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Iran-backed Houthi forces are increasingly positioned to threaten some of Saudi Arabia’s most critical energy infrastructure, including its 745-mile East-West Pipeline and the Abqaiq oil processing complex, as the rebels’ rapid gains along Yemen’s Red Sea coast deepen concerns about global oil supplies. The latest escalation comes after an attack forced the kingdom to shut down the East-West Pipeline, a route that has become increasingly important amid severe disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz.

The Houthis’ rapid territorial advance has given the group control of key positions around the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, including Perim Island and territory along Yemen’s Red Sea coast. Those gains have placed the Houthis in a substantially stronger position to threaten vessels passing through one of the world’s most important shipping chokepoints.

Security analysts say the danger extends beyond shipping. Saudi Arabia’s East-West Pipeline, the Abqaiq processing facility, and other major pieces of fixed energy infrastructure could face attacks from Iran-aligned forces. The pipeline was recently struck by drones launched from Iraq, according to Saudi authorities, forcing its shutdown while damage was assessed and repairs undertaken.

“There is an inherent problem in trying to defend large, fixed infrastructure from the Houthi attacks,” said Kelly Campa, the head of the Middle East team for the Institute for the Study of War.

“Attacks on the pipeline are very concerning… and its clear that this is an Axis of Resistance effort to go after Saudi oil and impose more economic pains.”

President Donald Trump, meanwhile, has signaled reluctance to deepen direct American military involvement, suggesting that the confrontation involving the Houthis and Saudi Arabia could ultimately be resolved. The United States has continued providing assistance to the kingdom, including intelligence support, while Washington has also been in direct contact with the Houthis.

The Houthis emerged as a dominant force in Yemen after seizing the capital, Sanaa, in 2014, setting off years of warfare against Yemen’s internationally recognized government, which has been supported by Saudi Arabia.

A ceasefire beginning in 2022 significantly reduced hostilities for several years, but the conflict erupted again this summer after Saudi-linked forces bombed a runway near Sanaa to prevent an Iranian aircraft from landing.

The aircraft was subsequently reported to have been carrying Iranian military equipment and advisers intended to assist the Houthis.

That episode was followed by renewed Houthi attacks against Yemen’s internationally recognized government and Saudi Arabia. The Houthis also declared a maritime blockade targeting Saudi vessels in the Red Sea.

Iran and the Houthis had repeatedly threatened action involving the Bab al-Mandeb Strait amid continued U.S. strikes against Iran. The Houthis then poured thousands of fighters into the area around the strategic port city of Mokha, part of an offensive that dramatically expanded their position along Yemen’s Red Sea coastline.

The Houthis’ advance has potentially major consequences for international energy supplies because Saudi Arabia has increasingly depended upon Red Sea export routes as traffic through the Strait of Hormuz has been severely disrupted by the wider regional conflict. The Bab al-Mandeb is one of the principal maritime links between the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden.

A prolonged disruption of the Bab al-Mandeb would leave commercial vessels with significantly fewer viable options and could force many ships onto much longer routes around Africa, adding considerable time and expense to voyages between Europe and Asia.

The impact is already being seen in Saudi crude exports. Shipments through the kingdom’s principal Red Sea outlet have become increasingly important since the regional war began, while the recent pipeline attack has heightened fears over Saudi Arabia’s ability to maintain those exports.

Complicating any effort to protect shipping is the geography of the Bab al-Mandeb. The waterway is narrower than the Strait of Hormuz, and the Institute for the Study of War has said that its dimensions leave little prospect for creating the type of protected alternative transit route that the United States has helped facilitate off Oman.

The threat is also coming from land. Saudi energy installations have come under attack, including the East-West Pipeline, which Saudi Arabia said was hit by several drones launched from Iraqi territory.

“It does send a message that goes beyond the Strait of Hormuz… that the Axis of Resistance can threaten energy markets in the region beyond the strait,” Campa said.

The East-West Pipeline is especially important because it stretches roughly 745 miles across Saudi Arabia, connecting oil-producing areas near the Persian Gulf with the Red Sea port of Yanbu. That gives Riyadh a route for moving crude that does not depend on passage through the Strait of Hormuz.

Since the war began, Saudi Arabia has used the pipeline to transport roughly 4 million to 5 million barrels per day, equivalent to approximately 4% to 5% of global oil supply. The pipeline’s role has consequently become even more critical as normal Gulf shipping routes have faced escalating disruption.

The Institute for the Study of War has warned that defending such an enormous piece of infrastructure poses a particular challenge, “given that damage to a single segment along the pipeline would render the entire pipeline inoperable.”

The latest strike caused extensive damage and forced the pipeline offline. Industry estimates of the repair timeline have varied, although U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright said Tuesday that Washington expects the pipeline to resume operations within days. Before that assessment, industry sources had warned that export stocks available at Yanbu could cover only a limited period if the pipeline remained shut.

Another major concern is Abqaiq, the enormous Saudi facility that processes crude oil by removing gases and impurities so the oil can be safely transported and stored. The complex is considered the world’s largest crude oil processing facility and handles a significant share of global supply.

Thomas Warrick, who served as deputy assistant secretary for counterterrorism policy at the Department of Homeland Security during Trump’s first term, previously described Abqaiq as the “Panama Canal” of global energy markets while discussing the facility’s importance following the 2019 attack against it.

Abqaiq is linked to the East-West Pipeline system that Saudi Arabia has relied upon to move crude away from the disrupted Strait of Hormuz. Any serious interruption there would therefore threaten another crucial component of the kingdom’s ability to keep oil flowing to international markets.

The growing threat to Saudi infrastructure has already rattled energy markets. Brent crude climbed above $108 a barrel following the pipeline attack, as traders weighed the possibility of prolonged Saudi export disruptions and further attacks on regional energy facilities.

The United States previously conducted a 53-day military campaign against Houthi targets before the operation ended under a ceasefire reached with the group.

Trump has appeared reluctant to commit additional American forces directly to the latest fighting, even as Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has sought greater U.S. assistance. Washington is providing intelligence support, but U.S. officials have not announced direct American strikes in response to the latest attacks.

Reports indicate that Trump told the Saudi crown prince that Washington would provide substantial assistance while stopping short of launching offensive military action.

Trump also said over the weekend that the Houthis had contacted the United States and urged Washington not to intervene, while expressing confidence that the confrontation could be resolved. Reuters reported Tuesday that Trump confirmed recent communication involving the Houthis and the Saudi crisis.

“I can just say, it’s going to work out fine and dandy. It’s going to be very good,” Trump said of the talks.

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President Donald Trump has come out in support of Flock Safety’s automated license plate reader cameras, saying he favors the technology because of its usefulness to law enforcement despite concerns that the nationwide camera network infringes on privacy.

Trump was questioned about the cameras by a reporter aboard Air Force One, with the reporter noting that numerous police departments say the technology has proven valuable in their efforts to apprehend suspects.

“I sort of like them because of that, because of law enforcement. But some people don’t. They think it’s an infringement,” Trump said.

When the reporter followed up by noting that the cameras assist authorities in catching criminals, Trump responded, “I like them.”

Trump’s comments represented his clearest public expression of support for Flock’s technology. When questioned about the issue on Aug. 17, the President had stopped short of taking a position, saying it was “being studied right now” and that there were “pros and cons.”

The President did not accompany his endorsement with any proposed federal policy, nor did he address questions surrounding warrants, how long information collected by the cameras should be retained, or whether federal funds should be used to purchase the systems.

Flock has built a sprawling network of automated license plate readers used by law enforcement agencies across the country. The cameras photograph vehicles as they pass and record information including license plate numbers and vehicle characteristics such as make, model, and color. Participating agencies can also use the system to search information collected outside their own jurisdictions. Congressional researchers have noted that federal grant programs have previously been used to support local law enforcement license plate-reader programs.

According to Flock, its cameras do not employ facial recognition technology, continuously follow individual vehicles, or function as live-video surveillance cameras.

The technology has nevertheless faced opposition from lawmakers across party lines. Reps. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and Eric Burlison (R-Mo.) introduced legislation on Sept. 2 that would prohibit federal funding from being spent to purchase, install, maintain, operate, or upgrade automated license plate readers and biometric surveillance cameras.

Under the proposal, agencies that had acquired the equipment with federal money would be given 180 days to remove the systems or reimburse the U.S. Treasury. An exception would apply to systems used for toll collection.

“Federal taxpayers should not be forced to fund the surveillance state,” Massie said in a statement.

Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) is among the cosponsors of the legislation, underscoring the bipartisan nature of some of the opposition to the technology. More broadly, the Congressional Research Service has noted that Congress has the authority to restrict federal law enforcement’s use of license plate readers and can also influence state and local use of the technology through federal grant funding.

Resistance to Flock has also emerged at the local level. At least 54 municipalities across 23 states have reportedly voted this year to cancel existing Flock agreements, reject proposed contracts, or decline to renew their arrangements with the company.

A significant portion of the controversy has focused on the possible use of the camera network in federal immigration enforcement.

According to reporting by 404 Media cited in the original report, local law enforcement officers conducted more than 4,000 searches of Flock data on behalf of federal agencies for immigration-related purposes. Flock has maintained that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement does not have direct access to its platform.

Concerns about improper use by individual law enforcement personnel have added to the scrutiny surrounding the system. Recent reporting has documented allegations that officers used license plate databases for personal rather than legitimate investigative purposes.

In Georgia, employees at more than a dozen law enforcement agencies have reportedly been arrested or disciplined in connection with allegedly improper searches. Those cases include five former Albany officers charged in July and three Gwinnett County officers charged this month.

Days after a major shakeup within Degel HaTorah that saw longtime MKs Moshe Gafni and Uri Maklev replaced on the party’s Knesset slate, the veteran representatives sat alongside their successors Monday night for the first time as the party began preparations for the upcoming election.

The meeting, held at Degel HaTorah headquarters in Bnei Brak, was billed as a kickoff and organizational session ahead of the election. Both the newly selected candidates and the veteran lawmakers who were removed from the slate participated.

The gathering followed several turbulent days for the Litvishe party after the removal of Gafni and Maklev, longtime fixtures in chareidi politics. The manner in which their replacement was handled drew considerable criticism and generated an internal storm within the party.

In an official Degel HaTorah announcement distributed by spokesman Yaakov Morgenbesser, who in recent years served as Gafni’s spokesman, the party notably listed its new candidates first, followed by its veteran representatives.

According to the announcement, those attending included the party’s new chairman, MK Yaakov Asher, who is also expected to serve as chairman of United Torah Judaism; MK Yitzchok Pindrus; Moshe Rosenthal; Yehuda Weissfish; Dovid Zaltz; Dovid Ochana; and Eliyahu Baruchi.

Also present were Gafni, who continues to hold the title of chairman of the Degel HaTorah movement; Maklev, who remains a member of the party leadership; Yitzchok Reich; Menachem Shapiro, director of the party’s municipal department; and Degel HaTorah director Moshe Schiffman.

The meeting focused on preparations for Israel’s 26th Knesset elections and on strategies for mobilizing Degel HaTorah supporters to turn out on Election Day.

The participants also discussed efforts to maximize support for the joint United Torah Judaism slate, which is expected to include Degel HaTorah together with Agudas Yisroel and the new party established by MK Meir Porush.

The gathering marked the first time since the controversial reshuffling of the Degel HaTorah slate that Gafni and Maklev appeared together in an official party setting with the candidates selected to lead the party into the next election.

{Matzav.com}

A 12-year-old Jewish boy living in Lithuania has inspired listeners in Israel after revealing that he learns four blatt Gemara every day and hopes to complete the entire Shas by his bar mitzvah next year.

Yehuda Sheinfeld, who lives with his family in Kovno, Lithuania, spoke with radio host Menachem Toker on the Kol Chai program “Zman Avir” about the ambitious daily learning schedule he has maintained for approximately a year.

Yehuda first attracted attention after surprising Reb Eli Stefansky during one of his popular Gemara shiurim by telling him about the learning schedule he had undertaken.

During his conversation with Toker, Yehuda explained that his family has been living in Lithuania for 14 years. His parents originally moved there after being asked to assist local Jews with kosher food, Torah classes and other Jewish needs.

What was initially supposed to be a roughly 10-month shlichus ultimately became a long-term commitment. Yehuda said his father enjoyed the work he was doing for the Jewish community, and the family decided to remain in Kovno.

Yehuda said there is no established Jewish school available for him in Lithuania, and his primary companions are his own siblings. Much of his Torah learning is therefore accomplished through Rabbi Stefansky’s online shiurim.

“With the rebbe’s shiurim, you can accomplish even more. He makes the shiurim very interesting,” Yehuda said.

The 12-year-old also encouraged listeners to begin learning along with the program as a new masechta gets underway.

Yehuda’s daily schedule consists of the Daf Yomi plus another three blatt from masechtos of his choosing. He said he has maintained the four-blatt-a-day pace for approximately a year, with his sights set on an extraordinary milestone: completing Shas by his bar mitzvah.

“I still have a long way to go,” Yehuda said.

His interest in the shiurim began through his father, who learns every day. After hearing the classes himself, Yehuda became intrigued and eventually began learning them on his own.

Yehuda also described his family’s extensive activities on behalf of Lithuania’s Jewish population.

For Rosh Hashanah, the family participated in tefillos and programs organized by the local Jewish community at a hotel rented to accommodate approximately 400 people. Among those who attended were numerous Jewish university students who are not shomrei mitzvos but wanted an opportunity to experience and learn about Rosh Hashanah.

Yehuda said his father delivers Torah shiurim almost every day. On Shabbos, additional shiurim are held, along with opportunities for participants to learn b’chavrusa.

Toker was visibly moved by the remarkable 12-year-old’s story, calling Yehuda an “ambassador of the Daf Yomi” and telling him that he wanted to attend his bar mitzvah celebration.

“You’re invited, and you have a special invitation, with Hashem’s help,” Yehuda replied.

{Matzav.com}