Matzav

David Letterman used his return to the spotlight this week to unleash a fresh barrage of attacks on President Donald Trump, painting Trump as a “dictator” and branding his administration as “idiocy.”

The retired late-night host, who stepped away from television in 2015, joined The Barbara Gaines Show just days after Trump publicly ripped Seth Meyers, accusing the NBC host of having an “incurable case of Trump Derangement Syndrome.”

Trump had posted on Truth Social, “NBC’s Seth Meyers is suffering from an incurable case of Trump Derangement Syndrome (TDS). He was viewed last night in an uncontrollable rage, likely due to the fact that his ‘show’ is a Ratings DISASTER. Aside from everything else, Meyers has no talent, and NBC should fire him, IMMEDIATELY!”

Letterman, appearing on the podcast hosted by his longtime producer, immediately rushed to Meyers’ defense. Early in the conversation he praised the Late Night host, saying, “I’ve never been more proud of Seth Meyers. That’s our old show, as a matter of fact. Yeah, we used to do that show, and he does a magical job.”

At one point, Letterman even floated a bizarre suggestion that Meyers could be in physical danger, invoking the murder of Jamal Khashoggi. “But just remember Seth, things happen. You know what I’m saying,” he said.

As the episode wrapped, Letterman resumed his tirade, renewing his claims about the president. He declared that the Trump administration is “a wonder of idiocy,” referred to Trump as “our dictator,” and suggested that Trump intends to cling to power, saying, Trump is “not going anywhere.”

“It’s like 18 times the worst behavior one has witnessed ever anywhere,” Letterman said, escalating his rhetoric even further. “Think of the worst thing that you’ve ever seen humans accomplish. This is so much worse.”

{Matzav.com}

Apple is on track to overtake Samsung in worldwide smartphone shipments next year, positioning the company at the top of the global rankings for the first time in well over ten years, according to a newly released assessment.

Counterpoint Research’s latest outlook anticipates a 3.3% rise in smartphone shipments across the industry in 2025, with Apple responsible for a significant portion of that upward trend.

Demand for the next-generation iPhone 17 lineup is expected to drive a double-digit increase in Apple’s shipments, with projections showing a 10% year-over-year surge across major markets.

If those expectations hold, Counterpoint says Apple’s global share will reach 19.4% in 2025—high enough to reclaim the title of the world’s top smartphone maker for the first time since 2011.

Samsung, by contrast, is expected to see its shipments grow by 4.6% next year. Even with that increase, its share is projected to settle at 18.7%, marking the end of a long run in the No. 1 slot.

Senior analyst Yang Wang noted that more than just strong interest in the upcoming iPhone lineup is at play. “Beyond the highly positive market reception for the iPhone 17 series, the key driver behind the upgraded shipment outlook lies in the replacement cycle reaching its inflection point,” he explained.

Wang added that many customers who purchased devices during the pandemic buying boom are now ready to shift to newer models. “Consumers who purchased smartphones during the COVID-19 boom are now entering their upgrade phase. Furthermore, 358 million second-hand iPhones were sold between 2023 and Q2 2025. These users are also likely to upgrade to a new iPhone in the coming years.”

Counterpoint’s report suggests that the momentum behind Apple’s customer base will likely allow the company to maintain its regained lead throughout the remainder of the decade.

The analysis also highlights Samsung’s evolving strategy. In developing regions, the company is leaning heavily on its A series, which provides stronger specs at competitive prices. In more established markets, Samsung is focusing on strengthening its premium offerings to prevent additional market-share erosion.

As for Chinese smartphone makers, analysts expect them to push further into international markets to maintain growth. By expanding into more expensive tiers and adding higher-end capabilities, these companies hope to increase their profit margins.

Counterpoint concludes that such diversification should bolster the financial performance of Chinese brands, while their current global shipment rankings are projected to remain largely unchanged through 2029.

{Matzav.com}

The father of Master Sgt. Ran Gvili, the last fallen Israeli hostage still held inside Gaza, voiced his dread on Thursday that his son may never be brought home. “We pray of course that he will not be another Ron Arad or [Hadar] Goldin,” Itzik Gvili told Kan news. “That we don’t drag it out for many more years.”

Gvili’s reference to Goldin and Arad underscores the haunting parallels he fears. Goldin, who fell in 2014 and whose remains were hidden in Gaza for more than ten years, was recently brought back to Israel. Arad, an IAF navigator captured in Lebanon in 1988 after ejecting from his plane, vanished without a trace and has never been recovered.

Master Sgt. Ran Gvili was killed while heroically confronting Hamas terrorists in Kibbutz Alumim on October 7, 2023. His body was taken into Gaza by the attackers. Only two murdered hostages remain unreturned: Gvili and Thai agricultural worker Sudthisak Rinthalak, who was slain in Kibbutz Be’eri the same day.

Despite the anguish, the family pushes forward. “We’re moving forward because we have to,” Gvili’s father said. “Hamas says they’re looking for his body, but we don’t see any progress.”

He voiced frustration at the terror group’s claims. “They probably know where he is. They are playing games and deceiving us,” he remarked, though he provided no further detail.

Of the Israeli authorities, he added, “I know that they don’t know much” about where his son’s remains are located.

On Thursday, Al Jazeera reported renewed searches for a hostage’s body in Gaza’s Zeitoun neighborhood. The report was later confirmed to Kan by an Israeli military source.

Itzik Gvili worries that as nearly all other hostages have now been returned, public and governmental focus may drift. The Hostages and Missing Families Forum has already announced that it will significantly scale down operations. “As far as I am concerned, until Ran comes back, he is alive,” he said. “I have nothing else to hope for. Perhaps there will be a miracle, and he will still be alive.”

Israel declared Ran Gvili dead in January 2024, based on intelligence assessments and collected evidence.

Having largely avoided the spotlight until now, his father said he intends to speak out more forcefully to ensure that his son’s case doesn’t fade from view. Calling Ran a “hero” for continuing to fight even after being wounded, he added, “Just like Ran didn’t forget the nation on that day, I don’t want the nation to forget him.”

Ran’s mother, Talik Gvili, told Ynet that this period was “an unsettling time” for the family. At the same time, she acknowledged being “happy that hostages returned and families are getting closure and can begin breathing again as much as possible.”

Talik said the family receives daily briefings from officials and knows that searches are taking place in the exact area where Ran’s body was taken. “We hope that they will find him,” she said, adding that she still prays for “a miracle” and imagines her son returning alive. “From the first day, I have been imagining him returning on his own two feet. It is hard, not easy to imagine something like that.”

She appealed for media attention to continue: she hopes journalists will “remain with us until everyone comes back.”

The ordeal continues even as other cases reach closure. On Tuesday, Hamas returned the body of Dror Or, whose identity was verified by forensic experts the following day.

Ran and the other hostages were among 251 people kidnapped when Hamas stormed Israel on October 7, 2023, murdering 1,200 people and igniting the war in Gaza.

Following a ceasefire agreement reached last month, Hamas and allied terror groups freed all surviving captives and subsequently released most of the bodies of the murdered—except for Gvili and Rinthalak.

Under the ceasefire deal, all deceased hostages must be returned. The terror groups now claim they cannot find the final two bodies despite repeated searches.

{Matzav.com}

According to a Wall Street Journal investigation, Iran has restored and expanded its financial lifeline to Hezbollah in Lebanon, channeling hundreds of millions of dollars over the past year through elaborate money-laundering routes centered in Dubai.

The report says that proceeds from Iranian oil sales are routed through an array of exchange houses, front companies, couriers, and aligned businessmen. These funds ultimately reach Lebanon through the Hawala method — a traditional system in which trusted individuals, not banks, serve as intermediaries for transferring money. The practice remains common across the Muslim world.

A senior official in the United Arab Emirates told the paper that the UAE is attempting to shut down such activity within its borders and is coordinating with global partners to curb the illicit networks.

Before the most recent war between Israel and Hezbollah, Iran had routinely funneled large cash shipments directly into Lebanon through the Beirut airport. That approach was curtailed as part of the November 2024 ceasefire terms, which were implemented exactly one year ago today.

Arab officials quoted in the report say Tehran has since adapted by sending more individual travelers into Lebanon, each carrying smaller sums or compact valuables that can be concealed easily. They also emphasized that Hezbollah continues to draw money from a variety of global revenue streams, including the drug trade and diamond smuggling.

The Journal also cites a senior US official who warned that Washington is increasingly troubled by the flow of Hezbollah-bound funds routed through Turkey and Iraq.

{Matzav.com}

Gazan nurse Tasneem al-Hams walked out of Israeli custody today, according to the Hamas-linked Prisoners’ Affairs Office, which announced her release and immediately framed it as part of a larger pressure campaign involving her father, senior Hamas health official Dr. Marwan al-Hams.

The Palestinian Center for Prisoner Advocacy had charged on Monday that Israel sought to leverage her detention to influence her father. Israel confirmed last week that Dr. al-Hams had been held since July as part of efforts to extract information on the fate of fallen IDF soldier Hadar Goldin, whose remains were brought back earlier this month under the Gaza ceasefire after more than a decade in Hamas hands.

Speaking after her release with Gaza City photographer Ahmed Marwan, Tasneem al-Hams described being seized last month by “the Israeli-backed, anti-Hamas Abu Shabab gang,” after which she said she was turned over to Israeli forces east of Khan Younis.

She detailed a month of transfers through several Israeli facilities — Ashkelon, Ramleh, Damon, and Megiddo — saying she was kept alone in a cell in Ashkelon and held among about fifty women during her time in Damon.

The Hamas-affiliated prisoners’ office had originally announced on October 2 that the young nurse, said to be in her twenties, was taken by a “five-member armed force” from what they described as a “medical point south of Khan Younis.”

Some Palestinian outlets previously claimed that she had already been freed earlier this month, but the prisoners’ office — quoting her brother — maintained that although Israel issued a November 16 release order, it was never carried out, and she remained in custody until today.

Her father, meanwhile, remains in Israeli detention. Dr. al-Hams, who oversees the field hospital division of the Hamas-run health ministry, was not included among the detainees Israel agreed to release under the temporary truce, a Hamas source said. His current whereabouts have not been disclosed.

{Matzav.com}

Members of the Yamas counterterror unit said they were compelled to shoot two suspects who appeared to be surrendering, insisting that the pair’s actions created a clear danger and violated the instructions given to them. The officers have maintained that the scene unfolded under rapidly changing circumstances that left little room for hesitation.

Military reporter Doron Kadosh of Galei Tzahal revealed details from the officers’ initial account, quoting them as saying: “When the terrorists came out, we began carrying out security clearance procedures on them (to ensure they did not pose a threat). We did not know if they were armed with a weapon or an explosive device. We began to give them orders to perform the clearance, and the terrorists acted contrary to what they were told. At a certain point, one of the terrorists decided to reenter the building, contrary to orders, and the other terrorist followed, and therefore they were both shot.”

The officers’ helmet-camera footage, which captured the event from multiple angles, is currently being reviewed. For now, the inquiry remains an internal operational investigation, led by unit commanders. Oversight of the case is expected to fall under the newly appointed Military Advocate General, Itai Ofir, once the preliminary review concludes.

Meanwhile, video recorded in Jenin spread quickly online, showing the two men stepping out of a building surrounded by Israeli forces, raising their arms, kneeling on the ground, and then being fired upon. The clip has fueled public debate about the sequence of events and the claims made by the soldiers.

The IDF issued a statement explaining the background of the operation: “Earlier this evening (Thursday), during an Israel Border Police and IDF operation in the area of Jenin, the forces operated to apprehend wanted individuals who had carried out terror activities, including hurling explosives and firing at security forces. The wanted individuals were affiliated with a terror network in the area of Jenin.”

According to the military’s description of the raid, “The forces entered the area, enclosed the structure in which the suspects were located, and initiated a surrender procedure that lasted several hours. Following the use of engineering tools on the structure, the two suspects exited. Following their exit, fire was directed toward the suspects.”

The army added that “the incident is under review by the commanders on the ground, and will be transferred to the relevant professional bodies.”

{Matzav.com}

A request filed by activists from Pelegh Yerushalmi was dismissed this week by the Bnei Brak Bais Din after the group sought to block elected officials from filing police complaints over recent incitement and threats.

The bais din’s senior dayanim made it clear in a written response that issues involving violence fall under the exclusive jurisdiction of state authorities—not a bais din.

The petition had been submitted to the Badatz of Bnei Brak, headed by Raavad Rav Yehuda Silman and Gaavad Rav Sariel Rosenberg. Activists demanded that the court prevent chareidi public representatives from going to civil courts and police over what they described as “incitement” against Members of Knesset in the lead-up to the draft law’s advancement.

In a formal letter released by the dayanim, the court firmly rejected the appeal.

“In regard to the recent rise in incidents of violence—both physical and verbal—directed at public representatives, and in response to questions as to why the bais din is not intervening, we clarify that the bais din does not deal with matters of violence, for which the proper avenue of response is through the authorities,” the letter stated.

A brief review of past rulings shows that the court based its response on a precedent issued by the bais din once led by Rav Nissim Karelitz zt”l. In that ruling, Rav Karelitz wrote unequivocally that when individuals engage in ongoing degradation of Gedolei Yisroel and the chareidi community, their conduct places them in the halachic category described in Choshen Mishpat 388:12—those who “cause distress to the public.” In such cases, Rav Karelitz ruled, it is permissible “to hand them over, imprison them, or fine them,” and therefore permitted bringing claims against them in civil courts.

Among the signatories to that earlier ruling are Rav Nissim Karelitz zt”l and Rav Dovid Zvi Ordentlich zt”l. A third signature stands out sharply in today’s context: that of Rav Zvi Friedman, a prominent figure within the Peleg Yerushalmi. He signed the ruling permitting recourse to civil courts—contradicting the faction’s present claim that the bais din must intervene to block such complaints.

Just yesterday, Shas and United Torah Judaism filed a police complaint against a senior Peleg Yerushalmi activist, Tzvi Roth, accusing him of grave incitement to violence and even hints of murder against chareidi Members of Knesset.

According to the complaint, harsh statements were broadcast on faction-affiliated phone hotlines, including comparisons to Nazis and references to physical harm and arson. Rot allegedly urged listeners “to view elected officials as enemies from within,” while discussing scenarios of attacks against them.

Chareidi parties say these statements reflect a dangerous escalation. “Recently we saw attempted lynching incidents and break-ins at the homes of MKs,” they said. “The line between protest and violence has been dangerously blurred.”

{Matzav.com}

Attorney General Pam Bondi announced that prosecutors will aggressively seek capital punishment for the accused gunman who carried out the brazen Thanksgiving-eve ambush on two West Virginia National Guard members in downtown Washington.
“I will tell you early, we will do everything in our power to seek the death penalty against that monster who should not have been in our country,” Bondi told Fox News’ Fox & Friends.

The suspect, 29-year-old Rahmanullah Lakanwal — whose past work with a CIA-backed counterterrorism unit in Afghanistan was confirmed by the agency — is already charged with multiple counts of assault with intent to kill as well as criminal possession of a weapon. Those alleged offenses carry a potential sentence of up to 15 years in prison.

Federal prosecutors stressed that the case could escalate dramatically if either victim dies. US Attorney for the District of Columbia Jeanine Pirro made the stakes clear:
“If one of them is to pass, and God forbid that happens, this is a murder-one. Period, end of the story,” Pirro explained.

Bondi, visibly furious, accused liberal politicians and commentators of fostering animosity toward National Guard personnel and called for an inquiry into whether their rhetoric played any role in inspiring the attack. She condemned what she characterized as a torrent of hostility aimed at the troops deployed to protect the capital following President Trump’s decision.
“It’s actually sad what our country has come to with these progressive left idiots who are doing this and saying this about our heroes who are keeping them safe,” Bondi contended.

She pointed out that several of those most vocal in denouncing Trump’s security measures have armed protection of their own, yet continue to malign the Guard’s mission.
“What these lawmakers are doing, what some of these news anchors on other networks are doing, what their guests are saying is disgusting, it’s despicable,” she said.
“They should be praising our men and women in law enforcement. We’re looking at everything they have said and why they said it and if they encouraged acts of violence.”

Authorities say Lakanwal arrived in the United States in 2021 under the “Operation Allies Welcome” initiative after being born in Afghanistan. On Wednesday afternoon, around 2:15 p.m. ET, he allegedly drove into Washington, stepped out just blocks from the White House, and opened fire on uniformed Guard troops.

The victims, Sarah Beckstrom, 20, and Andrew Wolfe, 24, sustained devastating injuries. Beckstrom’s father told the New York Times that she has a “mortal wound,” adding:
“It’s not going to be a recovery.”

Officials said both soldiers have undergone surgery, but remain in critical condition. Investigators have labeled the shooting a “targeted attack” and believe Lakanwal traveled from Washington state specifically to carry it out.

FBI Director Kash Patel said Thursday that there “is an ongoing investigation of terrorism, make no mistake about it.” President Trump also called the shooting “an act of terror.” During a press briefing, Pirro emphasized the severity of the assault:
“This was not just an attack; it was a direct challenge to law and order in our nation’s capital.”

Lakanwal had applied for asylum in December 2024 and received approval in April. CIA Director John Ratcliffe has acknowledged Lakanwal’s work with the agency but declined to share additional details. Veterans with #AfghanEvac say he served in the elite NDS-03 unit in Afghanistan, a group closely supported by US intelligence.

Ratcliffe has placed responsibility on the Biden administration for allowing Lakanwal into the country in the first place.
“In the wake of the disastrous Biden Withdrawal from Afghanistan, the Biden Administration justified bringing the alleged shooter to the United States in September 2021 due to his prior work with the U.S. Government,” Ratcliffe said.
“This individual — and so many others — should have never been allowed to come here,” the CIA boss added. “Our citizens and servicemembers deserve far better than to endure the ongoing fallout from the Biden Administration’s catastrophic failures. God bless our brave troops.”

Following the attack, the Department of Homeland Security announced that Afghan immigration processing will be paused “indefinitely pending further review of security and vetting protocols.”

{Matzav.com}

A group of Chariedi Israelis associated with the organization “Chalutzei HaBashan” crossed the Syrian border on Thursday in an effort to stake out land in the Golan Heights, prompting a swift IDF response and brief confrontations with soldiers.

According to reports, the group breached the border fence and entered Syrian territory, leading forces from the IDF’s 210th Division to launch a pursuit. Kan News reported that two separate incidents unfolded simultaneously—one in the central Golan and another near the Hermon region.

Initial information indicates that approximately eight Israeli civilians broke through the barrier and clashed with soldiers who attempted to stop them and detain them.

The IDF confirmed the events in an official statement: “IDF forces responded to both locations, and after a short time, the civilians were located. After some of them confronted the forces, they were safely returned to Israeli territory under IDF escort. The suspects who were apprehended were transferred to the Israel Police for further handling. The IDF strongly condemns the incident and emphasizes that this is a serious event constituting a criminal offense that endangers both the civilians involved and IDF forces.”

The individuals were taken into custody for questioning as security officials warn that such actions pose significant operational risks on a highly sensitive border.

The Shas movement has filed a defamation lawsuit against Yisroel Tropper, an activist associated with the Perel Yerushalmi faction, following comments he made during an interview on Channel 12 with journalist Rafi Reshef.

According to the party, Tropper falsely claimed that Rishon LeTzion Rav Yitzchok Yosef had “given in to severe criminal threats,” an allegation Shas says is baseless, inflammatory, and damaging to the standing of a senior member of the Moetzet Chachmei HaTorah.

Shas announced that before moving forward, the party sought halachic guidance from its rabbinic leadership. Party officials said they consulted with rabbanim, dayanim, and poskim, who ruled that due to the frequent incidents of violence surrounding these issues, “the authorities will rule in this matter,” thereby granting Shas the space to pursue the matter through civil courts.

The lawsuit, submitted through attorney Yisroel Bach, accuses Tropper of presenting a “false and deceptive narrative” intended to undermine the legitimacy of the party’s spiritual leadership. The complaint notes that the comments were made only hours after the attempted lynching of MK Yoav Ben-Tzur, thereby giving Tropper’s statements “additional inciting force.”

In the interview, Tropper said, among other remarks: “I recommend that the chareidi Knesset members not walk near yeshiva bochurim these days — they are very angry.”

Shas argues that Tropper’s claims go beyond a personal attack on the Rishon LeTzion and amount to an effort to fabricate a narrative of internal chareidi violence. “The defendant knows full well that this is an absolute fabrication,” the lawsuit states.

In a statement, the party declared, “We will not remain silent in the face of disgrace to our rabbanim. Anyone who incites, spreads lies, and encourages violence will be held accountable and will pay the price.”

{Matzav.com}

CIA Director John Ratcliffe delivered a blistering assessment of the federal government’s handling of Afghan admissions after an Afghan national allegedly opened fire on two National Guard members in Washington, D.C., an attack he said “should never have been allowed to come here.”

Authorities say the suspect, 29-year-old Rahmanullah Lakanwal, entered the United States in 2021 through Operation Allies Welcome, the Biden-era program that resettled Afghans who had worked with American forces. He later filed an asylum request in December 2024, which was granted four months later.

While Ratcliffe acknowledged that Lakanwal had previously worked alongside the CIA, his office declined to offer clarity on how he was screened before entering the U.S. Veterans affiliated with #AfghanEvac, a coalition that helped evacuate Afghan partners during the withdrawal, noted that Lakanwal had once been part of NDS-03 — a highly trained Afghan counterterrorism unit created and funded in partnership with the CIA and American special forces.

In a harsh denunciation of the administration’s actions, Ratcliffe argued that the collapse in Afghanistan and subsequent rushed admission process created dangerous openings. “In the wake of the disastrous Biden Withdrawal from Afghanistan, the Biden Administration justified bringing the alleged shooter to the United States in September 2021 due to his prior work with the U.S. Government, including CIA, as a member of a partner force in Kandahar, which ended shortly following the chaotic evacuation,” he said.

Ratcliffe went further, insisting that the attack was part of a broader pattern resulting from poor oversight. “This individual — and so many others — should have never been allowed to come here,” he said. “Our citizens and servicemembers deserve far better than to endure the ongoing fallout from the Biden Administration’s catastrophic failures. God bless our brave troops.”

The fallout prompted swift action from the Department of Homeland Security, which announced that it was freezing all Afghan-related immigration processing while security reviews are conducted. “This Afghan national was paroled in by the Biden Administration,” DHS said. “Regardless if his asylum was granted or not, this monster would not have been removed because of his parole.”

The agency said it is initiating a sweeping pause and reassessment. “Effective immediately, processing of all immigration requests relating to Afghan nationals is stopped indefinitely pending further review of security and vetting protocols,” the statement read. “The Trump Administration is also reviewing all asylum cases approved under the Biden Administration, which failed to vet these applicants on a massive scale.”

{Matzav.com}

A political firestorm broke out Thursday after Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee chairman Boaz Bismuth unveiled the latest version of his proposal to overhaul the military draft system for chareidim. Opposition parties immediately announced that they would fight the bill at every stage and prevent it from advancing.

Yoaz Hendel, head of the Reservists Party, blasted the proposal for its lax timetables and flexible recruitment targets. “The ‘new’ draft law that Bismuth is promoting is extremely lenient regarding the timing of enlistment and the quotas,” Hendel charged. “The text is yet another example of how governments that rely on non-Zionist parties are pressured into approving non-Zionist decisions.”

Former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett issued an unequivocal rejection of the legislation. “We will not let this go through,” he declared. Calling the moment “the ultimate test,” Bennett accused the government of deciding to push through what he labeled “the draft-dodging law” in its final readings. “This is the most anti-Zionist law ever legislated in our country’s history,” he said.

Bennett intensified his criticism, saying the plan amounted to “a declaration of war by the government on every reservist, every IDF soldier, and the entire serving public.” He vowed that Israelis “from every background—religious, secular, right, left—will unite and say no to the draft-dodging law.”

Opposition leader Yair Lapid voiced similar outrage, warning that the legislation was an affront to those who serve. “We will not allow this anti-Zionist disgrace to pass,” he said. “We will not let them dishonor the fighters, the wounded, and the fallen like this. This is not a law—it’s pathetic politics by the corrupt and the shirkers at the expense of our children. Not happening, not possible, not passing.”

Criticism came not only from the opposition. Likud MK Yuli Edelstein, a former chairman of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, said the bill fails the most basic test of addressing national security needs. “As someone who has led the effort over the past two years to expand the IDF’s recruitment base, I say with deep regret: this is not a draft law,” he stated.

Referencing the trauma of October 7, Edelstein warned that the government had promised systemic change—and this bill delivers none of it. “Unlike the draft I proposed, the current version does not meet the IDF’s needs in any way,” he said. “It is yet another political band-aid instead of a historic law. We will not give up. We will fight to the end for a real draft law.”

Deputy Foreign Minister Sharren Haskel also announced she would oppose the bill, saying her commitment to national security requires independent judgment. “Blindly adopting legislation that harms security during wartime and undermines social cohesion will inflict grave long-term damage,” she said. “I will continue to fight for a draft framework that is fair, just, and real. In its current form, I will vote against it.”

United Torah Judaism chairman Yitzchok Goldknopf stated that the position of the Moetzes Gedolei HaTorah remains unchanged: any arrangement must fully protect Torah study and avoid imposing sanctions on those learning full-time. He said the draft text released Thursday will be presented to the senior Torah leadership for review, and the party will act solely based on their ruling.

The Religious Zionism party said it is still analyzing the proposal. “Our guiding principle remains the same,” the party stated. “We will only support a law that ensures real and rapid enlistment of chareidim into the IDF to meet security needs and ease the burden on soldiers, reservists, and their families.”

{Matzav.com}

The Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee on Thursday circulated the newest version of Israel’s draft law to committee members, revealing a series of tightened provisions added at the request of the committee’s legal advisers. The distribution is intended to allow formal discussions to begin at the start of next week.

Committee chairman Boaz Bismuth presented the release of the draft as the formal launch of the legislative process, stating: “This is it, we are moving forward with a balanced, responsible draft law that is good for the people of Israel. This law is not here to stabilize a coalition; it is here to stabilize a country.”

One of the most consequential changes is the hard definition and shortening of the law’s first year of implementation. Regardless of when the legislation ultimately passes, the first year will end on June 30, 2026. As a result, the first recruitment target—5,760 new draftees—will apply in just over six months.

The draft sets sharply rising recruitment targets for the years ahead: 6,840 in the second year, 7,920 in the third year, not fewer than 8,500 in the fourth year, and beginning in the fifth year, the enlistment of 50 percent of each annual cohort of graduates from the chareidi school system.

Another major revision dramatically narrows the civilian service track. Under the proposed changes, national service will be recognized only within security-related agencies such as the Israel Police, the Prison Service, the Shin Bet, and the Mossad. This removes the option of placement in general civilian institutions and ties alternative service exclusively to national security needs.

The law also introduces personal sanctions starting in the very first year. Individuals who do not meet the law’s requirements would lose eligibility for academic scholarships, and could also face restrictions on obtaining a driver’s license and limitations on traveling abroad. The draft replaces the previously planned involvement of a military rabbi with an officer from the IDF’s Manpower Directorate at the rank of lieutenant colonel, shifting oversight toward professional rather than sector-specific considerations.

Additional updates include narrowing the criteria for defining someone as chareidi for the purpose of recruitment calculations, eliminating the previously fixed quota for combat soldiers, and clarifying that license revocation would apply only to new draft evaders. Travel restrictions would apply only until the age of 23.

Debate on the draft is set to begin next week.

{Matzav.com}

Israel’s inner-city commuters are bracing for yet another fare hike as government ministries remain locked in disagreement. The latest change, expected to take effect in January, would push the price of a single ride from 8 NIS to 9 NIS — the result of an ongoing standoff between Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and Transportation Minister Miri Regev over where to slice the budget.

The looming increase comes just a short time after the government introduced its “Derech Shavah” initiative in 2022, which had originally slashed the price to 5.5 NIS. What was marketed as a major affordability reform has now become a sequence of rapid-fire fare shocks.

In under three years, the cost of a bus ride has climbed at a stunning pace. July 2024 saw prices rise to 6 NIS, and in April 2025 commuters were hit with a massive 45% jump that brought fares to 8 NIS. The upcoming boost to 9 NIS continues the steep upward trajectory.

Driving this pattern of increases is the effort to cover the expenses of the government’s “Transportation Justice” plan, which provides discounted transportation rates to roughly 80% of Israelis. To keep that program alive, Regev was compelled to sign off on raising fares and even to scrap funding that would have expanded routes and boosted frequency.

Although Regev has publicly expressed her opposition, officials in the Finance Ministry insist their hands are tied. They argue that “without budget cuts, the fare increases are inevitable.”

{Matzav.com}

A full year has passed since the understandings that halted hostilities between Israel and Lebanon took effect, and the IDF is outlining the sweeping scope of its operations during that period.

The ceasefire arrangements, which began on November 27, 2024, opened the door for an extensive IDF deployment inside Lebanon aimed at blocking Hezbollah from restoring its networks. Units from the Northern Command, alongside the 91st Division, have maintained a persistent presence across key areas as part of that mission.

Forces from the 810th Brigade, operating under the 210th Division, have been active throughout the Har Dov region inside Lebanon, balancing that front with their responsibilities across the Syrian border as well.

According to the IDF, enforcing the agreement demanded a steady tempo of field activity. Troops from the 769th Brigade, the 300th Brigade, and the Central Brigade—all subordinate to the 91st Division—executed roughly 1,200 focused missions over the past year.

Dozens of those missions were offensive, designed to remove terrorist infrastructure, impede efforts by Hezbollah operatives to monitor IDF movements, and weaken the group’s operational strength. Military officials say these actions significantly hindered Hezbollah’s ability to reassert its presence.

Throughout these operations, IDF units uncovered a substantial network of hostile assets: military buildings used by operatives for attacks, weapons depots, rocket-launching sites, launchers, and observation or firing positions.

The IDF says that the campaign also relied heavily on coordinated strikes. Led by the Northern Command, and working alongside the Israeli Air Force with intelligence guidance from the Intelligence Directorate, Israeli forces eliminated more than 370 terrorists belonging to Hezbollah, Hamas, and other Palestinian terror groups.

{Matzav.com}

Dear Matzav Inbox,

I am a regular guy, born and raised in Monsey, NY. I try hard to be kovea itim, to do chessed, to provide for my family, and to live with ahavas Yisrael. I have always pushed myself to love every Jew from every background, and when that love was difficult, I made it a point to give more in order to strengthen it. The kinds of Yidden that many people avoid are often the ones I try to get close to. If I see someone hitchhiking, I try to pick them up. For me, the philosophy is simple: when I don’t know how to act, I ask myself, “What does Hashem want?”

I am Litvish, but I have always been drawn to Chassidish Torah and sefarim. Many of my rabbeim are Chassidish, and few things bring me more joy than a Chassidishe tish, farbrengen, or Simchas Beis HaShoeva.

Another important piece of who I am is that I live within a mile of New Square. I’ve always considered it an honor to be their neighbor. I’ve gone to the mikvah there on Fridays, schmoozed with the Yidden, and built friendships through business connections.

Throughout the years in which Skver bought up houses in my neighborhood, I tried to stay positive and be dan l’kaf zechus. I told myself that I didn’t need to understand everything — it’s all in Hashem’s hands. But as the situation progressed, and as my rabbeim told me that I have a responsibility to stand up against what I believe is injustice, I began to see a side of Judaism that I never believed existed.

I see a community of thousands of families following rabbanim, dayanim, askanim, and ultimately a Rebbe — and yet it feels to me as though they are trying to destroy another frum community in a way I have never seen frum Jews treat each other. At first, I assumed they simply didn’t realize the impact of their actions. But as time went on, it became clear that not only do they understand, they believe they are doing the right thing — and they are doubling down.

So I ask myself: could it be that they never stop to ask, “Is this what Hashem wants?” Could it be that people can live their whole lives as frum Yidden without asking that question? Could it be that sinas chinam becomes justified simply because peers say it’s okay?

I have spoken to many gedolim from different backgrounds, to askanim, and to regular Jews on the street. The response I’ve consistently heard is that what’s happening is wrong and very difficult to comprehend.

I am trying hard to keep an open mind. I still give tzedakah every time someone from Skver knocks on my door collecting for a chasunah or for Shabbos food. I keep telling myself that this is what Hashem wants. But what I see is a community that externally follows Torah, yet seems to care more about currying favor with politicians, wealthy individuals, or anyone who can elevate their public image — while forgetting what Hashem truly asks of us, and the fact that the purpose of this world is to grow closer to Him.

This entire situation has left me sad and confused. For the first time in nearly forty years, I find myself struggling to see the good — not just in one Yid, but in thousands. It leads my mind to places and questions I wish I never had to think about.

I hope this all disappears like a bad dream. But one thing I know with absolute clarity is this: I am here in this world to do what Hashem wants from me. So when I see a Skverer Yid hitchhiking or collecting for a poor family, I will still give — even if the smile is forced — because I believe that is what Hashem wants.

But I beg my friends in Skver: please ask yourselves the same question. You have spent your whole lives striving to grow closer to Hashem. Please don’t throw that away for this.

A Standard Monsey Yid

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Dear Matzav Inbox,

It is no secret that כלל ישראל is going through very challenging times—spiritually, emotionally, and financially. We all feel the pressure, and we all know how much רחמי שמים we need.

There is one issue, however, that weighs particularly heavily on my heart, because it relates directly to the future of Torah: שלא תשתכח תורה מישראל.

The Gemara in Bava Metzia 85a tells the famous story of רבי חייא, who went to extraordinary lengths to ensure that Torah would never be forgotten. He planted flax, made nets, trapped deer, prepared parchment, wrote seforim, and then taught children—step by step, until Torah was firmly rooted.

One thing is clear: רבי חייא did not begin by investigating “who” the parents were, whether they were from “elite” backgrounds, or whether they fit a certain profile. If there was a Jewish child, there was a נשמה. A child of בני אברהם יצחק ויעקב. And that meant a responsibility to give that child access to תורה ומצוות.

Today, unfortunately, we are hearing more and more stories of Yiddishe kinderlach who are not accepted into mosdos, or whose parents are put through an emotionally draining and humiliating process just to receive a “yes.” Even when a child is eventually taken, the pain and stress leading up to that point can be enormous.

Many of us remember a different reality. When we were children, there were all kinds of families in every class. There were stronger homes and weaker homes, wealthier and simpler, more “yeshivish” and less. And yet, many children from the most “simple” homes grew into beautiful בני תורה and בעלי מידות. At the same time, not every child from the most respected families remained on the straightest path. Why? Because every person has כח הבחירה and unique nisyonos. We simply cannot judge a child’s future by the external package of the home.

Meanwhile, the tuition burden has reached staggering levels. Families are paying $10,000, $15,000, sometimes far more per child. Parents are sacrificing half—or even more—of their income for chinuch, because Torah is precious to them. And yet, instead of always feeling appreciation for that sacrifice, many parents feel examined and scrutinized, as if going through an X-ray or MRI.

This is not to ignore the complexity on the side of the mosdos. Running a school is extremely difficult. There are finances, staff, standards, legal issues, social dynamics, and real concerns about hashpa’ah. The menahalim and hanhalah are shouldering a heavy load for Klal Yisroel, and their avodah should be respected and appreciated.

At the same time, we cannot ignore the painful stories of parents crying at night because they don’t know where their child will be on the first day of school.

So what can we do?

A Humble Proposal

Without pretending to have all the answers, I would like to suggest a communal framework, and ask our גדולי ישראל and askanim to consider something along these lines:

• Every town or city with a frum community should have a clear, communal responsibility that every Jewish child who wants a Torah education has a place.
• Whether through one designated mosad, or through a coordinated system among all mosdos, there should be a no-child-left-out policy for families who are truly seeking a Yiddishe chinuch.
• Alongside this, there should be a communal, dignified system to help families who cannot pay full tuition—similar to how communities arrange funds for תומכי שבת and other basic needs.

This is not about forcing any specific school to change its entire system. It is about saying, as a community: “If there is a Jewish child who wants to learn Torah, we will find a place for that child. Period.”

Imagine the קידוש השם if parents knew: No matter what, if I am trying to do the right thing, my child will not be left without a school. Imagine the nachas ruach this would bring to Hashem.

I am not writing to criticize, חס ושלום, any particular mosad, nor to point fingers at specific individuals. I am writing as a fellow Yid, as a parent, and as someone who fears for the long-term impact if children feel rejected by the very system that is meant to embrace them.

Our grandparents and great-grandparents who survived the war would likely be shocked to hear that a frum family who wants to send their child to a frum school might face closed doors. After everything they went through to keep Yiddishkeit alive, can we allow this to be the experience of their descendants?

We have the ability—if we choose—to change this dynamic. With leadership from our גדולים, guidance from experienced mechanchim, and the heart of Klal Yisroel, we can create a structure in which every child who wants Torah has a makom in Torah.

May we be zocheh that through strengthening the dignity and inclusion of every Jewish child, we bring more rachamei shamayim and more siyata dishmaya upon our entire community.

A Concerned Community Member  

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The Knesset held its annual memorial session Wednesday marking the yahrtzeit of Israel’s first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, and the speech that drew the most attention came from UTJ MK Meir Porush, who used the podium to sharply criticize the legal establishment while invoking Ben-Gurion’s historic role in securing the status of bnei hayeshivos.

Porush opened by declaring that although he never supported Ben-Gurion or the Labor movement, the chareidi community owes him acknowledgment. “I never voted for Ben-Gurion or for the Labor Party — I have been an Agudas Yisroel man since birth — but there is no doubt that given the harmful behavior toward chareidim today, Ben-Gurion is among the few leaders deserving of praise from the chareidi public in recent generations,” he said. He cited Ben-Gurion’s authorship of the status quo agreement and his establishment of the yeshiva draft exemption framework as actions that “poured concrete foundations for the existence of the yeshiva world.”

Porush lamented that “75 years after Ben-Gurion hammered in the nails that secured the status of yeshiva students, jurists — utterly detached from any spark of Judaism — arrived and declared war on the world of Torah, and in my view, on Ben-Gurion’s own legacy.”

Porush went on to describe Ben-Gurion’s original motivation for the status quo agreement. “When Ben-Gurion sought to establish the state, he wanted to prevent opposition from Agudas Yisroel, which at the time represented chareidi Jewry. He knew the UN would weigh that position. That is why the status quo document was crafted — to guarantee the preservation of basic Jewish principles in Eretz Yisroel.”

Porush then escalated his criticism, arguing that had Ben-Gurion been told that, decades later, “a group of unelected jurists would seize control of the state, embark on a campaign against the world of Torah and erase the agreements he set in place, I am not sure his stance would have been the same.”

He then turned his fire directly at Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara. “Yesterday, the Attorney General — who has already been dismissed but clings to the horns of the altar — sent a letter to the prime minister demanding the arrest of more Torah learners and economic sanctions on families of struggling avreichim.”

Porush added angrily that the Attorney General is now urging Netanyahu to bypass the Knesset legislatively. “The one entrusted with upholding the law proposes circumventing the Knesset. Why? Because she knows that despite all disagreements, there is no majority in this building for her program of persecuting and arresting Torah students. Is this democracy?”

He also attacked the rebranding of the Labor Party as “The Democrats.” “Recently, they changed the name of the party Ben-Gurion founded to ‘Democrats,’ even though Ben-Gurion spoke of a Jewish and democratic state — because a democratic state alone can be established even in Uganda. Are Ben-Gurion’s successors trying to erase his legacy?”

Porush concluded with an appeal to Labor MKs. “I call on members of the Labor Party: follow in Ben-Gurion’s path and work to resolve the status of yeshiva students through dialogue and consensus. From Lieberman and Lapid I have no expectations — they build themselves by persecuting chareidim — but you, what do you have to do with all this?”

After finishing his remarks, Porush recited a perek of Mishnayos in Ben-Gurion’s memory.

{Matzav.com}

The Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee is set to enter a high-stakes phase today as its chairman, MK Boaz Bismuth, prepares to present the latest draft of the controversial draft law and announce an intensive series of committee deliberations aimed at pushing the legislation toward final approval.

Once the text is publicly released, lawmakers and the broader public will see, for the first time, the complete and updated version of the proposed law regulating the status of yeshiva students. Coalition officials hope that the upcoming discussions will produce enough agreement on changes to move the bill forward to its second and third readings in the Knesset plenum.

Bismuth is expected to launch a marathon of debates in the committee, a move reflecting pressure from Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Shas chairman Aryeh Deri, both of whom believe the coalition can ultimately secure a majority for the legislation.

However, in a direct challenge to Netanyahu’s demands, the heads of the chareidi parties have refused to commit to supporting the bill before committee deliberations conclude and the final text is reviewed by the gedolei Yisroel. Their hesitation has sharpened political concerns inside the coalition.

Knesset sources say that the sudden acceleration of the legislative timetable is driven partly by a looming deadline: in just over two weeks, six months will have passed since the last bill to dissolve the Knesset was voted down. Once that window closes, the opposition will once again be able to submit a new dissolution bill — raising fears in Netanyahu’s circle that the chareidi parties might use the opportunity to back early elections if they feel cornered over the draft law.

A senior chareidi figure involved in the negotiations said this week that the chances of the bill surviving the full legislative process are low. “The law — with high probability — will not pass second and third readings, and if it does, it will not withstand scrutiny in the High Court,” he said. He added that the version crafted by MK Yaakov Asher Atias was designed largely to demonstrate to rabbinic leaders that genuine efforts were made to regulate the issue — perhaps paving the way for the chareidi parties to re-enter the government even without actual legislation.

The same official warned that the committee discussions could still take a dramatic turn. One example he cited was the legal adviser’s demand to raise the first-year enlistment quota to 7,500 chareidim — a move that would require an additional 1,500 recruits in the first year alone.

Earlier this week, as reported by Matzav.com, Deri told Shas MKs that the committee is expected to begin debating the final language “in the coming days.” But he reiterated that Shas would not commit to supporting the legislation until the Moetzet Chachmei Hatorah reviews the final draft. Only after that ruling, he said, will Shas decide how to vote.

Deri nevertheless expressed optimism, insisting that if the gedolim approve the bill, the coalition will have enough votes to pass it, despite several coalition MKs already declaring they will oppose it. “It’s possible that in the near future, we’ll already be past all of this,” Deri added.

Meanwhile, Religious Zionism leader Betzalel Smotrich continued to press for a more substantive overhaul. He said: “Only a law that creates a real process where the chareidi public participates in the great mitzvah of defending the security of Israel and its eternity. That is essential. The situation cannot remain as it is.” He added, “Anyone who thinks I’ll be a rubber stamp doesn’t understand anything. In my worldview, there is no exemption from this mitzvah.”

Smotrich insisted on a genuine, rapid process that would draft “thousands of chareidim every year into the Israel Defense Forces, into combat service, into positions where they are needed.”

In contrast, Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi argued that opposing the draft law is itself a security threat. “Anyone who opposes the draft law is harming the security of the state and harming the army,” he said, adding that political objections over the past two years — including by former officials — prevented the law from advancing before the war. Passing the bill, he insisted, would unquestionably lead to an increase in chareidi enlistment.

Karhi accused opposition leaders Avigdor Liberman and Yair Lapid of exploiting the issue for political gain. “They want the chareidim drafted for their election campaign,” he said. “If the chareidim pass a law by consensus, what will they sell to their voters? All they will have left is incitement against the chareidi public.”

The coming weeks in the committee are expected to determine not only the fate of the draft law, but potentially the fate of the coalition itself.

US officials have now acknowledged that the man accused of shooting two National Guard members near the White House had previously been part of American-supported counterterror units during the Afghanistan war. The CIA confirmed that Rahmanullah Lakanwal, 29, served with forces aligned with the agency before the collapse of Kabul.

Authorities say Lakanwal entered the United States in September 2021 through Operation Allies Welcome, the emergency entry track created for Afghans who worked alongside American personnel and were swept up in the frantic evacuation. His background with US-connected security units was not publicly known until Wednesday night, when CIA director John Ratcliffe addressed the matter.

According to The New York Times, Lakanwal was attached to multiple American agencies during the war, including a CIA-supported group operating out of Kandahar — a region that long served as a key base of Taliban activity. Ratcliffe, speaking to Fox News Digital, said: “The Biden administration justified bringing the alleged shooter to the United States in September 2021 due to his prior work with the US government, including CIA,” noting that Lakanwal’s role was “as a member of a partner force in Kandahar, which ended shortly following the chaotic evacuation”.

In the wake of the attack, US Citizenship and Immigration Services announced a sweeping pause affecting Afghan nationals seeking immigration benefits. The agency stated on its social platforms: “Effective immediately, processing of all immigration requests relating to Afghan nationals is stopped indefinitely pending further review of security and vetting protocols.”

As Washington reeled from the incident, President Trump ordered hundreds of additional Guard members into the capital. He characterized the shooting as an “act of terror” and warned that immigration represents “the single greatest national security threat facing our nation.”

{Matzav.com}