Hezbollah’s deputy leader, Naim Qassem, made clear on Thursday that the group will not be dictated to, vowing that Hezbollah will “act as we see fit,” in a strong show of alignment with Iran, the AFP reports.
His comments were a direct retort to remarks made by Tom Barrack, the U.S. Special Envoy for Syria, who had issued a warning urging Hezbollah not to get involved in the escalating conflict between Israel and Iran.
In a defiant message, Qassem declared, “Tyrannical America and criminal Israel will not be able to subjugate the Iranian people and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.” He went on to reaffirm Hezbollah’s loyalty to Tehran, saying the group remains bound by “the responsibility to stand by Iran and provide it with all forms of support that contribute to putting an end to this tyranny and oppression.”
Barrack, who also serves as U.S. ambassador to Turkey, visited Beirut for the first time in his current role on Thursday. During the trip, he met with leading Lebanese officials, including Nabih Berri, the Parliament Speaker and a political ally of Hezbollah.
After his discussion with Berri, Barrack relayed a pointed warning from the Trump administration. Responding to questions about Hezbollah possibly entering the fray, he remarked, “I can say on behalf of President (Donald) Trump… that would be a very, very, very bad decision.”
Last year, Hezbollah suffered notable casualties during its confrontation with Israel, which ended in a ceasefire in November. After Israel carried out an airstrike in Iran last week, Lebanon’s foreign ministry said it was “continuing its contacts” to ensure Lebanon does not become entangled in the broader regional war.
Earlier in the week, leaders from Hezbollah and the Shiite movement Amal met to assess the unfolding regional crisis, focusing on the ongoing Iran-Israel conflict and its potential impact on Lebanon.
According to Al Akhbar, both groups issued a joint denunciation of Israeli actions in Lebanon, characterizing them as “desperate attempts to attack the Axis of Resistance and harm the will of free states.”
In a statement released after their meeting, the two organizations asserted that Iran remains the central pillar in confronting what they described as a strategy of domination and colonialism.
On the domestic front, the groups highlighted the urgency of reconstructing Lebanese regions damaged by “Israeli aggression,” and labeled this effort as a matter of national significance.
{Matzav.com Israel}
In a dramatic halachic decision prompted by the ongoing war, former Rishon Letzion and nosi of the Moetzet Chachmei HaTorah of Shas, Rav Yitzchak Yosef, has ruled that weddings may be held during the Bein HaMetzarim period this year due to the extenuating circumstances facing many couples across the country.
The ruling comes in light of widespread cancellations of weddings following Home Front Command guidelines. In response to questions from rabbanim across both Sephardic and Ashkenazic communities, Rav Yosef issued a detailed halachic letter permitting — and in some cases encouraging — couples not to postpone their wedding plans during the traditionally mournful period between the 17th of Tammuz and Rosh Chodesh Av.
The letter, titled “Holding Weddings During Bein HaMetzarim, 5785,” offers critical guidance to numerous young couples whose weddings were either canceled or delayed and who now face severe difficulty finding alternative dates or venues.
Rav Yosef makes clear that for Sephardic Jews who follow the rulings of the Mechaberin Shulchan Aruch, it is fully permitted — and even a mitzvah — to marry during this time. He emphasizes that this has been the long-standing custom in Yerushalayim for generations and applies regardless of whether the chosson has already fulfilled the mitzvah of pru u’rvu.
Although the ruling is rooted in Sephardic custom, Rav Yosef addresses Ashkenazic practice as well, noting that those who typically follow the more stringent opinion of the Rama, which prohibits weddings from the 17th of Tammuz onward, should still consider being lenient this year. He writes that the logistical challenges and emotional toll of postponements could lead to serious michsholim (spiritual pitfalls) and hardship. “HaMachmir bazeh, yotzei sechoro behefsedo,” he writes — “one who is stringent in this matter will ultimately lose more than he gains.”
He supports his lenient ruling by citing several Acharonim, including the Aruch HaShulchan, who permitted weddings during this period when necessary (excluding the week of Tishah B’Av), and Rav Aryeh Leib Grossnas in Shu”t Lev Aryeh, who ruled that “in a time of need, one should permit it.” Rav Yosef adds, “There is no greater time of need than the current moment.”
The letter concludes with a heartfelt call for Klal Yisrael to strengthen their commitment to Torah and tefillah. “Eis tzarah hi l’Yaakov, u’mimenah yevashea.”
{Matzav.com Israel}
In a moving recollection, Ponovezh Rosh Yeshiva Rav Beel Povarsky shared memories of the tumultuous days of Israel’s War of Independence in 1948, describing how the safest place he could think of during air raid sirens was the home of the Chazon Ish zt”l.
Rav Povarsky recounted: “The war had just begun, in 1948, when Ben Gurion declared the establishment of the state. Immediately the Arabs, including Egypt, planned to attack. Egypt sent a plane. There were sirens, and a bomb landed here on the K’vish HaShachor.”
He described how people reacted to the sirens at the time: “When the alarm sounded, there was a shelter at the yeshiva. Everyone went there. Some stood close to the pillars of the building.”
But Rav Povarsky’s instinct was different.
“The first thing I did when the siren went off,” he said, “was run to the Chazon Ish. That was the best shelter there was. I came in, and he was sitting and learning. He was so happy I had come. The windows were open—nothing was closed. We spoke in learning. That’s how it was.”
{Matzav.com Israel}
The Department of Homeland Security has refuted the Los Angeles Dodgers’ assertion that Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) attempted to carry out a raid at Dodger Stadium on Thursday.
The Dodgers, the current World Series titleholders, posted on their official X (formerly Twitter) account that ICE agents had tried to gain entry to the stadium’s parking area early Thursday. The team claimed it blocked the agents from entering — framing the incident as part of Los Angeles’ broader defiance of Trump administration immigration crackdowns.
But according to DHS representatives, the incident was being exaggerated and mischaracterized. Officials stated that there was never an active enforcement plan targeting the stadium.
“This had nothing to do with the Dodgers,” the agency wrote on X. “CBP vehicles were in the stadium parking lot very briefly, unrelated to any operation or enforcement.”
An ICE spokesperson confirmed to The Post that there was no immigration action planned at the venue. According to the agency, the parking lot was simply used temporarily for logistical purposes.
Though several DHS vehicles were seen near Dodger Stadium in the Elysian Park neighborhood, including agents wearing masks, no arrests were reported in the area throughout the day.
Sources within the Los Angeles Police Department noted that the team did not request LAPD assistance to remove the federal agents. However, according to the LA Times, the Dodgers did contact authorities when a group of demonstrators opposing ICE showed up at the site.
The organization has faced increasing calls from activists and community members urging it to speak out more forcefully against immigration enforcement actions in the city.
Tensions could rise even further following remarks by President Trump’s immigration policy leader, Tom Homan, who announced on Thursday that ICE would resume worksite enforcement targeting locations like farms, hotels, and other businesses employing undocumented workers.
“We will concentrate on worksites on a prioritized basis just like we do at large operations,” he told reporters at the White House Thursday.
This announcement comes shortly after the Trump administration had indicated that it would hold off on conducting raids at places such as restaurants, farms, and hospitality venues.
{Matzav.com}
President Trump is reportedly holding off on greenlighting a military strike on Iran due to fears that such an action could spiral into a destabilizing repeat of the Libyan crisis, sources close to his administration told The NY Post. Trump is said to be pausing his decision for as long as two weeks.
According to three individuals familiar with internal White House discussions, Trump has specifically cited the 2011 downfall of Muammar Gaddafi — and the chaos that followed — as a cautionary tale. Gaddafi’s removal after a NATO-led campaign resulted in prolonged civil unrest and power vacuums across Libya.
One source involved in the administration’s talks said, “Trump doesn’t want it to turn into Libya,” in reference to the deliberations over whether the U.S. should join Israel’s current bombing campaign targeting Iran’s nuclear program.
During a Thursday press briefing, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt stated that Trump was taking time to weigh his options carefully, explaining that his hesitation was due in part to “the fact that there’s a substantial chance of negotiations that may or may not take place with Iran in the near future.”
Iran’s top diplomat Abbas Araghchi is expected to meet with his European counterparts — representing the UK, France, Germany, and the EU — in Geneva on Friday to discuss the ongoing crisis. Leavitt clarified that U.S. envoy Steve Witkoff would not be attending the summit but emphasized that he remains in active contact with the Iranians.
One individual with direct access to Trump said they personally heard the president mention concerns about Iran descending into a Libya-style collapse even before Israel launched its opening salvo against Iranian nuclear facilities.
Other administration-linked sources said they were briefed by people who had heard Trump draw parallels not only to Libya but also to Afghanistan and Iraq — two other U.S.-involved conflicts that resulted in prolonged instability.
A fifth person, who did not hear Trump’s comments firsthand, but was debriefed on his internal considerations, said the president was leaning toward authorizing precise bombing raids focused on Iran’s nuclear infrastructure — particularly at the deeply buried sites of Fordow and Natanz — using 30,000-pound “bunker buster” ordnance that Israeli aircraft are not equipped to carry.
“Libya was a much more extended kind of bombing commitment, and it ended up being regime change,” that source said.
“If the regime falls [in Iran], then it’s not on Trump, because that’s not the goal of his very limited strike.”
That person added that one of the main worries is whether a post-Khamenei Iran could end up in even worse hands, stating, “we get somebody worse than Khamenei.”
“As far as President Trump goes, he’s not going to get in the business of who runs Iran, that’s very salable to his base,” the source said.
A separate insider close to the White House noted that even if a successful U.S. strike were to take out Iran’s nuclear facilities, it would still raise the challenge of dealing with Tehran’s retaliation — which could include terrorism or environmental fallout.
“He’d rather have a deal,” the source told The NY Post.
“There are two reasons Trump talks about Libya: the first is the chaos after what we did to Gaddafi. The second is the Libya intervention made it more difficult to negotiate deals with countries like North Korea and Iran,” said the source who heard the president directly mention the comparison.
In sharp contrast to Trump’s hesitations, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz was explicit in his call for Khamenei’s removal, branding the Iranian leader “the modern Hitler” on Thursday.
“The IDF has been instructed and knows that to achieve all the objectives, without question this man should no longer continue to exist,” Defense Minister Israel Katz said.
That same day, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made clear that Trump’s involvement in the conflict was entirely optional, while also asserting that Israel’s military was capable of finishing the job without relying on American “bunker buster” munitions.
“We will achieve all our objectives and hit all of their nuclear facilities. We have the capability to do that,” Netanyahu said when asked by a reporter about the Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant hidden half a mile under a mountain.
After Israel’s preemptive assault on Iran’s nuclear infrastructure last week, several military analysts expressed skepticism that Israel could successfully destroy the Fordow site, given its fortified underground location.
Even with American-supplied 2,000-pound bombs, Israeli airpower had been considered insufficient to breach that level of protection.
The Middle East has seen numerous civil wars in recent decades — in places like Iraq, Syria, Yemen, and Afghanistan — many of which involved U.S. military intervention. But Trump has consistently pointed to Libya when discussing the dangers of regime change.
Muammar Gaddafi ruled Libya for over four decades before he was deposed by insurgents supported by the Obama administration. He had previously agreed to abandon a nuclear weapons program in 2003.
Khamenei, similarly, has been at the helm of Iran for decades — serving 35 years as supreme leader, following nearly a decade as president during the reign of his predecessor, Ayatollah Khomeini.
Libya’s collapse shattered hopes of democracy and instead ushered in a brutal era of chaos. Warlords battled for power, extremist groups like ISIS spread terror, and public executions were filmed on beaches. The absence of central authority decimated oil production and turned Libya into a gateway for desperate migrants risking their lives to reach Europe.
At Thursday’s White House briefing, Leavitt emphasized that the president was hearing from a broad array of voices — both at home and abroad — before making any military decisions.
“Based on the fact that there’s a substantial chance of negotiations that may or may not take place with Iran in the near future, I will make my decision whether or not to go within the next two weeks,” she said, relaying Trump’s official message.
When asked about regime change, Leavitt responded, “the president’s top priority right now is to ensure that Iran can not attain a nuclear weapon and providing peace and stability to the Middle East.”
{Matzav.com}
Iran’s long-standing alliance with its so-called “Axis of Resistance” appears to be unraveling, as the Islamic Republic faces growing isolation in the region. Analysts say Iran is increasingly being left to fend for itself as its regional partners retreat in the face of mounting military and political pressure, the NY Post.
For years, Tehran has poured resources into arming and organizing militias across Gaza, Lebanon, Yemen, Iraq, and Syria. But now, most of these groups are in disarray — battered by losses, weakened operationally, and unwilling to escalate further on Iran’s behalf.
Rather than aiding Iran, the proxies once considered devoted allies — including Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and various Shiite factions — are now preoccupied with their own survival and regional positioning.
In some cases, those factions have grown disillusioned with Iran’s ability to shield them from the fallout of the broader conflict.
“For all of these networks right now, it’s about survival. They all understand the wrath of these types of military campaigns,” Renad Mansour, a senior fellow and director of the Iraq Initiative at Chatham House, told the Wall Street Journal.
“Many of them question if this is the time for resistance or whether it’s the time to keep your head down and try to stay out of this conflict,” he added.
Israel’s ongoing military operation in Gaza has, by its own count, eliminated roughly 20,000 Hamas fighters and dismantled most of the terror group’s military capabilities. Since then, Hamas has fired only sporadic rockets in retaliation, even after Israel clashed directly with Iran.
Hezbollah, once viewed as Iran’s crown jewel of proxy power, has also been seriously weakened. A campaign by the Israeli military in Lebanon last year reportedly took out much of the group’s leadership, including its founder Hassan Nasrallah.
The surprise Israeli “pager” operation in September resulted in dozens of Hezbollah fighters killed and thousands more injured. That strike, Arab officials say, left the group in disarray, prompting a shift from confrontation to rebuilding.
Some Hezbollah insiders are said to harbor resentment over Iran’s failure to shield them from that deadly strike. According to Arab diplomats, internal voices have even partially blamed the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps for intelligence shortcomings that led to the losses.
In the immediate aftermath of the Gaza war, Hezbollah had been launching near-daily rocket fire at Israeli targets. But since Iran was attacked last week, not a single projectile has been fired — a stark change from past behavior.
Lebanon’s leadership has also played a role in holding the group back. Both President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam publicly declared on Monday that Lebanon would not be drawn into a new war, and other officials have worked to enforce the cease-fire with Israel.
Another major setback for Tehran came when longtime ally Bashar al-Assad was deposed in Syria during a rapid popular uprising late last year.
Assad’s fall was a major loss for Iran’s strategic foothold in the region. Making matters worse for Tehran, reports surfaced that it did not mobilize its affiliated militias to defend Assad — instead directing them to withdraw.
In Iraq, Iran-aligned Shiite groups that once regularly targeted American forces have gone quiet. They have avoided confrontation even as regional tensions escalate.
According to Arab sources familiar with internal discussions, these militias are wary of engaging in conflict, as many of their senior members now hold government positions and are enjoying economic gains from Iraq’s petroleum-based prosperity.
“They’ve been sort of benefiting from Iraq’s stability, in a way, and the high oil prices to develop economic empires,” said Mansour of the dozens of Iran-backed groups.
To date, only Kataeb Hezbollah has publicly commented on the conflict — and even then, the group made clear that it would only respond if American forces entered the battle directly.
In Yemen, the Iran-backed Houthis have taken a more vocal stance, issuing threats to target Israeli and U.S. vessels in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden in response to strikes on Tehran.
The Houthis have launched missiles at Israel since the outbreak of hostilities, claiming that their attacks are being coordinated closely with Iran as part of a joint effort.
But according to analysts, these declarations may be more about optics than actual alignment.
“It’s a Houthi-first policy,” Elisabeth Kendall, a Middle East expert and head of the University of Cambridge’s Girton College, told the WSJ.
“They’re not going to put their own necks on the line for the supreme leader. They’re going to figure out what’s actually best for them,” she added.
Over the past year, the Houthis have suffered heavy damage from repeated U.S. and British air raids targeting their military infrastructure.
American airstrikes in March and April — which were later linked to the so-called SignalGate scandal — reportedly crippled the Houthis’ ability to launch missiles and drones, according to U.S. officials.
{Matzav.com}
How a Yerushalayim Seminary Transformed Heartache into Joy with a Surprise Celebration
By Matzav.com
It was supposed to be the happiest night of her family’s life, but she was 6,000 miles away.
Somewhere across the ocean, in Lakewood, her brother stood under the chuppah, flanked by generations of love and hope. And she, his sister, was in a seminary dormitory in Yerushalayim, knowing she would miss it all.
But her friends had a different plan.
Last night, in a quiet Yerushalayim neighborhood, one seminary girl experienced a night she’ll never forget — not because of what she missed, but because of what her friends made sure she wouldn’t.
The Setup
She thought it would be just another long, bittersweet night. The ache of being far from family, missing the dancing, the brachos, the smiles, the sheva berachos, all of it. She knew she’d be able to watch the livestream later, but nothing could truly replace being there.
But her friends had been secretly preparing something extraordinary. For hours they had planned. Quietly, carefully, with love in every detail.
And then it happened.
As she walked into the seminary hall, her breath caught. She was greeted by what could only be described as… a wedding.
The Surprise
Every girl was dressed to the nines — gowns, updos, heels, full makeup. Her roommates wore elegant evening dresses. Someone had pulled out a real loudspeaker, another had set up a keyboard (with a girl miming along), and a microphone. Music blasted. Lights dimmed. The room shimmered with joy.
They had built a wedding from scratch.
Together, the entire seminary danced — circles and circles of friends, sisters in every way but name — with the girl of the night in the center, radiant, stunned, overwhelmed. The energy was electric, the emotion palpable.
Then the seminary principals arrived — both of them — one of them holding her young daughter in her arms. They joined the dancing too, with the same joy and passion, each one taking her turn in the center of the circle with the kallah’s sister.
And it didn’t stop there.
The Atmosphere
A wall had been draped in white tablecloths, adorned with real fresh flowers. A stunning buffet table stood nearby — not just symbolic, but delicious. Girls had spent four hours in the kitchen making fresh potato kugel, while others assembled vibrant fruit platters and arranged snacks with the flair of a professional simchah planner.
And then came second dance.
The eim bayits joined in, dressed in Shabbos clothes, as the simchah took on a whole new level. There was shtick — real shtick: a parachute, juggling acts, even a fire-swallower (yes, really — one of the girls had learned the trick). Girls did choreographed dances and comedic bits. It was fun. It was pure. It was holy.
And yes — they even had a mitzvah tantz.
Brownies and peanut butter ice cream followed, along with a grammen, a soulful kumzitz, and finally — a dramatic escort as they danced the girl back to the dorm, as if she were returning from an actual wedding hall.
The Real Moment
And at 2 a.m., they gathered again. This time in the dorm, quiet and still. They turned on the livestream, watching the real wedding unfold across the ocean. There were tears. Smiles. Connection.
She was there, after all — not just virtually, but spiritually, and emotionally, and with a heart so full of love and sisterhood it could have lit up the night sky of two continents.
A Night of True Friendship
There are moments in life when you realize the greatness of the people around you. This was one of those moments.
It wasn’t just a sweet gesture. It wasn’t a distraction. It was a full simchah, built with nothing but heart, creativity, and deep ahavas Yisroel. These girls didn’t just say, “We feel for you.” They said, “You’re not missing anything — because we’re going to make it happen for you.”
And they did.
One Yerushalayim seminary reminded us what true friendship looks like — and what it means to dance with someone else’s simchah as if it were your own.
{Matzav.com}
Crowds packed the streets of Tenafly, New Jersey, erupting in cheers and waving flags as Edan Alexander finally came home, nearly 600 days after he was abducted and held captive by Hamas. The hometown celebration marked the end of a harrowing ordeal and the joyous return of a local hero.
With a broad smile and dark sunglasses shielding his eyes, Alexander shared a few words with The New York Post while being driven through Tenafly’s main street. “Great,” he said simply when asked how he felt, adding that it was good to be home.
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Supporters lined the sidewalks, many draped in Israeli flags or holding up hand-painted signs that read, “Welcome home Edan.” The crowd sang and danced to the familiar refrain of “Am Yisrael Chai,” expressing collective pride and relief.
Now 21, Alexander served as a staff sergeant in the Israel Defense Forces. He was one of 251 people taken hostage during Hamas’s brutal October 7, 2023 assault and was the final American hostage to make it out alive.
“We didn’t know if he was alive for a long time and that was very hard to think about,” said Gaia Hamani, 25, of Alpine. Her brother had attended both preschool and high school with Alexander, creating a deep personal connection to his story.
“He left everything. He left the comfort of his home in New Jersey. He didn’t have to go to the army. He volunteered to do that. It takes a lot of courage and strength to do that,” she added, reflecting on the sacrifice Alexander had made.
Hamani recalled how she and her mother kept Alexander’s photo in their wallets throughout his captivity as a constant reminder to daven for him.
“We prayed for him all the time. I always think of him in relation to my brother — to think what he went through, I can’t imagine,” she said, visibly emotional.
Details of Alexander’s treatment while in captivity were harrowing. According to the Kan public broadcaster, he was routinely kept in a cage, bound at his wrists and ankles, and subjected to torture deep in Hamas’s underground tunnels.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu credited Alexander’s release to the IDF’s unrelenting military operations in Gaza, coupled with diplomatic efforts led by President Trump.
The emotional weight of the moment was evident everywhere. Hamani said that as she drove to the welcome-home event and saw children waving Israeli flags, she was overcome and began to cry.
Michal Fox, 51, a psychologist and mother of four from Englewood, said the celebration wasn’t just for Alexander—it was a much-needed moment of unity and healing for the Jewish community as a whole.
“It’s a great way for the community to come together. There are so many bad things that happened but we are going to celebrate him together,” she told The Post.
“It means to everyone that there is hope. There is resilience. He’s the signature child, person for resilience and how we can get through things,” she said, reflecting the crowd’s mood.
Though she had never met the Alexanders, Fox said their pain and triumph felt personal. “I don’t know them,” she said. “I don’t know anyone, but that’s what the Jewish community does. We come together. Their child is our child.”
{Matzav.com}
