After careful editing and review by Rav Zilberstein, these writings have now been brought to print.

The project, including the substantial financial investment required, was undertaken by Rav Zilberstein’s close confidant and trusted associate, Rav Mordechai Porges, who established the Zikaron Avigdor Institute in memory of his father. A team of talmidei chachamim served as editors, overseeing the work with great diligence.

After two years of intense labor, the first volume of Eshmera Shabbos has now emerged from the press, covering simanim רמ״ב through רס״ט. The volume is filled with timely and penetrating halachic discussions drawn from Rav Zilberstein’s vast storehouse of Torah, intended to illuminate the laws of Shabbos for all who learn them.

The l’chaim opened as Rav Zilberstein received the freshly printed sefarim directly from the press. With visible emotion, he recited the brachah of Shehecheyanu with Shem U’Malchus over the new sefer.

Rav Zilberstein delivered stirring divrei chizuk.

“I want to tell you something,” he said. “The Jewish people need tremendous rachamim. We are bnei yeshivos and we do not go to the army, because this is written in the Chumash. When HaKadosh Baruch Hu commanded the conquest of Eretz Yisroel, one shevet did not go — Shevet Levi — because although an army is necessary, Shevet Levi remained to sit and learn Torah. As the Rambam explains… today as well, baruch Hashem, we have bnei yeshivos, and they also do not go to the army.”

He then spoke sharply about Israel’s enemies. “Now these reshaim arurim arise, descendants of Haman ha’rasha, making ‘bombs’ to destroy Medinas Yisroel. What do you want from us? What do you have to do with Eretz Yisroel? You don’t even sit on our border. What do you want, rasha merusha? These bombs he makes…”

Rav Zilberstein emphasized that Torah labor itself is a form of מלחמה. “So we bnei yeshivos do not go to the army, but we must fight. We fight with amal and zeiah to write sefarim. We sweat — truly sweat. In our kollel there are fifty avreichim; there is not one who speaks devarim beteilim.”

“This,” he said, referring to the new sefer, “is our war with Iran. It was written with tremendous effort — two full years of learning. This is our battle. We do not go to the army, but we must do what was done in the days of the nevi’im. By us there is no idle talk — only ‘Ki eshmera Shabbos, Keil yishmereini.’”

He continued: “Those who do not go to the army must remember — we are protecting Am Yisroel. We must learn with strength. Baruch Hashem, by us no one speaks during learning. We only daven for all those who are there in the army.”

Rav Zilberstein concluded with words that deeply moved those present. “We want to protect all our brothers. Lomdei Torah protect, and HaKadosh Baruch Hu will help us see yeshuos for all of Klal Yisroel. Since he has declared that he wants to destroy the nation, we too declare: we will publish sefarim. Today he spoke in Iran about terrible bombs — we too have bombs. Sefarim. That too is a bomb. And our bomb will be bigger than his bomb.”

{Matzav.com}

A senior American Jewish activist claims that Israeli Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu privately acknowledged that appointing Itamar Ben Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich to senior cabinet posts was a mistake and pledged to correct it, according to revelations published in a newly released book in the United States.

The claim was made by Abraham Foxman, the longtime former head of the Anti-Defamation League, who says the admission was made during a closed-door meeting with Netanyahu in the Prime Minister’s Office in Yerushalayim in the summer of 2023. Foxman’s account appears in a new American publication that includes a detailed transcript of their conversation.

The account is published in A Shattered World: Jews and Israel After October 7, recently released in the United States by Purdue University Press. One chapter of the book is based on an extensive interview conducted last spring with Foxman by Professor Gilbert Kahn of Kean University in New Jersey.

According to Foxman, he confronted Netanyahu during the meeting over the decision to appoint Itamar Ben Gvir as minister of national security and Bezalel Smotrich as finance minister. Foxman said he warned that the appointments were causing serious damage to Israel’s image internationally and questioned why Netanyahu chose to give the two such influential portfolios rather than limiting them to less prominent roles.

Foxman claims Netanyahu agreed with the criticism, telling him that the appointments were a mistake and that he intended “to fix” the situation. According to Foxman, the prime minister repeated this acknowledgment more than once during the roughly 90-minute meeting.

Foxman also said that Ron Dermer, who at the time served as minister for strategic affairs and is considered one of Netanyahu’s closest advisers, was present for part of the discussion.

Despite the alleged private remarks, Netanyahu has never publicly expressed regret over the appointments and has continued to defend both ministers, even amid sharp criticism from close allies of Israel. Ben Gvir has drawn repeated condemnation from U.S. officials, particularly over his policies and statements regarding Judea and Samaria, while Smotrich has faced international backlash for his positions on the Palestinian Authority and broader diplomatic issues.

Foxman, who led the ADL for 27 years and now heads the Center for the Study of Antisemitism at the Jewish Heritage Museum, said he has yet to see any follow-through on Netanyahu’s pledge. “The quotes are accurate,” he said. “I am still waiting for the correction.”

The Prime Minister’s Office declined to comment on the report.

{Matzav.com}

A group of Western governments issued a joint declaration on Wednesday condemning Israel’s approval of additional communities in Judea and Samaria, warning that the move could heighten regional tensions and undermine diplomatic efforts.

The statement, signed by Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Iceland, Ireland, Japan, Malta, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, and the United Kingdom, characterized the decision as a unilateral step. It asserted that such actions “not only violate international law but also risk fueling instability.”

According to the signatories, the move could weaken “the implementation of the Comprehensive Plan for Gaza amid efforts to progress to phase 2” and damage “prospects for long term peace and security across the region.” The countries reiterated their opposition “to any form of annexation and to the expansion of settlement policies,” specifically citing “the approval of the E1 settlement and thousands of new housing units.”

The statement further urged Israel “to reverse this decision, as well as the expansion of settlements,” referencing UN Security Council Resolution 2334. It also voiced backing for “Palestinians’ right of self-determination” and reaffirmed an “unwavering commitment to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace based on the Two-State solution,” concluding that “there is no alternative to a negotiated two-state solution.”

Responding sharply, Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar rejected the criticism, saying, “Israel strongly rejects the statement issued by foreign countries regarding the Cabinet decision on settlements in Judea and Samaria.”

Sa’ar argued that the objections amounted to unfair treatment of Jews, declaring, “Foreign governments will not restrict the right of Jews to live in the Land of Israel, and any such call is morally wrong and discriminatory against Jews.”

He explained that the government’s move was driven in part by security considerations, stating, “The Cabinet decision to establish 11 new settlements and to formalize eight additional settlements is intended, among other things, to help address the security threats Israel is facing. All of the settlements are located in Area C and are situated on state land.”

Addressing the legal dimension, Sa’ar said, “Israel acts in accordance with International Law. The incorporation of the 1917 Balfour Declaration into the Mandate was explicitly agreed upon at the San Remo Conference in 1920. According to the Mandate, the right of the Jewish people to establish its national home extends over the entire territory of ‘Mandatory Palestine.’ These rights were preserved in Article 80 of the Charter of the United Nations.”

He concluded by criticizing what he described as selective outrage, adding, “In the aforementioned statement, the blatant silence of foreign states regarding the Palestinian Authority’s illegal construction in Area C is extremely striking.”

{Matzav.com}

Australian authorities are probing a possible hate-related incident after a vehicle displaying a message marking Chanukah was deliberately burned in Melbourne, prompting concern within the local Jewish community.

Victoria Police said the blaze occurred in the early hours of Thursday in St Kilda East, describing the incident as a “suspicious fire.” The vehicle was parked in the driveway of a private residence at the time.

Images broadcast by national network ABC showed the empty car badly damaged by flames, with a “Happy Chanukah” sign still visible on its roof. As a precaution, residents of the home were evacuated while emergency services responded.

Police said progress has been made in the investigation. “Detectives have identified a person who may be able to assist with their investigation and they are actively searching for and making enquiries into their whereabouts,” authorities said.

The incident comes amid heightened tension following a deadly attack earlier this month. In response to a December 14 mass shooting at a Chanukah celebration on Bondi Beach that left 15 people dead, Australian officials have moved to strengthen legislation and penalties targeting hate crimes.

Local Jewish leaders say the Melbourne fire fits a troubling pattern. Rabbi Effy Block of Chabad of St Kilda said the act was unmistakably motivated by antisemitism.

“Thank God no people were harmed,” said Rabbi Effy Block.

“But this is a continuing escalation, where we see these events happening again and again,” he added.

“My Jewish community in St Kilda and Melbourne do not feel safe in their own homes and country.”

{Matzav.com}

By Rabbi Pinchos Lipshutz

The eight days of Chanukah, which ended this week, were a celebration of many things, among them emunah and bitachon. The Chashmonaim went into battle vastly outnumbered, armed with nothing but faith. That faith was richly rewarded, as the Chashmonaim merited ridding the Jewish people of their tormentors and restoring to them the Torah, avodah, and kedusha of which they had been robbed.

The Chofetz Chaim would often find reason to repeat the following moshol. A visitor once came to town, and on Shabbos he watched in amazement as the gabbai distributed the aliyos. The person who appeared to be the most prominent figure in the shul was passed over, as was an elderly talmidchochom whose appearance suggested seniority and distinction. Finally, unable to contain himself, the visitor approached the gabbai and questioned his choices. The gabbai smiled patiently. “You’ve been here for a week and already you have opinions?” he said. “Stay a few more weeks and you’ll begin to understand. The g’vir has a yahrtzeit next week and will receive an aliyah then. The talmidchochom made a simcha last week; he and his family all received aliyos. Everything I do has a cheshbon. But to appreciate what I do, you need to stay here long enough to see the whole picture.”

The Chofetz Chaim would conclude, “Ich bin shoin an elter Yid. I have lived a long time, and only now am I beginning to glimpse signs of the plan with which Hashem runs the world. Sometimes a person must wait fifty years to see how events come full circle.”

That is the message of ParshasVayigash. What appears confusing, painful, or even senseless in the moment is often part of a larger design that reveals itself only with time. The darkness is real, but it is never final. The light may be delayed, but it is inevitable. And when it comes, we will see that every step, every setback, and every tear was leading us there all along.

The history of the Jewish people is marked by dramatic peaks and deep valleys, moments of extraordinary prosperity and strength followed by stretches of poverty and powerlessness. At times, the darkness seems absolute, with no light visible on the horizon. And then, often without warning, a sudden illumination appears, the course of events shifts, and what was bleak is transformed into clarity and hope.

On a personal level, we kindle small lights in the hearts of others, never knowing whether they will take hold. We don’t know if the flame will flicker and grow or be extinguished by stormy winds. We do our part. We do what we can. We hope and we daven. We believe that one day all the scattered flames will merge, igniting a great fire of emunah, bitachon, Torah, and avodah that will spread across the land. Each of us works to bring that day closer, as we await the ultimate fire of revelation and redemption.

Until that day arrives, the news of the moment can be difficult to bear. Life delivers cruel twists, and at times we can feel beaten, overwhelmed, and devastated. At such moments, Yosef calls out to us across the generations and says, “Al tei’otzvu! Do not become despondent.” It is all for good. People may mock you, betray you, take advantage of you, and question your worth and stability, but do not give up. Al tei’otzvu. Hold fast to your faith and you will overcome even an adversary stronger than you. It may take time. It may feel like a Sisyphean task. But eventually, Hashem’s kindness will be revealed.

In the previous parshiyos, we read the painful account of Yosef being sold into slavery by his brothers. They constructed a cruel deception for Yaakov Avinu, presenting Yosef’s garment soaked in the blood of a goat and telling their aging father that his beloved son had been killed. Yet, as Chazaltell us, Yaakov refused to accept their story. Something within him would not allow it.

Time passed and famine struck the land. The brothers were forced to descend to Mitzrayim in search of food. There, they encountered the viceroy, who was harsh, unyielding, and seemingly intent on tormenting them. He placed obstacle after obstacle in their path, denying them food, accusing them of crimes, and plunging them into anguish.

At the opening of ParshasVayigash, Yehudah recounts the entire ordeal. He describes how the ruler questioned them about their father and a younger brother, how they explained that their father had already lost one son from that mother, and how losing the second would surely kill him. The viceroy appeared unmoved. If they wanted food, he demanded that they bring the youngest brother.

They complied, and upon their return, Binyomin was seized. Yehudah describes the devastation awaiting them at home, how they could never face their father without returning with his youngest son, and how Yaakov’s heartbreak over the loss of Yosef still haunted their lives.

Then, at the very moment when confrontation seemed inevitable, the viceroy shattered the tension. “AniYosef,” he declared. “Ha’odovi chai? Is my father still alive?”

Yosef knew the answer. His question was itself an answer — a silent rebuke. “You speak now of concern for our father? Where was that concern when you tore a young boy from his arms and sold him into slavery?”

The Torah tells us that the brothers could not respond. “Velo yochluechovla’anososo.” They were stunned into silence, overwhelmed by shame and recognition.

Yosef then drew them close and said the words that echo through eternity: “Al tei’otzvuve’alyicharbe’eineichem.” Do not be depressed. Do not be angry. Hashem sent me here before you losumlochemshe’airisba’aretz, to prepare for you a place of survival.

“It wasn’t you who sent me here,” Yosef told them. “It was Hashem. This was not a mistake. You were not villains in a tragedy, but instruments in a Divine plan.”

He instructed them to hurry home to tell their father that Yosef was alive, honored, and powerful in Mitzrayim, and to bring Yaakov down with the entire family, where Yosef would sustain them through the famine.

The reunion was overwhelming. Yosef and Binyomin wept in each other’s arms. He embraced the other brothers and they cried together.

The brothers returned home bearing news that should have restored Yaakov’s soul: “Yosef is alive and he rules in Mitzrayim.” Yet, astonishingly, Yaakov did not believe them. “Lo he’eminlohem.”

How could this be? Yaakov had refused to accept Yosef’s death. Why would he now reject the news of his life?

Perhaps the answer lies beneath the surface. To accept that Yosef was alive meant accepting how he had survived. It meant confronting the unbearable truth that his own sons had sold their brother and deceived their father. That reality was harder to absorb than death itself.

But then the brothers told him koldivrei Yosef — not just the facts, but the message. They told him Yosef’s words: al tei’otzvu. They told him that Yosef said that this was all Hashem’s doing, that suffering had been the pathway to salvation.

And then, “vatechi ruach Yaakov.” Yaakov’s spirit returned. He was revived not only by the knowledge that Yosef lived, but by the emunah that Yosef embodied.

Yosef had endured abandonment, humiliation, temptation, and imprisonment, yet he emerged without bitterness, without resentment, convinced that there is a Master of the world who writes and directs the script. What appears destructive is often preparatory. What seems like a curse may be a blessing in disguise.

The great mashgiach, Rav Yeruchom Levovitz, would say, “We are always in His hands. Amol di rechtehant, amol di linkehant — Sometimes the right hand, sometimes the left, but He is always carrying us.”

This is the depth of the drama in these pesukim. This is the enduring lesson Yosef taught his brothers — and us.

Al tei’otzvu.

Jewish history is replete with people planted in a location where they could best impact others. Sometimes they had to be uprooted and replanted elsewhere, causing no small amount of hardship, but in the end, the Divine precision became clear.

This was true in our recent history, when the Holocaust devastated the European Torah world. A few hardy souls were waiting in America to greet the limping remnant. Most of these European immigrants had come to America before the war because they were forced to, perhaps due to hunger or some other threat. In time, it became clear that they were sent there lefleitahgedolah.

My grandfather, Rav Eliezer Levin, was one of the many who survived what appeared at the time to be tragedy. He had taken a leave of absence for one year from his rabbonus in Lita when his relatives dragged him to America. Fearing for his life as the winds of war circled over Europe, they brought him here and arranged a rabbinic position in Erie, PA. Needless to say, he could not adapt to Erie and wanted to return to his beloved Vashki and to his wife, children, and baaleibatim.

The thought of bringing his family to die a spiritual death in Erie frightened him, but he could not return to his hometown. He had left his rabbinic position there in the hands of a trusted friend, who agreed to serve as rov until he would return from America. The friend would gain serious experience, aiding him in his pursuit of a position. However, when Rav Levin wrote that he was coming home to reassume the position, the friend was devastated. He said that he would never get another job and pleaded with Rav Levin to let him stay there, asking Rav Levin to find himself a different position.

Although it was his father-in-law’s position, which he had inherited and occupied for a number of years, Rav Levin did not have the heart to unseat the man from the job. Meanwhile, his family members secured a rabbinic position in Detroit for him. With no choice, he moved there and sent for his family. With their meager possessions, several of Rav Levin’s seforim, along with kisveiyad of his father-in-law, the family set sail on one of the last boats to leave Europe before the war broke out. They arrived just ahead of the destruction of Lithuania. The rabbi of Vashki and the entire town were wiped out. No one survived.

Rav Levin played a key role in establishing a Torah community in Detroit and actively assisted the roshei yeshiva of Telshe as they started their yeshiva in Wickliffe, Ohio, after being stranded here. His own children would emerge as prominent rabbonim and roshei yeshiva in this country, providing “michyah,” spiritual sustenance, “she’airis,” and “pleitahgedolah” as the generation faced starvation.

Examine the history of the rebirth of Torah in this country and around the world and you will find similar stories of people who had been doomed to living far from their homes, surviving the war, and planting the seeds of a blossoming nation.

More recently, although October 7th was an awfully tragic day, survivors told stories of miraculous salvation that day, which led many to recognize Hashem’s existence and begin to practice Torah and mitzvos. People who were taken hostage that day and held in subhuman conditions in Gaza relate how they felt the hand of Hashem keeping them alive and eventually attaining freedom.

Stories of HashgochahProtis abound. Stories are often told about a person being in the right place at the right time, thinking that they are in the wrong place and bemoaning their fate, only to learn that fate had intervened on their behalf. These stories depict how the Divine Hand reached down from Heaven and plucked the protagonists from disaster, with neither their knowledge nor acquiescence.

We know stories of people who thought their world was closing in on them and their life was ending, only to learn later that their salvation was cloaked in what they had perceived at the time as suffering.

But it is not enough to read and be reminded of such stories if we do not realize that our entire life is comprised of such stories.

And when those distressful times come, we have to hear Yosef as he calls out to us through the ages and says, “My brothers and sisters, grandsons and granddaughters, al tei’otzvu. Don’t despair. Don’t be desperate. Don’t think it’s all over. Never give up.”

When it seems as if the bad guys are winning, when you feel all alone, when your teacher, boss, or partner has screamed at you, or when you feel as if you’re at the end of your rope, know that it is not yet over and the plot can thicken and change. Sometimes it happens quickly, while other times it takes a while to see the sun behind the clouds. But you must know that it is always there.

Emunah and bitachon are our lifelines, motivating and driving us. Without them, we stumble and fall.

Every day, Eliyohu Hanovi would visit Rav Yosef Karo, author of the Shulchan Aruch and Bais Yosef. His teachings are recorded in the seferMaggid Meishorim. The Bais Yosef writes in Parshas Behar that “the maggid,” as he referred to him, told him not to let a day go by without studying from the classic mussar work ChovosHalevavos, which reinforces concepts of yiras Hashem, emunah, and bitachon.

This is both a religious obligation and good advice. One who is lacking in understanding these ideas becomes depressed and lost, misguided and misdirected, in what can be a cruel and crushing world.

No matter what comes over us, we must remain positive and upbeat, continuing to live and do without hatred and contempt. Learning Torah and ChovosHalevavos, as well as Mesilas Yeshorim and other seforim of mussar, does that for us.

Dovid Hamelech says in Tehillim, “Aileh vorechevve’ailehbasusim.” Some trust in their tanks and some trust in their cavalry. “Heimah koru venofoluva’anachnukamnuvanisodad.” They crumble and fall, and oftentimes when they go to battle, the weaponry they had worshipped fails them. Those whose lives are directed and guided by Torah and emunah will be able to rise and be strengthened, because their value system is not dependent on temporary, fleeting powers that can be, and are, susceptible to defeat.

Al tei’otzvu. No matter how daunting the challenge you are facing appears, it can be overcome.

The danger of entering a downward spiral and becoming entrapped in a lethargic state, brought on by the maddening acts other people are capable of and an inability to escape their harshness, has ruined many people, thwarting their ambitions and hopes for growth and a better day tomorrow.

What they so desperately need is to hear the comforting, loving call of al tei’otzvu. Don’t pay attention to those who seek to suppress you and usurp your innate human desire for success. Ignore those who seek to make you small and gravitate to the ones who try to expand your horizons, sharpen your focus, and broaden your vistas.

Don’t blame yourself for failure—al yicharapchem—and don’t let others pin blame upon you either. Know that you and every Jew are blessed with the potential for greatness. Know that whatever happens is for a higher purpose than you can understand.

The posuk states that when Moshiach comes, hoyinukecholmim, we will be as dreamers. The Slonimer Rebbe explained that the posuk refers to the “dreamer,” Yosef Hatzaddik. On the day of Moshiach’s arrival, we will all be as the brothers were when Yosef told them that their struggles and suffering should be understood and perceived as causes for joy.

May that day and its revelations come soon. Until they do, al tei’otzvu.

No matter how daunting the darkness, we must remember that we are never abandoned. Like Yosef in Mitzrayim, like our ancestors uprooted and replanted in distant lands, we may face moments that feel insurmountable, when suffering seems unending and hope appears to vanish. Yet, each hardship and each challenge is a thread in a tapestry that only Hashem can see in full. What seems like despair may be the groundwork for future yeshuos. What feels like loss may plant seeds for much future growth.

Every generation witnesses unique challenges. In the Holocaust, families were torn apart, communities destroyed, and Torah worlds threatened with extinction, yet from those ashes, Torah blossomed anew in Israel, America, and across the globe. October 7th reminds us that even amid the most immediate dangers, Hashem intervenes in ways hidden from our eyes. People survive, are strengthened, and come to a deeper awareness of His guidance. Last week’s tragedy in Australia could have been much worse. The murderers threw bombs into the crowd before they began shooting. Many lives were miraculously spared when the bombs did not go off.

These are not coincidences. They are expressions of HashgochaProtis, the Divine hand at work in the lives of each Jew.

And so it is in our personal lives. When work overwhelms, relationships strain, or challenges appear insurmountable; when words wound, doors close, or plans fail; Yosef’s call echoes across the centuries: Al tei’otzvu. Do not despair. Do not surrender. Do not allow fear or frustration to deter you. Even when the world seems to press in, the Divine plan is at work. Emunah and bitachon are not abstract ideals. They are lifelines, anchors that allow us to navigate the storms with clarity, courage, and purpose.

When Moshiach comes, we will be like Yosef’s brothers, able to see the purpose in what once seemed like chaos, to recognize joy in trials that shaped us, and to understand that every struggle was a step toward redemption. Until that day, we hold fast to Yosef’s timeless message. We persevere. We endure. We hope. And we live with the knowledge that Hashem’s light is never far, even when the night seems endless.

No matter how heavy the burdens, how unfair the world seems, or how impossible the challenge appears, remember Yosef’s words: Al tei’otzvu. Trust Hashem, keep moving, and the light will find you.

May we merit the coming of Moshiach very soon.

{Matzav.com}