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A major legal challenge was filed Thursday morning with Israel’s Supreme Court against new eligibility requirements in the government’s subsidized housing program, Dira B’Hanachah, with petitioners arguing that women and children are being unfairly penalized because of a spouse’s military status.

The petition, submitted against the Israeli government, the Israel Land Council, and the Ministry of Construction and Housing, marks the latest battle over policies affecting families of draft-eligible chareidi men.

Filed by attorney Rivka Dagan on behalf of the organizations Emes L’Yaakov B’Yisrael and Shmurah, the 352-page petition includes an urgent request for a temporary injunction that would block implementation of the new rules before the program’s eleventh lottery round. Registration for that lottery is currently scheduled to close on June 22, 2026.

At the heart of the case is a decision by the Israel Land Council conditioning a married woman’s eligibility for discounted housing on the military status of her husband if he is classified as draft-eligible and has not resolved his military status.

Petitioners: Women Are Being Treated as Extensions of Their Husbands

The organizations behind the petition argue that the policy constitutes a serious violation of equality principles and undermines the independent legal status of married women.

According to the filing, the decision treats a woman “as an appendage of her husband” rather than as an independent legal entity. The petition further argues that the policy effectively creates a “marriage penalty” imposed exclusively upon married women.

The petitioners contend that a single, divorced, or otherwise unmarried woman would remain eligible for the housing benefits without restriction, while marrying a man with a particular military status automatically disqualifies her from receiving the same assistance.

Reliance on Personal Responsibility Principle

The petition cites numerous legal precedents in an effort to demonstrate that Israeli courts traditionally uphold the principle of personal responsibility, even in cases involving far more serious matters.

Among the examples cited are tax-law rulings in which the Supreme Court recognized the right of spouses to establish separate financial arrangements and receive tax benefits independently of one another.

The petitioners argue that if the legal system preserves the separate legal identities of spouses in tax matters, it should certainly do so when dealing with access to affordable housing.

Comparison to Terrorist Home Demolition Cases

In one of the petition’s more unusual arguments, the organizations compare the policy to judicial rulings involving the demolition of terrorists’ homes.

The petition notes that even in national security cases, courts generally require an individualized examination of the impact on family members who played no role in the underlying conduct. The petitioners therefore argue that there is no justification for imposing a broad economic sanction on a wife and her children because of the actions or status of her husband.

Claims of Hasty Decision-Making

The petition also argues that the policy was adopted too quickly and without sufficient professional review.

According to the filing, the decision was approved less than a month after a Supreme Court ruling on the issue and was implemented without a comprehensive evaluation of its potential consequences.

The petition further claims that professional officials within multiple government ministries warned in advance about problems associated with the measure.

According to the organizations, the Finance Ministry acknowledged that the purpose of the policy was to reduce household income as a form of pressure, while the Economy Ministry cautioned against harm to third parties. The Ministry of Construction and Housing itself allegedly warned that denying eligibility under the new rules could face serious legal challenges in court.

Request for Immediate Relief

As part of the legal action, the organizations are asking the Supreme Court to issue an immediate interim order allowing women to register for the eleventh housing lottery without being subject to the new restrictions.

They are also requesting that the registration deadline be frozen until the legal dispute is resolved.

As an alternative, the petition proposes creating an individualized review process that would allow women to establish independent eligibility—including through proof of separate financial arrangements—rather than being automatically disqualified based solely on their spouse’s military status.

{Matzav.com}

A growing controversy involving religion in the public sphere has erupted in Herzliya after allegations surfaced that a city council member took a pair of tefillin and other sacred items belonging to a chareidi resident, leading to a police complaint and a heated public debate.

At the center of the incident is Yesh Atid city council member Daniel Tchertok, who, according to a report by Channel 14, was captured during an altercation in which he allegedly removed tefillin and religious articles from a local resident.

According to the report, the resident is known in the city for distributing Jewish educational pamphlets at various intersections and soliciting donations from passersby. The resident claims that following the incident, a formal complaint was filed with police.

The report further alleges that Tchertok initially denied involvement in the incident but later offered a different explanation, saying that his actions were connected to his opposition to what he views as religious coercion in public spaces.

The owner of the tefillin expressed outrage over the incident and questioned how such conduct could be justified.

“Is this the way to act? Like this?” he asked. “To steal people’s belongings? Because you don’t want people to hear them… This person has been harassing me for more than two years. He constantly tells me, ‘Get out of here,’ ‘Leave here,’ ‘This is a secular city, don’t come near here.'”

The video footage and accompanying allegations quickly spread online, generating widespread discussion on social media and prompting numerous users to sharply criticize the council member’s alleged conduct.

As public attention intensified, questions were also raised about what critics described as inconsistencies in Tchertok’s explanation of the incident.

Daniel Tchertok did not provide a response to Channel 14’s request for comment regarding the allegations.

{Matzav.com}

MK Gadi Eisenkot said he is prepared to sit in a coalition with chareidi parties, but only if they accept what he described as three fundamental principles, while also cautioning against a repeat of a situation in which a prime minister leads the country despite heading a relatively small party.

Speaking on Ynet’s political podcast 120 VeAchat, hosted by Moran Azulay, Eisenkot presented himself as a leading figure within the opposition camp and discussed national security, coalition politics, and the future shape of Israel’s government.

Addressing the Iranian threat, Eisenkot argued that Israel missed an opportunity to respond more forcefully during Iran’s first direct missile attack on the Jewish state.

Asked what he would have done had he been prime minister during an Iranian missile barrage, Eisenkot replied: “I would have carried out what I proposed to Netanyahu in April 2024, during the first Iranian attack. I proposed a parallel strike while the missiles were on their way here. He blocked it and ultimately accepted someone else’s opinion. That was the strike that the National Security Minister described as a ‘dradleh.’ It was the only time in recent years that I could justify his actions.”

Turning to coalition-building and the role of the chareidi parties, Eisenkot said Israeli politicians spend too much time discussing whom they refuse to work with rather than identifying potential areas of agreement.

“It is better to talk about what we are willing to do rather than what we won’t do, because otherwise you end up with candidates saying, ‘We won’t sit with the chareidim,’ ‘We won’t sit with the Arabs,’ ‘We won’t sit with Ben Gvir,’ ‘We won’t sit with Smotrich,’ and ‘We won’t sit with the Likud under Netanyahu.’ Apparently they intend to form a coalition with the Baloch or the Freemasons. In the end, this is Israeli politics.”

Discussing efforts to unite the opposition, Eisenkot revealed that he had attempted to create a broad political alliance that would include multiple parties.

“I worked to build a super-party with two accompanying parties—Liberman on one side and Golan on the other. When that effort failed, I moved to Plan B, under which four parties would run separately.”

He also appeared to direct criticism toward Naftali Bennett, arguing that the next prime minister should come from the largest party in the bloc rather than from a smaller faction.

“As for who should lead the bloc, it is highly desirable that the candidate for prime minister receive the broadest support possible. Certainly not someone who heads a party with six or eight seats. In my view, that is not democratic. It is neither proper nor desirable. We already had that experience, and it should not be repeated.”

Asked directly whether Bennett could again seek the premiership without leading the largest party, Eisenkot suggested that Israelis have largely rejected that model.

“The Israeli public delegitimized the previous situation, even though the change government under Bennett was a reasonable, good government. It would be preferable not to repeat it, especially in light of the realities of recent years. It is preferable to have a large party at the center and a coalition that is as broad as possible.”

When questioned about his political identity, Eisenkot rejected conventional ideological labels.

“I am a man of the State of Israel who deeply believes in the idea of statesmanship. I view myself as a security hawk. I suggest that people go back to my farewell ceremony as chief of staff, when Netanyahu listed my achievements—our achievements, of course—and praised me for the use of force throughout the Middle East. Today he sends his emissaries to attack me for the very things he praised me for then.”

Eisenkot also outlined his vision for a new draft law, arguing that the events of October 7 fundamentally changed the national conversation.

“On October 7, everything changed, and a law must be passed based on four principles: 1. Service for everyone—chareidim and Arabs—whether military or national service. 2. The arrangement between the Likud and Agudas Yisroel is null and void, and authority should return to a professional body that determines who receives exemptions. 3. The State of Israel must dramatically reward regular and reserve soldiers while imposing penalties and sanctions on draft evaders. 4. The State of Israel should permit exemptions for 3% of each annual class. Ben-Gurion did this during the War of Independence, and it can be done now.”

Asked about his relationship with Arab lawmakers Ahmad Tibi and Ayman Odeh, Eisenkot said he does not maintain political ties with them but evaluates all parties according to the same standards.

“I do not have political relations with them. I prefer to discuss issues rather than individuals. Therefore, when I am asked about the Arab parties, I give the same answer that I give regarding the chareidi parties: I will sit with anyone who accepts three principles—Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, the values of the Declaration of Independence, and the obligation of military or national service.”

{Matzav.com}

A fighter in the IDF’s Chashmonaim Brigade has provided a rare glimpse into the unit’s operational activities in Yehudah and Shomron, speaking about nighttime raids, weapons seizures, and the unique challenges of serving as a chareidi soldier. He also addressed the ongoing debate over chareidi enlistment and explained why he believes chareidi soldiers benefit from having chareidi commanders.

Corporal Y., a fighter currently enrolled in the brigade’s squad commanders course, spoke with Kikar HaShabbos about both his military training and the operational missions carried out by participants in the course.

According to the soldier, the training program incorporates active operational duty alongside classroom and field instruction.

“As part of the course, we spend two weeks engaged in operational activity. We carry out offensive and defensive missions, search for weapons, and participate in the arrest of wanted suspects,” he explained.

He noted that much of the brigade’s work takes place after dark in order to maximize the element of surprise.

“Most of the activity in Yehudah and Shomron takes place at night in order to create an element of surprise. Before every mission, we carefully plan the route, the arrival, and all stages of execution, and then we head out at night to carry it out.”

Describing the types of assignments the troops encounter, he said many operations involve intelligence-driven missions focused on locating hidden weapons and apprehending wanted individuals.

“We receive information about weapons hidden along roads or inside villages, as well as suspects wanted for questioning, and we act accordingly,” he said.

The soldier also reflected on his operational service before entering the commanders course. He said that he served with his battalion along Israel’s northern border with Lebanon, first at the Zarit outpost and later at the Magen Yoav position.

“We were stationed at outposts in the sector and carried out disruption operations against Hezbollah activity directed toward Israel, as well as searches for weapons in the area,” he said.

Asked whether the public debate surrounding chareidi enlistment reaches soldiers in the field, he acknowledged that the topic does arise but said it is not a dominant issue among his fellow servicemen.

“There is some discussion among the guys, but in the end everyone does what his rav tells him to do. I spoke with my rav and he recommended that I enlist, so I enlisted.”

The fighter said he generally avoids walking around in uniform when off base, but added that his encounters with the public have largely been positive.

“When people meet me personally, the reactions are generally positive,” he said.

One of the subjects he emphasized most strongly was the importance of developing chareidi leadership within the brigade. He explained that during his training he was initially commanded by officers from the Religious Zionist community and later by chareidi commanders.

“In the end, a chareidi soldier needs a chareidi commander. There are many small things and nuances that a chareidi commander understands because he is familiar with the world from which the soldiers come,” he said.

Looking ahead, the soldier expressed interest in continuing along the command track and eventually assuming greater leadership responsibilities.

“Right now I want to become a squad commander, and later perhaps attend officers’ training as well. I would like to command recruits from the moment they arrive in the army until they become fighters.”

Concluding the interview, he offered a brief request to the public.

“Pray for us that we succeed.”

{Matzav.com}